The Jordan B. Peterson Podcast - 243. Quillette's Founder On Starting The Most Controversial Magazine In The World | Claire Lehmann

Episode Date: April 11, 2022

This episode was recorded on October 29th, 2021.Claire Lehmann and talk about the success of Quillette magazine, left-wing authoritarianism, gender dysphoria, mentorship, stereotypes, social media, ingroup preference, moral reasoning, aggressive empathy, and more.Claire Lehmann is the founding editor of Quillette magazine. She works with journalists whose kind of content or views make finding a platform difficult. Quillette has published exciting articles by Coleman Hughes, Rav Arora, Rob Henderson, and Kevin Mims—to name a few.________________Find more from Claire Lehmann on Twitter: https://twitter.com/clairlemonInstagram: https://instagram.com/clairelehmannTake a peek at Quillette itself: https://quillette.com/Other links: https://linktr.ee/clairelehmann________________Chapters________________[0:00] Intro[0:54] What Is Quillette?[6:39] Political Leanings & Staying Centered[11:44] Mentorship Relationships[15:18] Social Challenges[20:19] Claire & Quillette’s Success[26:13] Left-wing Authoritarianism I[31:04] Stereotype Accuracy Research[33:36] Left-wing Authoritarianism II[35:51] Social Media & Unification[44:35] Barrier Effects in Human Aggression[51:43] Social Media & Wildfire Ideas[58:12] Memes & Gender Dysphoria[1:05:27] Media Pressure[1:09:09] Quillette’s Growth Pattern[1:12:39] Behind Reading Demographics[1:17:07] Aggressive Empathy & Moral Reasoning[1:24:49] Outro#Authoritarianism #Media #Gender #SocialMedia #Quillette #Journalism

Welcome to episode 243 of the JBP podcast, I'm Michaela Peterson. This episode featured Claire Layman from Kuala Latt. Her and dad discussed the success of Kuala Latt magazine, left-wing authoritarianism, gender dysphoria, mentorship, stereotypes, social media, and in-group preference, moral reasoning, aggressive empathy, and more. Claire is the founding editor of Kualaette magazine. She works with journalists whose type of content or views make finding a platform difficult. Kualaette has published articles from Coleman Hughes, Raverora, Rob Henderson, and Kevin

Mims among others. I wanted to remind you guys that dad is on parlor. If you're trying to avoid Twitter, check it out, parlor. Also please visit JordanB Peterson dot supercast dot com to sign up for the ad free version of this podcast. Plus other premium perks. It works on all major platforms and it's just $10 a month. Again, that's only at JordanB Peterson dot supercast dot com. I hope you enjoy this conversation. [♪ Music playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in background, playing in I'm pleased to have with me as a guest today Claire Layman, the founding editor of Quillette, and someone I've known for a while now, as much as you could know someone when you're in Canada and they're in Australia. Quillette is a nonpartisan online publication that publishes long-form commentary and analysis,

and which specializes in ideas other outlets often appear too timid to touch. ideas other outlets often appear too timid to touch. Collette's first anthology was panics and persecutions, 20-quilette tales of excommunication in the digital age, which featured essays from those who have been targeted by mobs in academic and artistic communities. Claire is also a regular contributor to the Australian, the most widely read newspaper in Australia. Hello, good to see you.

It's been a long time since we've talked. I do, and thanks so much for having me. And it's good to see you. So let's start by talking about Kuala'th. Let's go back to the beginning. You were a graduate student in psychology, if I remember correctly, pursuing a master's degree at that point, and then you took a sideways move and why?

Well, often people assume that I left university or left academia because for a political reason, but it wasn't the case. The situation was simply that I had a baby at the time was simply that I had a baby at the time and I couldn't juggle my requirement to do hundreds of hours of unpaid clinical work to complete my master's with also having a baby at home. So I just so you did something easy like start the most controversial new magazine in the world perhaps or in the English speaking world. Well it was meant to be a project to keep me occupied in between quitting my masters in finding a professional job. It wasn't ever meant to be in my career, but it took off almost immediately after I launched the website and attracted quite an engaged readership. So over time, I naturally started to focus more on collect and less on other things.

And now it's my full-time job and it's my full-time, you know, occupies my full-time mental capacity. And it's a very rewarding and fulfilling occupation. That's for sure. Well, you picked a great name. So that's a good start. Yeah. And you've had great writers. I mean, who have you particularly enjoyed publishing?

And what do you think's been most worthwhile as far as you're concerned? Well, the best part of the job is finding young writers, and by young, I mean very young in the early 20s, or even late teens in some cases who are brilliant, and who wouldn't be picked up by other publications because they don't know the right people in media, they're too young, they don't have the connections.

I think one thing I've been really proud of with Colette is our promotion of young talent, promotion of talent that, you know, we have writers that come from rural areas to want in the big cities. We have a really diverse, we publish older people, younger people, we have a real true diversity in our writers, and that's not by design. We're not plucking people out because they fit our diversity metrics. It's just that when you select people on talent and you naturally get a diverse range of voices. Yeah, there's a truly egalitarian statement, right? Yeah, yeah. If you actually believe, if you actually believe that merit is distributed

throughout all human populations, let's say ethnicities, races, gender, sacks, all of that, then why not just choose on merit? And it's what I find is that if you select on merit, you will find the diamond in the right, if you will find the writers who might not be the best self-promotors, the best at attending the right parties and sucking up to the right editors. But if you assess people's writing purely

on the quality and originality of their ideas, you naturally get a broad range of voices and that's something I'm really proud of. And some of our younger writers include people like common fused and well, he's not with us anymore but we were the first to publish him. Some of our younger writers include people like Common Hughes, and well, he's not with us anymore, but we were the first to publish him. Rav Evora, Rob Henderson, he's not as young as Coleman,

but he's an amazingly original thinker and comes from a unique, has a unique background. Another writer who I'm proud of publishing is or thinker and comes from a unique, has a unique background. Another writer who I'm proud of publishing is an older writer who is an Amazon warehouse worker. And he writes from a sort of a blue color working class perspective. He's very well read and has a very unique but important voice. You know, he can contextualize issues around class from a real lived experience, which is kind

of rare in journalism, because journalism has become such an elite occupation, particularly in the United States. Which is, Kevin Mims. Kevin Mims, so that's the... Yeah, well, I've often found that the most interesting people to speak with are very smart people who haven't been educated. Yeah. Haven't pursued a complete course of higher education,

and they do the reading on their own, and they think in some ways on the own and so when you encounter them they have ideas that you don't hear from anyone else. Yeah, yeah. Yeah, and they're not affected by the manners. So so much of education is just about internalizing the manners of the upper middle class. And when you don't, when you, when you have the ideas and the insights, but they don't come with the baggage of all of that upper class etiquette can be quite interesting. And they can be quite humorous often as well. So do you regard Quillette as a conservative or a right wing

publication? And was that your goal to begin with? No, we're not conservative and we're not right-wing. I'm not particularly, well, I would consider myself a centrist. I'm conservative on some issues, for sure. But I don't come in a conservative package and I'm quite high in openness to experience so my temperament is quite liberal and how about conscientiousness? It could be higher. Yeah well your room is clean so that's that's part of that. Yeah that that that was the last minute effort to just

push things out. I see I see. Yeah no I'm not orderly at all. I mean, dustriest, but my all-blowness is actually quite low. And I wasn't, I never considered myself a conservative until, I think the left became a bit, became sort of hijacked by the social justice ideas. Yeah, that's exactly what happened to me as well. Yeah, yeah. I never thought I was a conservative. Yeah, yeah. You know, who knows, right?

