The Jordan B. Peterson Podcast - 300. Men and the Conservative Vision | Senator Josh Hawley
Episode Date: October 27, 2022Dr. Peterson's extensive catalog is available now on DailyWire+: https://utm.io/ueSXh Dr. Jordan B. Peterson and Senator Josh Hawley discuss the leftist ideology surrounding men and their diminished ...worth, the current Republican swing as a result, and the potential future of American politics as we move towards the Midterm elections. Senator Hawley is recognized as one of the nation’s leading constitutional lawyers. He has litigated at the Supreme Court of the United States, the federal courts of appeals, and in state court, fighting for the people’s liberties. He previously fought Obamacare at the Supreme Court — and won — as one of the lead attorneys in the landmark Hobby Lobby case. Since taking office in 2019, Senator Hawley has been a leading champion in Congress for working families. He’s worked across the aisle to deliver protections for kids online, led the fight for direct payments to working people during the COVID-19 pandemic, and taken steps to crack down on predatory landlords. Currently, Senator Hawley is writing a book set for a 2023 release. ______________________________________________________________________ — Links — For Senator Josh Hawley Senate page website https://www.hawley.senate.gov/ Personal Website https://joshhawley.com/ — Sponsors — Birch Gold: Text "JORDAN" to 989898 for your no-cost, no-obligation, FREE information kit Dr. Peterson's new book: The ABC of Childhood Tragedy. Available at: https://abctragedy.com/ — Chapters — (0:00) Coming Up(0:58) Intro(2:50) The midterm front(5:00) Forming a definitive Conservative vision(7:37) Why have Americans started hating their own country?(12:43) Intrinsic dignity, the debate of axioms(19:22) Meaning that can sustain you through tragedy(21:54) Young people need a call to something greater(23:14) The liberal ideal - self gratification(28:19) Where the left leaves us(32:47) The right’s reactionary danger(35:17) Corrosive cynicism and the Republican swing(41:34) Responsibly and Rights(45:25) Manhood(55:30) Nothing that is done well is small(58:58) The economy we need to craft(1:05:00) Why Senator Hawley is writing a book(1:06:46) The forefront of the swing(1:11:25) How Globalism fuels monopolies(1:15:11) The Republican Party two years from now(1:16:56) Leadership Predictions(1:18:40) Immediate necessities of the US // SUPPORT THIS CHANNEL //Newsletter: https://mailchi.mp/jordanbpeterson.com/youtubesignupDonations: https://jordanbpeterson.com/donate // COURSES //Discovering Personality: https://jordanbpeterson.com/personalitySelf Authoring Suite: https://selfauthoring.comUnderstand Myself (personality test): https://understandmyself.com // BOOKS //Beyond Order: 12 More Rules for Life: https://jordanbpeterson.com/Beyond-Order12 Rules for Life: An Antidote to Chaos: https://jordanbpeterson.com/12-rules-for-lifeMaps of Meaning: The Architecture of Belief: https://jordanbpeterson.com/maps-of-meaning // LINKS //Website: https://jordanbpeterson.comEvents: https://jordanbpeterson.com/eventsBlog: https://jordanbpeterson.com/blogPodcast: https://jordanbpeterson.com/podcast // SOCIAL //Twitter: https://twitter.com/jordanbpetersonInstagram: https://instagram.com/jordan.b.petersonFacebook: https://facebook.com/drjordanpetersonTelegram: https://t.me/DrJordanPetersonAll socials: https://linktr.ee/drjordanbpeterson #JordanPeterson #JordanBPeterson #DrJordanPeterson #DrJordanBPeterson #DailyWirePlus
Transcript
Discussion (0)
Hello everyone and thanks for tuning in to everyone who's watching and listening.
I have the privilege today of speaking with Senator Joshua Hawley.