Yeah. And but I do think there are tremendous insights in conservative philosophy. And, you know, as I've grown older and become a parent and that kind of thing, I appreciate the conservative perspective a lot more than I used to when I was younger. Yeah, well, the conservative emphasis on being very careful of unintended consequences is definitely something that is wise. And a necessary counterpart to, well, too much incoherstous originality, let's say. in cautious originality, let's say. Yeah, and I think that the conservatives have it right when it comes to family and relationships. There's not a whole lot of experimentation that one can do with family structure without it going haywire.

Yeah, well, it's a difficult thing to manage. So, you know, I just can't see how it's possible to operate as a single parent, particularly. It's very, very difficult to do that, to work and to raise children. I mean, I know people do it, and some people do it extremely well, but man, it's quite the damn job to manage it well. And then you don't have someone around constantly to talk to about your kids, which is also a problem. I mean, maybe you have friends, but that's not quite the same thing. So that doesn't necessarily say that the nuclear family is the only option, but we are pretty tightly pair bonded as a species.

So yeah. No, I think it's hard work, but the trade-off, and something our culture is not very good at talking about is the risk to children that is presented by having unrelated adults in their household, which is something I'm very aware of being a mother, you know, you can't, when you've got little children running around and they're creating messes and dramas and they're acting up, you kind of need the male in the house to be biologically related to them, to protect them from potential aggravation. It's just, you know, it seems to me a uniquely dangerous thing to do to your children to bring in men who don't have the instinct

to care for them, but that's separate issue. Well, it did, yes, yes, no, I mean, one fact that has been pretty persistent in in psychological investigation is the fact that your child is at a much higher risk for physical abuse from a step parent. I think it's I hate to say this, but I think it's a hundredfold. It's something like that. But that that part might be wrong. It's been a while since I looked at it, but I think it's 100-fold. It's something like that. But that part might be wrong. It's been a while since I looked at it, but the fact that it's a greatly increased risk

is not wrong. And that is definitely worth thinking about. I mean, children push your buttons. And yes, and smart, tough children particularly do that. And so, well, there has to be some inhibition of that. And that, well, we don't necessarily understand exactly the relationship between the love that inhibits that sort of thing and direct genetic relationship, biological relationship. But it's not zero, that's for sure. Yeah, so those

people you listed as writers for Kuala, they've gone on to have quite the careers, Rao Vavora, Rob Henderson, Coleman Hughes. Yeah, so that's nice. Yeah, it's exciting to be able to find young people and to put them in positions where they can succeed or to help them along that path. That's one thing I really liked about being a professor with undergrads and graduate students when that worked. Yeah, that's definitely the most rewarding aspect

of the job and just giving people a platform, particularly when people are going through a difficult time, you know, if published lots of articles written by people who are being, you know, for once of a better term, canceled at their university or their workplace and you know Tortured is a better word really yeah yeah and we had an article about the the similarities between cancel culture and torture a few weeks ago on

Kuala. So that that that's also been very rewarding just being able to provide a bit of cover for people and a bit of moral support and giving giving people a voice, but potentially when they're going through a rough time in their lives. So that's true. So you know, that comment you made about the most rewarding part of it being the ability to find promising young people and to open doors for them. That's really worth thinking about too, because people have, it's easy for people to have a stereotypical view of, let's say, the boss in an organization. And there are unreasonable bosses and foolish ones

and stupid ones, obviously, because for obvious reasons. But I think that benevolent element is extremely overlooked. When people are thinking about how organizations are structured, because the good people I know in organizations think the way you do about what they're doing, that there's almost nothing more fun than finding some young person who's promising and helping them succeed in a variety of ways as people and

as there's a new sitcom. I don't know if you've seen it. It's quite interesting called Ted Lasso. It's about an American football coach who goes to the UK to coach a soccer team. And it's a very, very positive sitcom and has a very positive male and female characters, which is quite rare, but it focuses on that to a tremendous degree and very effectively, I think, that it's sort of in low-co-parentist, and it makes sense that that would be a motivation because of course we love our children

and most of the time, and we would like to facilitate their development. And so why wouldn't that be a natural source of reward? It's an analog to that when you're running an organization. Well, it's definitely. And you know, you would know this as a clinical psychologist that we often feel anxious and depressed when we're focusing on ourselves too much. And we're emanating and we're thinking about, you know, when we get trapped in our own mind and our own world. And so focusing on what we can do for others,

is a really easy way to get out of that trap. Yeah, well, depressed people use eye a lot. Yeah. Yes, pronoun use, you know how important that is. So, but yes, that constant use of self-referential pronouns is the sign of depression. And that's an interesting observation. We really don't know how much you have to concentrate on other people to be optimally situated in terms of your emotional regulation.

But too much self-focused, that is clearly associated with depression. Could the causal connection is hard to exactly establish, but certainly people who get depressed do tend to sever or lose a lot of their social connections, and that tends to make their depression spiral. I also, when I was treating people with social anxiety, we know one of the things that I had them practice doing was paying more attention to other people. And I meant that like physically and psychologically, it's like if you start getting anxious instead of avoiding and falling into your self devouring thoughts, pay attention to the faces in particular

of the people you're interacting with because you'll see with depressed and anxious people, they'll often avoid eye contact. They're trying to shield themselves from what they see as excessive evaluation, right? And they think that evaluation is going to be critical. But if they would just look, then that's generally not true. And depressed and anxious people radically overestimate the degree to which that's true. And then the other thing that happens is that if I'm not looking at you, then I'm going to be awkward in my conversation with you. And that's going to make me anxious.

But if I look at your face, well, then I can see what you're doing and how you're operating. And then all the automatic mechanisms I have that if I'm reasonably socially skilled, they just kick in. Some people lack that, but most people don't. And so as long as they initiate it through attention, then a way they go. Yeah, that's a really good point. And it reminds me of the experience I had growing up. So I worked before I was doing psychology psychology masters and before I'd been doing Kualaette, I worked for 10 years from the age of 15 to 25 as a waitress. And I think that was actually probably one of the best things that I've done in my life because I mean for a range of reasons,

I remember being in my lectins in early 20s and just having all of these interactions with people every, every night, well, I wouldn't work every night, but you their dinner, that kind of thing, and make sure everything's okay. I mean, they're just tiny, small interactions, but any, any socialite anxieties immediately, immediately, becomes immediately extinct. And you learn confidence in just talking to people and any kind of fear that you might have as a young person who sort of, you know, doesn't have high status or hasn't had much experience in the world. That's that all melts away just from having a service job. And I think that having a service job is one of the best things a young person can do, particularly if they suffer from any. Did you enjoy it? Oh yeah, I loved it. Yeah, I worked in restaurants for years. I started when I was 14. I worked in restaurants on and off until I was probably 19 or so for about, so for about five years.

That was mostly as a shorter cook and so forth. Or I started as a dishwasher, but it's tremendously social occupation. Yeah, yeah, I loved it. And in one restaurant in particular I worked there with friends and it was a rude shock to me to graduate university and then get an office job after working in a restaurant because it was so boring by comparison and so to, it just seemed like it wasn't real work working in an office. I worked with this guy named Scotty Kyle.

And he was about 34 years old, and he had been an alcoholic, and he had most of his teeth punched out in fights. He was a rough guy, but he'd stopped drinking by the time I was working with him. And he was a great practical Joker. And so the best, and he was always playing jokes on the waitresses, and they liked him. He wasn't mean. He was very, very funny. And so they got along with him really well. And the best joke he ever pulled, I thought, was we had a cooler that you could walk into.

And in the cooler, there was a white bucket that we kept salad in in ice water so that we could just scoop it out and serve a fresh salad pretty straightforwardly. The waitresses would go back and do that. It was their job to serve the salads and to get them out of the cooler. So Scotty stuffed himself into the cooler, which was only about this wide, and he put his

hands in the ice water, and then the lights were off back there too. And so when the waitress came back into the room where the cooler was known, she put the scoop in to get the cell and he grabbed her hands through both his hands, which were ice cold. Well, she's, I was about three rooms away, but you could definitely hear her scream and I think you could hear it through the whole restaurant. It was extraordinarily funny.

And so that's one of the things I really liked about working class jobs actually is that they had a humor. And the constant humor that was happening, that was. Absolutely, yeah. So back to Kuala. So why did Kuala succeed so well, do you think? What did you do right? And I mean, timing is something,

right? But still, you have to be in the right place. You were in the right place at the right time, and so what happened, do you think? Well, I'm pretty good at spotting talent, and so I spotted a couple of writers. I was on Twitter and I saw people writing for their own blogs. One of them was Jamie Palmer, who's now sort of second in charge. He's senior editor in London. He was writing for his own blog. And I remember reading his prose and just thinking, why isn't this guy working for the Sunday Times? His prose was so beautiful and so had such a complexity that was so interesting. So I could see unexploded talent. And I mean, when I created Kulette, it was in like 2015, it was just before or happened simultaneously with the creation of the heterodox academy and I was actually, you know, I was a psychology symposium. And I went to meet him and talk to him

and we talked a lot about the left wing bias in psychology in particular social psychology. Yeah, let we should talk more about that. Yeah, so that was fascinating to me because you know, I had been studying psychology for a long time. I loved psychology. I like my favorite aspects of psychology that the sort of things that you look at such as personality and individual differences, but it was really amazing to me to discover that social psychology might have a huge replication problem because they had this political bias

sort of baked into their studies. And so I went to talk to Lee Jossam about this. And this, this, I mean, this was six years ago, but it was before the problems in academia had become very widely known and talked about. And so I was fascinated, I was fascinated by this idea that a particular area of science could be corrupted by political bias. And then I wanted to write an article about this particular topic. And I thought there's no publication that will have me because the publications that focus on science, such as Scientific American or even the Guardian, they publish on scientific topics, they're over, they linked, and then publications

that might be interested in publishing articles that can test some left-wing narratives, they're not going to be particularly interested in science. So I needed a publication that could have, that was interested in analysis and scientific rigor, but was also going to challenge left wing narratives. And I thought that such a publication didn't actually exist, so I had to create my own. And some of the first articles that I published were by academics who either in their research or in their career come up against left-wing ideology in academia or either in there. So I had a particular interest in sex differences.

So sex differences in psychology. There's a lot, as you know, there's a lot of empirical evidence that men and women are the same psychologically. We have different career preferences. We have different sexual psychology. But it's difficult to talk about these issues in mainstream journalism. So, yeah, I've noticed. Yeah, of course.

And so, I wanted a publication that would explore these issues and I invited academics to a new who had interest in either evolutionary psychology or behavioral genetics to come and write for me. And a couple of my early, a couple of the early essays that I published were just very good, and they kind of went viral as much as, you know, viral for, for intellectual publication. And it just took off from there, we just built up a social media following. Okay, so you point to two factors, say, so one is that you like to spot talent and you actually could do it. And you also believe that talent exists. So that's kind of helpful for that.

If it does happen to be the case that talent does exist. And then when talented people are having difficulty, let's say being published somewhere because of the tenor of their viewpoint, whatever that happens to be, that does create exactly the kind of opportunity that you just described, right? Because then you have this pool of talent

that isn't being utilized, that you can capitalize on, sort of speak, while also waiting in the development of those people. Then that issue that you brought up there, that's part of your ability to spot what's not right. The fact that you caught on to that bias in psychology, so early in your psychological progression, I mean, you happen to talk to people who knew this, but still, that's quite the realization, you know, I really didn't understand that until I had been a psychologist probably for at least 15 years, a professor.

Now, I was, my did my PhD in a more biological area, and then I was a personality psychologist, and it doesn't have the same kind of bias. But then I started looking into the literature on authoritarian personality and authoritarianism. And all I found was this insistence that there was no such thing as left-wing authoritarianism. And I thought, what the hell is this? How can we possibly assume as a science, social psychology, which is not much of a science as far as I'm concerned, by the way. But how can we state so bluntly that there's no such thing as left-wing authoritarianism? And the authoritarian scale that had been used by social psychologists was only right-wing authoritarianism. And I thought, well, what about the communists?

I mean, nobody noticed in social psychology that there were communist dictators? What were those people? Well, and now, and then it's worse than that. That's bad enough. Now, I had a graduate student who we started to do research on left-wing authoritarianism, but that by the time that got off the ground fundamentally, things exploded around me, and I stopped working as a professor. I couldn't do that anymore.

But the other thing that's really horrible, horrible, horrible is the implicit association test. Oh, yeah. Yeah. Now, and that left wing issue is dead relevant here. So I'll tell you a story. This is a good story, I think. So Mazarin Benagie, who is one of the inventors of the IAT, and who hasn't

protested against its misuse to the degree that the other creators of the IAT have, and also know where nearly as much is quite left in her viewpoint. So that's point number one. Point number two, I saw her when I was at Harvard. She came to deliver a talk. She's there now, but she wasn't when I was there. She came to deliver a talk about the IAT. She talked about bias, implicit bias. And so I think I asked her this question.

She was delivering a talk to the faculty and the graduate students. I said, what's the difference between implicit bias and categorization? And she didn't really have an answer to that. And I thought, wait a second, this is an important issue. You're equating categorization with implicit bias. Well, let's call that a pronounced sin on the left.

And here's the fundamental ideas, as far as I can tell, is that, well, it isn't obvious how we categorize. That's partly Foucault's criticism of category structures. And there's something to that, because categorization is extremely difficult. But to leap from that to say that categorization as such is say nothing but bias. It's insane. It's so shallow and so wrong,

and so dangerously wrong. Well, it's not surprising that the IAT has gone out into the world from social psychology and just reaped devastating havoc. And I should also say, as a research and clinical psychologist, that if a clinical psychologist used that test in a clinical setting, they would be in deep trouble because it's nowhere near valid enough or reliable enough to be used for diagnostic purposes. Period, the end. Well, they, I mean, you would think there'd be some sanctions on Harvard or the academics putting making the test available to the public on their web.