Republican Joshua Hawley is a lawyer who has served as the junior United States Senator
from Missouri since 2019. From 2017 to now 2019, Senator Hawley was the 42nd Attorney General of Missouri. He graduated from Stanford in 2002, completed a postgraduate internship at St. Paul's School
in London from 2002 to 2003, and then attended law school at Yale, graduating in 2006.
He was a law clerk to 10th Circuit Judge Michael W. McConnell, and Chief Justice John Roberts from O-6 to
O-8 and worked as a lawyer in private practice from O-8 to O-11. Senator Hawley also served as
an associate professor at the University of Missouri School of Law, where he taught constitutional
law. And he served as a faculty member of the conservative Blackstone Legal Fellowship.
He's known as a powerful and upcoming voice on the social conservative front.
Welcome, Senator Holly.
Thanks very much for agreeing to speak with me today.
Thanks for having me.
Yeah, my pleasure.
My pleasure.
I think we might as well dive right into the political, although we're going to get into
the philosophical and perhaps the theological arguably as the conversation progresses. And so we're recording this mid-October,
the midterms are coming up in the US.
This is a crucial election in many ways.
What do you see happening on the midterm front?
Well, I think that the Republicans
are going to retake the House.
I think we're going to retake the Senate as well.
We're at a 50-50 balance right now in the United States Senate.
It's actually Jordan the longest 50-50 now in the United States Senate. It's actually Jordan, the longest 50-50 split
in the United States Senate in history,
in American history.
I think that's going to come to an end here in a few weeks.
I predict Republicans will take back
majorities in both houses.
And then in many ways, the really difficult work
for Republicans and conservatives is going to begin, which
is A, to stop this deeply unpopular.
And I would argue deeply destructive agenda of the radical left, which is A, to stop this deeply unpopular, and I would argue deeply destructive
agenda of the radical left, which is taken over the Biden administration.
But then also we're going to have to start to put forward an alternative agenda.
And that's something I think conservatives need to give a lot of thought to.
I'm not sure that we've given it enough thought as a party, as a group, and it's going to be
very pressing, I think.
Yeah, well, the conservatives are always pilloried by the left as reactionary.
And I think the reason for that is, well, first of all, the right, the conservatives do
react to the excesses of the left constantly, as the left nibbles away, like Peranhas at the
entire structure of the society. But I think conservatives are often set back on their heels
on the vision front too, because it's not that easy to articulate a defense of,
let's say, axiomatic presumptions. No, I've often thought, if you approach someone who's
conservative, and you say something like, justify marriage, it's easy to render the person so assaulted, let's say,
inarticulate, because while we've basically agreed
that marriage is a good thing for some tens of thousands
of years, and it's not that easy to formulate a visionary
defense of institutions that, in some sense, you might think
that everybody takes for granted in terms of their value.
And so I see this on the conservative front.
It's not easy at all.
I've talked to conservatives all over Europe and Canada
and the US.
It's not easy at all for them to formulate a vision
that particularly one that's attractive to young people.
So what do you think beckons on that front for conservatives?
Well, I think that what we're seeing right now,
what's at play in this election really is
the sort of fundamental foundations of American culture.
Jordan, I think what's driving American politics
is culture and its society.
And if you look at what the left is doing
in our country and the United States,
the left is attacking the foundations of American culture
and the foundations of American society.
It's really a campaign of political nihilism.
And what they're saying is that America is systemically unjust, systemically oppressive,
systemically evil.
And their whole effort is, and by the way, so is our free market system.
It's systemically warped.
And so their entire campaign really,
and their message to the American people
and to young people is that we need to bulldoze it
and start all over.
And they want to reconstruct our society in their image.
Really, there's a very French revolutionary aspect of this.
I mean, it really sounds a lot like the liberals,
the so-called liberals, the so-called left,
of the French Revolution, which was a very similar project.
I think today's liberals have embraced that big time.
And I think what conservatives need to say is actually the foundations of American society are very strong.