So, so the IIT is available on a Harvard. It's not diagnosis. some disclaimer that, you know, it can be used, can't be used for research, can't be used as a diagnostic tool because it doesn't have validity and reliability. But it's available on a Harvard website. So that all of these consultants who are paid God for hour can have their work is take it and, you know, it comes with the prestige of Harvard. Yeah. And so de facto, de facto, that's right, de facto, it's a clinical diagnostic test. But it's not promoted directly as such, right? And it isn't licensed clinicians that are using it.

Yeah, it's extraordinarily horrible, shameful. Now, I think it should be used for research purposes because the question of to what degree implicit bias, power differential, even might affect categorization, is a perfectly reasonable question, but to equate them thoughtlessly is it's absolutely inexcusable intellectually. It's absolutely inexcusable intellectually. What I find interesting is the research on stereotype accuracy. And from the reading that I've done,

so this is Ali Jussams' work, he has found that stereotypes do tend to be reasonably accurate. They're not, it's just the heuristic we have. Yeah, well, that's the issue. The heuristic issue is exactly the issue. Almost all our perceptions and categories are heuristics. They're shortcuts because we can't see everything. So everything we perceive is heuristic.

I mean, the very objects we see are perceptual heuristics. Exactly. But what's really interesting about Justin's work is that he finds that we, because of our mental shortcuts and heuristics, we can make snap judgments about an individual or about a person, according to the group that they belong to. But as soon as we get more data about that individual, the stereotype drops away. So we're very good at updating our perceptions of individuals, according to the data that comes in.

And that makes sense. OK, so partly what we do. We have, all of us have complete maps of the world. And you might say, well, how can we? Because we don't know everything. Well, the answer is we just use low resolution representations. And so like, there's, you know, that Mongolia exists. But if I asked you everything you knew about Mongolia, it would, unless you're a specialist, it would take you long to exhaust your knowledge.

Yeah. So you have a representation, just like the representation you have of a helicopter. You know, yeah, and you could draw your representation of a helicopter. It would be like a circle with a couple of lines on it, then a rotor. You know, that's a helicopter. It's like, no, it's not, not at all. You know, but okay. So what happens is that when we use a low resolution representation, when a high res representation is necessary, we have errors.

And then we update and we differentiate the map. And there isn't any difference between that and thinking. Essentially that's what you do when you're thinking. But because you have to have a shorthand, when you're ignorant, you have to rely on something. And so, yeah, of course. And, you know, I think there are times when people refuse to update their stereotypes, you know, because it takes effort. And so, but that's a separate issue.

Yeah, yeah, that's right. Yeah, so the lack of left-wing authoritarianism is interesting. I wonder if that body of research has been updated in the last couple of years. I haven't looked at it for a while, but when I did look at it, I remember a an academic at,

I think maybe NYU called John Just. He was very resistant to the idea that there was such a thing as left-wing authoritarianism. And I think he argued that there was such a thing as left-wing authoritarianism. And I think he argued that conservativeism was almost a form of false consciousness. Oh, yes. Yes, yes, yes.

That's the scale. It's something like system justification theory. Yeah, that's the one. Yeah, that's it. Yeah, yeah. So if you, that's exactly it. And it's again, social psychologists playing at clinical pathologization.

Yeah, that's deeply embedded in that social, And it's again, social psychologists playing at clinical pathologization. Yeah. That's deeply embedded in that social and that system justification theory literature. It's like, well, if you're patriotic, well, there's something wrong with you. Yeah. Now, yeah. Yes. Yeah. Yeah.

So I don't think that anything has been updated on this on on the end of Investigation into left wing authoritarianism and it's too bad, you know because it isn't exactly obvious to me That when the left goes wrong it goes wrong exactly the same way the right goes wrong when it goes wrong Yeah So I I think the right might have more of a proclivity to clump together in a unitary fashion, partly because I think it's easier to do that on the right. You know, if it's true that those on the right are more conscientious and dutiful and lower in openness, that means they're not as diverse in their opinions and range of interests,

let's say. And so, in principle, it would be easier to unite them. And that might be an advantage. You know, there's an advantage to rapid unification, just like there's an advantage to diversity of ideation, which covers more territory, but it's slower and harder to organize. So, and the fact that the research isn't balanced

to investigate both ends means, well, that we're ignorant about these things when we shouldn't be. Yes, and we should be studying it and we should be studying the impact or the the relationship of social media, particularly to both left-wing and right-wing authoritarianism. I have a, there's an article that Rob Henderson wrote with another grad student, Kudvincent Harinam. We published it a couple of years ago, and it's called Political Moderates Are Lying. And the thesis was that in our online groups and online tribes, over time, those who are

more fanatical or those who are more dogmatic in their views come to dominate the discussion and they intimidate the moderates in the group. And the effect that that has is over time, it pulls the moderates over the group. And the effect that that has is over time it pulls the moderates over to the more extreme pole of the group or the more extreme pole of the ideology that is held. And this similar to what Jonathan Hyatt was saying. You suppose it's because is it because the more extreme types are more willing to use punishment in service of their certainty? So that would be hard on the moderates, right? Yeah, yeah, I think that would be part of it. And certainly there's, and the more extreme voices

So you get into this moral grandstanding and this performative sort of behavior and they impose more costly signals on themselves and others. So, and this is this happens on in groups that are both left wing and right wing and I'm more familiar with the dynamics on the left because we've covered it a lot at collect but if you've got like an artistic community and so we publish an article about the implosion of the Boston Pride Parade. So this there's an organization that is pro LGBT etc and a group of young activists come in and say, we're going to take over your organization. Now the Boston Pride parade has to be about black trans lives mattering. It's going to be about black trans lives, not just about LGBT. So they want to narrow the issue down to something very tiny and specific. And then they want to impose that belief on the rest of the group.

And now the moderates in the group are thinking, well, I want to support. I want to be part of the Boston Pride group. I want to go in March for LGBT people and, and less been and gay rights and transgender rights. I want to be involved in that, but I can't sign on to these quite extreme demands. And this group of activists wanted to sort of pivot the pride much away from just LGBT and towards black trans lives, had a suite of demands where they had so, of demands where the white people of the group had to acknowledge that they were colonialists and they had stolen from the native peoples and they had to rally against gentrification. So all this whole suite of sort of pseudo-Marxist demands came along in this package and the moderates just give up,

they're either intimidated or cout into silence, leave the group or just cave in. And I can kind of on the... You might also wonder if the moderates have better things to do on average. Yeah. You know, you know what I mean? If you're... So imagine you're moderate in your life and you're kind of distributed. Your interests are kind of distributed around a number of things, your family, you have a job, et cetera, et cetera. And so you're tangentially involved with the group. But when push comes to shove, well, if someone's getting hostile and it's starting to cause

you a lot of grief and misery, then it's easy enough to bow out. Absolutely. That's exactly right. And the concern I have is that I'm seeing, so this is sort of like a deranging dynamic that is now happening where tiny minorities or fanatics are pulling their respective communities and their ideological tribes away from the center.

And it's not just happening on the left, I'm seeing it more and more happening on the right. And I- Do you think social media is- do you think what social media is doing is speeding that up and making it easier? Right? Because it's not that easy if you're a bully, let's say, a ideologically committed bully, to actually find people and bully them. But online, you can do that because it's so efficient. You can do that extremely quickly and with very many people.

And you can unite, that's the other thing, is you can unite fanatics, even if they're rare statistically. So, you know, in a small town, maybe you could find two fanatics and what the hell are they going to do? But online, well then there's a group. And then that would also mean that the fanatics are more likely to overestimate how popular their ideas actually are, because there's a biased sampling issue, for example, we'll say.

Yeah, but also fanatics can attract quite large followings on social media, and particularly if they focus on one issue. So if you're. So a very very effective strategy for being an activist on social media using social media as one of your main or your main tool of engagement is to just pick one issue and focus on it and just repeat it over and over and over again. And that is, I mean, I'm not saying all activism is bad by any means, but it's, it can create a community that can become fanatical, basically, which is a danger. I'm not so sure that activism isn't just bad. Or together. Well, obviously, the idea that you need to pay attention to your institutions and that sometimes they need criticism and reform, it's like, obviously,

institutions ossify, and they become corrupt, and everyone has to be alert to that. And there are steps you can and should take and are morally obligated, I think, to take. But the thing about activism is that it's almost always predicated on the idea that you're right, you're morally superior and you've identified the people who are wrong. And to me, that's one step away from mob, and it's one step away from punishment. And one of the things that uphols me and makes me ashamed in relationship to the universities is that universities are pretty good at teaching young people that being an activist is a good thing. And I'm not so sure at all that it's a good thing. I think it's pseudo responsibility, especially because it always comes with the easy identification of just who the enemy is.

That's exactly right. No, I think you're right. And I think that if you're going to attack, if you're gonna be on the attack, you have to also build. It's your responsibility and it's your duty to build. So I, you know, I- Well, you built an alternative? That's what you did. Yeah, yeah, and I think, you know, if you're going to attack institution, institution, you know, I have a lot of problems

with establishment institutions, but you can't just attack them. What are we gonna have left when we've got no institutions? We've gotta have new institutions, but it's not building them now. Well, we can have rubble, and everyone could be equal in the rubble.

That's happened many, many, many times. And that's the risk, that's the risking that. You know, that's the risk. That's the risk that's, you know, that, that, that, that, that's why I think a, you know, attacking institutions has to go hand in hand with building new ones. And, and lots of people, you know, I know quite a few people who are trying to be new institutions, but, um, yeah, I agree that there's something about social media and social media enabled activism that makes finding an out group, dehumanizing the out group and attacking them very easy. Well, okay, let's dive into that for a minute. Okay, so how many times have you sworn at somebody when you're walking down the street versus how many times have you sworn at someone when you're in your car and they're in their car. I don't think I've sworn at anyone ever. Okay, well, then you're very, you're much more polite than me, let's say, but it's much more probable when there's

a barrier like that that people will manifest aggressive behavior. We don't know exactly what inhibits aggressive behavior, but one thing that does is rather close personal proximity, real proximity. Now when you take the person and you place them in a shell, let's say that's a car, you place yourself in a shell, well, all of those cues that subtle and complex cues aren't there. And so, online, well, you don't even have an avatar. You only have your hypothetical fantasy about the person that you're attacking. You don't even know them.

And so, and we don't know what that does to people at all. I mean, we see some of that on Twitter. And we have no, if this hypothesis that you laid out is true, you know, is if there's a tendency for those who are more committed to dominate certain types of institutions because the moderates bail out. And then if it's also true that that's sped along by a social media, which is a possibility,

not a certainty, but it could be. And then it's also more easier to dehumanize people in social media circles, particularly if you're so inclined and maybe even if you're not, then well, that can be a perfect storm. I mean, I just read an article by Jonathan Height today where I've been noticing what seems to be developing into something like a runaway positive feedback loop

in the political landscape, particularly in the US. And, you know, I spend a fair bit of time thinking about what a mental disorder actually was. And the most common description now, I think it's from Wakefield, I think, is that it's the deviation of a complex mental function from its evolutionarily-signified path. And I don't like that at all because it's very difficult to specify the evolutionarily-signified path. And it violates the is-art distinction, right? Just because that's how it evolved, assuming why did the hand evolve? It does a lot of things. Yeah.

But one of the things I did notice that a lot of mental disorders are positive feedback loops. Depression's a good example. So you start feeling bad. Well, then you reduce your social contacts and you're less effective at work. Well, that makes you feel worse.

Well, then you're more irritable so you start fighting with your wife or your Well, that makes you feel worse. Well, then you're more irritable, so you start fighting with your wife or your husband. That makes you feel worse. And then a way it goes down, spiraling downhill. Anxiety, you start to avoid. That's how agrophobia develops. Alcoholism, you drink to get rid of your hangover. Well, positive feedback loop. Now, not every mental disorder is a positive feedback loop,

but plenty of them seem to be. They have that element. Well, positive feedback loop. Now, not every mental disorder is a positive feedback loop, but Plenty of them seem to be they have that element and you have to fight figure out how to stop that spiral from continuing Well, we're getting we're getting into a situation imagine this Domination of the radical groups on both sides and they have an outsize voice and outsize Ability to utilize punishment effectively And now they're upsetting the hell out of each other. And so they're more and more set in their ways. And now the moderates are pulling over to that side. This is the process height outlines in part in this in this in article that that he I believe he released it today. It's October 30th, by the way, this will be put up later.

And he thinks that at least in part, this was driven by Facebook like and Twitter adoption of like. And you know, this is, we were talking about conservativeism and liberalism. You know, one of the things conservatives always say to liberals is don't be thinking that your stupid invention is only doing what you think it is.

I am. Right. That's the justice and fence concept. Yes. And if you've done any sort of laboratory experiments, you get very, very sensitive to that because things don't go the way you predict they will, right? You're with your stupid hypothesis. And so, who knows what the like button did? Facebook is a, it's not nothing, right? It's just a like button. No, no, it's, it's like 300 million like buttons. Yeah. Oh, I think we vastly underestimate the impact that social media is having on our societies and political culture. And people will say, oh, it's simply magnifying

what's already there. And that might be true. But what if what's already there is quite fragile? What if United States was on the pathway to extreme political polarization? I mean, it's not a small thing to speed that up. Like it's a very dangerous thing to speed that process up. Yeah, well, it's harder to think,

it's harder to think things through and put on the breaks when it's happening really, really fast. And you're not sure why. You know, like I put a fair bit of the responsibility for this mess that we're in on faculty members at universities who let the administrators take over by cow-towing 300 times over a 30-year period. So and then what happened?

So the administrators took over the universities and then the DIEI people took over the administrators. And well, I know that's an oversimplification but but and then these ideas, these poisonous ideas just where they go out into the culture and yeah and I think height is probably correct when he says that these bad ideas so we're talking about the postmodernism the you know intersectionality of those rubbish ideas, they would have stayed enclosed within the walls of these quite marginalized university departments. They would have stayed enclosed if it weren't for social media. Yeah, the IAT had a fair bit to do with that too.