The dignity of the common person, that's what our country is built on,
the dignity of the ordinary working man and woman, that still is the foundation of this country. The individual liberty, the idea that work has dignity, has worth, has value that a family
is something that is a great and noble pursuit in life.
That as a man, you can contribute to your society and make the world a better place.
That as a man and woman together, you can build a haven in a home.
These very fundamental foundational things, I really think is what our politics is about
today.
And the left has no longer believes those things.
And I think that for conservatives, it's not just about we need to improve the economy,
although we do because the left is destroying the American economy, especially for working
people.
But it's really more fundamentally that we've got to preserve the foundations of our culture
that allows people to thrive in flourish and find liberty.
Well, you know, the idea that the U.S. is somehow systemically racist in its essence is
a accusation that's really troublesome to me because I don't just think that it's merely
a lie. I think it's an anti-truth.
Like most lies are lies that are sort of like truth, but a little bit. They have the details
are modified here and there so that people can get away with whatever they're lying about. But now
and then you hear a lie so egregious that it couldn't be farther from the truth. And so what
what I find mysterious about all this
is the credibility of the claim.
So we could give the devilus do
and we could say every institutional structure
ever generated by human beings has a corrupt element
and it's corrupted by, let's say,
the desire for narcissistic power
on behalf of the people that occupy this structure.
And since time immemorial, it's been necessary for human beings to keep an eye on their
institutions so they don't become entirely corrupt.
But to point out that institutions contend towards corruption, let's say, as a consequence
of the inappropriate expression of power, is a very different thing
than to say that the institutions themselves are built on something approximating exploitation.
And then when I look at the Anglo-American tradition, let's say, which the US firmly
sits in the middle of, obviously, what I see is the manifestation of the only great society in human history that's been essentially
anti-slavery.
So the spirit that produced, well, both Great Britain and its democratic manifestation,
and then out of that, the United States, the spirit that's produced that and the autonomy
that's part and parcel of that, is exactly the spirit that's fought against the status quo of slavery, which is something approximating human universal.
And so I find it so utterly preposterous that this insistence has been put forward that
in its essence, the American enterprise is somehow racist and oppressive, even though
it might
be contaminated with that as all systems are.
So I don't understand why this has become so acceptable to people.
Maybe you can expand on that.
Well, I think that a couple of things.
I mean, the first is that there's a big difference in you, you're getting at it between thinking of the founding of the United States, let's
say, as in 1776, which is indeed when the country was founded with the Declaration of Independence,
in 1619, which is what the American left now says with their infamous 1619 project.
Why do they pick that day?
Because that's the day that the slave trade began to be practiced at scale on the North American
continent. So now, if you think that, 1619 was the true founding of the United States, which you're
saying is, the country is founded on the principle of oppression.
The country is founded on the idea of exploiting some people so that other people can get ahead,
and that's what America is.
Now, if you think that's what America is,
most fundamentally,
then you probably think that America needs to be fundamentally
changed and reformed and overhauled from top to bottom.
And that would explain the last program,
because that's what they're arguing for today.
Well, but if that is America in its fundament,
then why isn't there still slavery?
Like, because this is the crucial issue here, because look, slavery isn't a mystery.
The idea that might makes right, and that if I can, I can compel you to do things that
you wouldn't otherwise do using force.
That's been a governing principle of many societies as far back as we can look in the past.
And then recently, there's been some societies
who have more or less managed to escape from that temptation.
And certainly, the Western democracies are first and foremost
among those countries, and maybe the US and Great Britain
first and foremost among those.
And so if it's the case that the US was founded
on the principle of enslavement, then why did slavery disappear?
What's the explanation coming from the left for that?
Yes, and I think Jordan,
that's, you've laid a finger on the problem
with that worldview.