Yeah. Yeah, the release of that. So bit to do with that too. Yeah, yeah. The release of that. So because it did what you said with regards to consultants, right, it gave them this scientifically valid quasi-clinical tool where they could go into institutions and claim, hey, we can, we can fair it out your prejudice. Yeah, yeah. Yeah, I mean, so it's not it's not holy because of social media, but it's certainly allowed bad ideas to spread Very quickly and and we could see that with I mean, there's there's so many yeah, there's the pandemic we should really be worried about Yeah, I mean, so one example of of Yeah, I mean, so one example of bad eye, so there's two things that I'll talk about. I'll mention bad ideas spreading, but also social contagion of mental disorders. So I mean, and I guess they're

both fairly similar. So, you know, in George Floyd died in the United States, there were rights that spread across the United States. I think the more damage was done in the rights that occurred in 2020 that had been, that had, that were the worst rights in 50 years or something like that in the United States. So barely had any mainstream media coverage, if any coverage at all. And I think there hasn't even been a thorough investigation

of how these rights occurred, how much damage was done, how many people died as a result. Because the murder rate has spiked in the US. The police have pulled back from their policing. So, you know, this outrage that occurred from a single video clip of someone, you know, obviously the murder was horrific and, you know, it was a horrifying thing to view. I remember feeling absolutely disgusted, like just horrified watching the footage, but it's gone viral and it's sparked these riots around a whole nation. Well, we also, you know, you think about what's happening with regard to our

heuristics as a consequence of that, you know, because we're kind of wired to assume that if we see something violent, that means that the probability of violence in our local environment is quite high because otherwise we wouldn't see it. And so it isn't obvious that our emotional systems can look at something like that and simultaneously say, well, remember, this is a pool of 300 million. It's like 300 million. How many is that? You don't know.

You're kind of wired for 200, not 300 million. Exactly. Yeah. But the remarkable thing was how a huge demonstration in support of Black Lives Matter happened all over Europe and even there was so much in Australia in the middle of a pandemic and you had tens of thousands of people marching in the middle of a pandemic in support of Black Lives Matter. In the UK, they had Black Lives Matter marches where people were chanting hands up, don't shoot. Now, the police in the UK don't have guns. Right? So we've got this- We could look at that psychologically. You know,

and we could say, well, you know, on the positive side, you watched the George Floyd video and you had an empathic reaction and a reaction of disgust. And, you know, we could say kudos for that because it's an indication of the operation of a moral instinct. And we could also say the same thing about, you know, beyond cynicism about the, these demonstrations everywhere. I mean, one thing you can say about that is, well, people are concerned enough about inequality, like genuinely oppressive inequality, so that even something like that will trigger it. But then we have to detail out the other side of the argument, which is, well, how do you separate that from the kind of overreaction that will tear down structures that are actually helpful to people? And so, well, now it's defund the police. Well, you know,

maybe not. Maybe that's not the right response to that video. And it's certainly not obviously the right response. And we're more people killed by defund the police like how many people are killed by defund the police. We don't know, we don't know, but it's certainly not zero. That's right. Yeah, I mean, I shouldn't, I shouldn't suggest that marching in support of, you know, I don't think you were. I don't think you were. I think the point I was trying to make was simply that the political movements can go viral. And they can spread out so you know that it's obviously an American issue police brutality and and the race issues that are

inherent in in American culture, you know, that's obviously very specific to America. And you know, that's obviously very specific to America. And, you know, you can't, you just simply cannot graft American race relations onto a country like Australia or the UK or European, you know, we don't have the same history, we haven't had slavery, completely different cultures. So it was quite eye-opening and surprising to me to see how easily this political movement spread and how this Americanization occurred all over the world. With that much, you know, people just got swept up in it with this sort of mood affiliation.

You even had epidemiologists joining, didn't happen in Australia, but I know in the United States even epidemiologists came out and joined the movement to support Black Lives Matter and said, these marches, racism is a public health crisis that's worse than COVID, which is just, that's like temporary insanity for an epidemiologist to say that. So I mean,

it's also frightening because it means that certain political viewpoints are acceptable during a pandemic and others aren't. And because there are such critical importance, you see that happening in the UK right now with climate change summit. Yeah, yeah, exactly. They've, they've, they've, they've liberalized travel restrictions on so-called red countries as long as you're in a tendi of the climate change. And that, the climate change summit, and that's absolutely horrifying to me.

It's like, oh, I see. So because you share, you all share a particular political take on a particular issue, that's so important all of a sudden that you're in a different legal category. And you don't think that's a dangerous precedent or you don't care. So you're either stupid or malevolent, one of the two. And I don't like to use such harsh words, but that's not acceptable. Period. That's right. Yeah, absolutely. And when we've got such low trust in institutions as it is to be coming out with double standards according to political affiliation is just ridiculous. But then the other thing that is scary about social media is social contagion of mental disorders.

So we know that we're aware now that certain proportion of young girls who are identifying as gender dysphoric and attempting to become transgender, we're aware now that there is such a thing as rapid on-set gender disorder. So there's a book called Discovery of the Unconscious, which is a great book, Henry Ellen Berger. I was given that book by psychiatrist at the Douglas Hospital, who is my supervisor and French guy, Marie Stonsier, a very distinguished psychiatrist, and he said, this is the psychoanalytic Bible.

I'm just going to be unconscious. And it's about that thick, and it covers Jung Freud Adler. It's a great book. But the first 300 pages is a history of pre-psychoanal analytic thought, and part of that is a historical survey of contagion. Yeah. Right, and so the multiple personality disorder, for example, has cycled through about 300 years. And there are people who are temperamentally susceptible to such contagion. They're likely the same people who are relatively

easily hypnotizable. It's likely associated with high openness by the way. And you can also imagine that if you're high in openness, it's harder for you to catalyze and specify an identity, and you're more diverse in your inner life, maybe even your emotional life. And so, inner life, maybe even your emotional life. And so, right. And then there's confusion here too that we should talk about as psychologists. So sex and gender, you know, and I've been accused of just saying that those are identical, but I know they're not, because there is a lot of personality variability on top of biological sex. And it isn't a particularly rare woman who has essentially the same temperament as the average man. My suspicions are, it's probably about one woman in ten.

Now it would depend on exactly how you made the cutoffs, you know, but I don't, if it's not 10%, maybe it's 5%, I don't, if it's not 10%, maybe it's 5%, I don't care, it's somewhere in that range. And the same can be said for men. And so it's perfectly possible for a boy to have a temperament that's more like a girl, but that does not mean that he's in the wrong body. That's the raw, like that's a pretty radical solution

for a problem that's essentially a consequence of normal temperamental variability. And so there is some utility in separating out gender from sex if you think of gender as personality, which I think is the appropriate way to think about it scientifically. But I knew back when I got entangled in my first political conflict, I thought all this mucking about with gender categories is gonna confuse and hurt way more people than it's going to help.

And part of this is this problem of contagion of confusion. So all adolescents really need, that's really what they need is more confusion about sex and gender when they're 13. That's just perfect. Yeah. It's freedom. It's like yeah, freedom. Yeah, right. Yeah. And it wouldn't be, it wouldn't be an issue. I mean, there's nothing. Androgyny has been around for hundreds, thousands of years. I mean, for hundreds, thousands of years. I mean, there's ancient sculptures of Androgynous figures. I mean, ancient cultures understood Androgyny.

And there's plenty of historical precedent for the idea that Androgynous personality is actually more of an ideal. There's lots of speculation in Christian mysticism about the Androgyny of Christ. Yeah, that's right. And, you know, I'm not, I, when I was a teenager, I used to look up to Androgynus celebrities,

like, well, David Bowie was a little bit before my time, but he was Androgynus. I used to, Androgyny was like, yeah, I mean, it wasn't, it was an ideal to emulate. And to be it, P, it was an ideal to emulate. And to be it's pom boy was considered cool, but you would never consider medical intervention. You would never consider hormone treatment or

modifying your body to... How about mastectomy? Yeah, how about how about attempting to make a penis out of the musculature in your arm? You know, penises are actually quite complex. It's not that easy to take your arm and turn it into one, as certainly not without a tremendous amount of cost

and trouble. And then, well, and then, and then, let's just imagine that you were wrong and confused just for a moment. You know, in the contrary argument as well, you better deal with this early. It's like, yeah, you really know that, do you? You're so bloody sure about that, are you? Well, the emotional black male that activists have used has been, you know, this argument that

if kids don't get this early intervention, then they're at higher risk of suicide. If kids don't get this early intervention, then they're at higher risk of suicide. But we have absolutely no idea whether, you know, we don't, you know, suicidal, suicidal ideation or distress is not easily disentangled from confusion around your identity. It's not clear that it's simply transphobia or being trapped. No, no, it's clear that it's no, it's clear that it's simply not. It's not simple, first of all,

as you just pointed out, it's actually unbelievably complicated. And you can see different things. Yep. Well, there's a paper that's been recently published by Lisa Lippman who did the original Reese exploratory research on rapid onset gender dysphoria and she's gone and interviewed 100 D transitioners.

She's a lot of people. I think she just talked to Barry Ways about that. Okay. Yeah. Well, her paper, well well she interviewed the transitionist, so people who have transitioned gender and who now regret it. And there's a couple of patterns that stand out. One pattern that stands out is that often people felt

the need to transition after some trauma had happened to them. So they experienced the trauma. And then another pattern that stands out is that these individuals were sort of solved gender transition as a solution to all of their problems. Yeah, I think I read the paper. I think that one of the most common claims of the detransitioners was that they were tremendously ill-informed

about the full consequences of their actions by the relevant medical professionals. And then we could also say, it's certainly possible that the relevant medical professionals are too terrified to fully inform them. Well, it's the job. I mean, I know it's not an excuse, but it's still worth noting,

because you could just look, I know what happened in Toronto to the world's lead researcher on transsexual transition in children. I mean, his life was torn into shreds. And he's an apolitical guy. He's just a researcher. And he's a good one as well. And so this fear, you know, you can say, well, you're a professional, it's your duty to stand up regardless of the fear. But when there's that much pressure, even people who stand up are going to be inclined to speak a lot less than they might otherwise. Yeah. I've had a press council complaint made against me for an article I wrote for the Australian on transgender issues, and it wasn't upheld, but anytime a journalist in Australia wants to write about issues, particularly to do with medical intervention and gender dysphoria kids, they are subject to complaints, press counsel complaints. Well, if you're an MD or a psychologist, if someone takes

a complaint against you to your college, especially if that college has been increasingly dominated by activists, you are so screwed. Like I had one client just caused me just an unbelievable amount of misery. And well, because you can hijack the whole bureaucracy as a weapon. Yeah. And so. Yeah. Yeah. And that's what these activists do. And they're very good at it. And they, you know, they only need to have a couple of successes under their belt. And they have a whole system for attacking people. Well, we have a human rights commissions in Canada, which are quasi-judicial entity with increasing power. And that's a perfect weapon for any activist who's motivated to use it.

And whoever the target of the human rights commission is, you can kiss five years of their life goodbye. And there's a high probability that they're going to be found guilty regardless of what they did. It's really it's it's truly appalling especially given that it's happening under the ages hypothetically of human rights and and the ability to give informed consent. And this this is just one this is an example of how fanatics, hijack institutions which you would have previously thought were fairly centrist and moderate. So, you know, this, the transgender activism issue is, is a perfect example because it's a tiny, like transgender activists are a minority of transgender people who are a tiny minority anyway. So it's just like the smallest number of people

creating an extreme amount of havoc. And it's a perfect example of how a tiny, intolerant minority can basically dominate others, using all of the new tools that we have today, social media, bureaucratic complaints, more being that type of thing. So let's go back to Quillette directly for a bit. What's the growth powder like? Are you still on an ascending trajectory? How's Quillette doing?

And what are your plans for the future? Our revenue is growing, but our traffic has been steady for the last couple of years or so. So our revenue is increasing and our subscriptions are increasing but our traffic isn't. Our plan for next year is to broaden into publishing physical books. And I want to focus more on the academic audience. I want to recruit more heterodox because what I've noticed in the past five years since doing a collect is that media has diversified a bit.

So when I started the mainstream media was quite stale. There were just these big corporate entities that were too timid to touch controversial issues. I feel like the media landscape is much more diverse and varied now. And that's got a lot to do with sub-stack, the innovations of that newsletter technology. So I think there's more heterodoxy, more variety, more diversity in media. However, I don't think one can say the same thing about academia. Academia is still stuck in this stagnant sort of decaying kind of it needs rejuvenation it needs sort of. Well, if you're right, there should be an opportunity there just like there was with

Kualaet. So yeah. And I feel like academic publishing is right for disruption. And I don't want to become an academic publisher per se, but I would like to publish books written by interesting scholars who may find it difficult to get published by traditional academic publishers because their ideas are too challenging or potentially too controversial. Great, maybe you'll find a psychologist who can publish a good book with some research in it about left-wing authoritarianism. Yeah, that would be that that would be ideal. Yeah, so that's what I'd like to do, I feel like, you know, media, media's on the right path. There's a lot of brave journalists like Barry Weiss's one, there's others who are really pushing back against the

group think that has existed in journalism, but I think there's more work to be done in academia. And I can't, I'm not an academic, I'm not going to go into the universities, but I can at least give a platform to renegade or dissident academics who find it difficult to get their ideas out to a broader public and get published and that kind of thing. So that's where I'm moving. So sort of, I never really wanted to, I never wanted to collect to become like a mass market product. Our interest isn't necessarily to capture the largest audience possible, but we do want to provide high quality content for a niche audience. I feel like our niche is very engaged. How would you define that niche do you think? Well certainly our readers,

Well, certainly our readers are, you know, it's interesting. If you can, if you look at the majority of our readers describe themselves as independence. So they're in the center. And then I would also describe our readers as being more analytical than the average to. Zero sex difference. Yes, so our audience is 70, 70, 30, male to female. Yeah, well, I wonder, I wonder if that's actually reflective of quillette or reflective of the gender difference in preference for fiction versus nonfiction,

because females prefer fiction and males prefer nonfiction on average, and I don't know maybe that would account for a pretty decent chunk of that 70-30. Probably and we don't publish lifestyle content and I think women must be overwhelmingly the main consumers of lifestyle content. So I mean it's interesting what you were saying about variations in personality so So, you know, I'm overwhelmingly interested in politics and sort of big philosophical ideas which and that, you know, I tend to find writers and readers who are interested in those things tend to be more male than female. So, you know,

well, you see in openness there's a gender difference too, is that men are more are higher in intellect, which is interest in ideas and women are higher in prop openness, proper, which is a subset of openness to experience and that has more to do with the, I would say the more, yeah, exactly, exactly, the more artistic end, let's say of, of that intellectual predilection. Now, the gender difference there isn't huge, and women and men don't differ that much in openness total, but if you break it down into its two major aspects, you do get that difference. That's interesting. Yeah, yeah. Yeah, so we do. Probably goes along a little bit with that male proclivity to be more interested in things than people compared to women. And so that might be a manifestation of that in the openness domain. I think that one of the things that has gone wrong with journalists, and up into very recently, is a lack of analysis and a lack of rigor. So if you look at a paper like The New York Times, I mean, I'm not a scholar, I'm not a historian of The New York Times, I don't really know what their articles were like 30 years ago, but

at least in the last 10 years since I've been reading them, well, last 15 years, you see more arguments made from, you see more emotional reasoning and more sort of narrative storytelling. And I mean, this might be great for fiction, but it's not great for objective, you know, for journalism, which is meant to be an objective empirical profession. And I think, you know, I mean, I don't know what the gender ratio is of journalists, but probably there are more women now in journalism than there ever has. You are not afraid of causing trouble, are you?

I don't, I don't, I am, but I think about this. I think about how, you know, in certain occupations, you might have had a gender imbalance before, whether it has been more men than women. But what happens to an animal women than men? Like what happens to the pression? Yeah, yes. We also don't know what happens to the political structure

when women are hyper involved. We have absolutely no idea. Because that's only been happening for, well, 100 years at the maximum, but let's say 50, really. Since the second world war, I think that's when it really took off. And we have no idea. And so, we don't know what particular forms of political pathology are unique to women. We have some sense of what I don't think it's pathology, but one thing I've been thinking about is moral reasoning. So you would be familiar with Colberg's work, right, in the stages of moral development. And then stages of moral development. And then remember Carol Gilligan came out with a good-

Yeah, I remember Carol Gilligan. Yeah. So she, so what happened was Colberg measured stages of moral development in children. And the highest stage of moral development was this universalism where we have principles that can be, principles of fairness, that can be applied to everybody fit,

and basically I'm probably mangling the concept, but there was a bit of controversy because girls were not scoring as high or not as many girls were scoring, reaching that level of moral development as boys. And so Carol Gilligan's theory was that girls and women have a different way of reasoning about moral problems than boys and men.

And she wrote a book called In a Different Voice, and she came up with this concept of care ethics. Well, you know, it makes a certain degree of sense because women are higher in agreeableness, which is the empathy and politeness dimension. And it's particularly, if you break it down into the aspects, which are compassion and politeness, the biggest gender difference is in compassion per se. And that makes a certain amount of sense, I would say, from a biological perspective,

given that women are the primary caretakers for extreme for infants, and they need nothing but empathy. For the first nine months, pretty much empathy is the whole deal. Literally, yeah. So... Well, I think it makes a lot of sense and I I mean I remember being at university and we you know you have to do these trolley problems where where you're trying to work out you know what is the most moral thing to do and I think it's a measure of utilitarianism or something like

that and there's one version of the trolley problem where you're in an attic and you've got a bait. You've got to make a choice between suffering, smothering a baby, presumably your own baby, who's going to cry. So you're hiding out from the Nazis in an attic. You're up there with a bunch of people who will be killed if they're discovered by the Nazis and you have a baby and the baby's going to start crying or he's crying and you have to smother the baby's dead. That's how the famous sitcom MASH ended. That was the last that dilemma was exactly the last episode of Moush. Yeah, okay. Yeah.

Know that. I remember reading this moral dilemma at university and I was sort of offended that anyone would even ask me, like, of course, I would never smother my own baby. I couldn't, you know, I know I've got my own children now. Right, abstractions be damned. It's like, how do you even ask me? I would never do that to my own children now. No, no. No, no, no. Abstractions be damned. It's like, how do you even ask me? I would never do that to my own child. And you could, I mean, I'm sure this is farthest-filled the same way as well.

But as a mother, you would let other people be harmed to protect your own. You just would. I mean, I would. I would protect my child before any other consideration. And so, I understand Carol Gilligan's theory, and I think it makes a lot of sense and it insured the corresponds with the way with how I feel and think. But I can also see that that kind of moral reasoning works for a family environment and works for a mother and her children. It's not probably not

going to work at a governmental level. Well, that is that is a question, isn't it? And that's that's the question of the lim- the limits of empathy per se. Yeah. You know, and we're trying to elevate empathy to the prime virtue. And, you know, one of the things I really appreciated about Freud and the psychoanalysts in particular, was their insistence that the good mother fails. Okay.

Right, because you protect your infinite all costs, but by two, you don't have an infant. You have someone who needs to go out into the world. And so you have to control, like my daughter-in-law and to her great credit, her son is now, he's 18 months old and he's going to daycare. And she handled that beautifully. She took him today care for an hour a day, and it's just with three kids. And for the first week, and then two hours a day for a week, and then the whole eight hours.

And she, the first day that he stayed there, she just dropped him off and left. No drama, gone. And then she went home and cried. It's like it was hard for her, because she'd been with this child for 18 months for 24 hours a day. And now this was the first real separation. And she had to be tough about it, despite the emotion, you know, and because she did it properly, he had virtually no trouble whatsoever, making the transition. But that's not exactly that kind of empathy, that reflexive empathy that you just described, right?

That's something different. That's the ability to abstract yourself away from protecting this creature that's with you at all cost right now, and to think into the future about what's more important. To have a facilitation, let's say, of this drive to explore and to separate from that maternal environment. And that's an ethic as well and it's not identical with reflexive empathy. Yeah, well I think the difference in moral reasoning and of course, I'm simply referring to averages. And I honestly don't even know if there are great sex differences in moral reasoning between men and women. But if we're thinking about government bureaucracies and thinking about imposing moral frameworks

on a very large number of people in entire population, you want something that's going to be, not gonna be engaging in kind of favoritism, not going to, you're going to want something that's very cold and analytical, you get the sort of utilitarian moral framework, which is, it's a good question, It's good question, isn't it? You know, at what level of social organization does empathy? And you know, that would facilitate

nepotism. How would it not? Yeah. And so, and yeah, and I think it potentially facilitates aggressive aggression because yeah, well, that's the dark side of it. That's the dark side of it. Well, of course, one of the things empathy does, obviously, is tighten in-group relationships for the empathetic circle. And so who's outside the empathetic circle? Well, snakes and vipers, obviously. And that is a danger.

That's the dark side of empathy. That's part of the devouring mother, what would you call it? Pathology that the psychoanalysts were so good at delineating. Yeah. And so that dark, the dark side of that. So, well, Claire, I'm coming to Australia, I think in next fall, I'm going to, I think that's the plan.

So I'm doing a tour next year by the looks of things if I can manage to stay on my feet. So I would really like to see you again when we, but that would be brilliant. And congratulations on Kualaette and your success at finding that niche and also on your encouragement of these young writers and that's such a great accomplishment to manage that and good luck with your academic publishing plans. That's a killer idea, I think.

I'd be interesting to see if you can manage that and manage to monetize it successfully. Because that's a challenge. Yeah, and that's a challenge. You bet, man. That's a real challenge. So yeah. And thanks very much for talking to me today.

Yeah, and I thank you, Jordan. It's a pleasure. Yeah, it's really good to see you. Yeah, you too. you