I mean, I think that what they would probably say is,
is that, well, you had a far-sighted vanguard
that realized that the fundamental tenants
of American society were terribly mistaken,
and so in order to correct, in order to end the oppression, you have to then introduce something
that is, in many ways, fundamentally anti-American. This is the point. If you think that,
the American was founded in 1619, founded on oppression, then the only way to get rid of the
oppression is to do something that is contrary to that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is a country that is Then we get to what you were just saying a moment ago, then the story of American history becomes the story to realize that principle.
And of course, in the face of injustice certainly,
in the face of backsliding, if you like,
is always pushing forward towards that principle.
And that is in fact the truth,
which is why why did American eliminate slavery?
That's why.
Okay, so let's take that particular tack. So if slavery is wrong, which I think we can all agree
is true, then we might have to ask ourselves, well, on what grounds do you make the claim that
slavery is wrong? And your point with regards to the founding document, the Declaration of Independence,
is that there is an axiom being put forth there that all human beings, men and women,
like regardless of race, have some intrinsic, inviolable worth that's associated with the fact
that there are an image of the creative principle itself, the image of the creator itself. And so that's what's self-evident.
And so it's the consequence of that self-evidence
that the moral claim that slavery is, in fact, wrong
can be put forth.
And so that's where the impetus comes from.
So if you're opposing that idea, and you say, well, no,
the US is based on an alternative anti-slavery principle,
and that's generated by this vanguard. Watch the basis
for the derivation of the anti-slavery principle that hypothetically motivates the vanguard. Where did
that come from? Because I think that's completely historically inaccurate. If you look carefully at
the manner in which opposition to slavery made itself manifest, it appears to me that it's part and parcel of a much older
biblical than British tradition. And that is the flowering of this idea, this strange idea,
that despite surface appearances, that might be differences in wealth and status, the difference
between the aristocracy even and the commoners, human beings have an intrinsic dignity that's not to be tripled with, certainly not economically.
And that's the spirit that manifested
the rise of democracy in Great Britain
and also the spirit that animated the formation of the US.
Now, I don't understand how you can lay out
an alternative to that.
So how do you think this is being managed on the left?
Who is this Vanguard?
Is this enlightenment rationalists or some damn thing
because that's not gonna fly?
Yeah, no, I think that is what they believe.
I think they think that they have true, listen,
I think just to take a step back,
you mentioned the Bible and grudges you did
because I would make the strong claim
that I know is controversial in many quarters
of the elite today in many quarters of the,
that say the educational establishment,
America and elsewhere,
that actually the American tradition of individual liberty,
the American tradition of self-government,
of individual dignity, really runs back to
what I would call the revolution of the Bible.
It goes all the way back to the tradition
that comes to us through Jerusalem and Athens
that says that in fact, we are created in the image
of a creator, every person has inherent dignity and worth.
That was a revolutionary concept,
as you know, in the ancient world, incredibly disruptive,
incredibly disruptive.
And I would argue as a historical matter
and as a philosophical matter,
that great disruption of the ancient status quo,
which was built on power, which was built on status,
that disruption begins with the revolution of the Bible
and it ripples through, as you said,
through English history, British history,
and through American history,
and it's really the foundation,
the philosophical foundation in the United States.
Now, the left, I think, is fundamentally opposed to that tradition.
They view that tradition as oppressive.
They think it's not a source of liberation.
They think it's a source of oppression.
And so I think much like the French revolutionaries of the 1700s, or for that matter, marks a century later, they think that
to end the oppressive, the oppressiveness of that tradition,
you've got to, in fact, reinvent it,
that you have to depart from the bubble.
But on what principles, but on what principles?
Are you going to reinvent it?
Well, we know how the French Revolution turned out.
That wasn't so good.
I mean, you make these new principles out of whole cloth,
and you start with the axiomatic presupposition,
for example, that slavery is wrong,
and that just floats in the air somehow.
There's no ground underneath that.
This is what I don't understand,
is if the radicals on the left are so opposed
to the imposition of arbitrary power,
let's say in its ultimate form, that being slavery, then they are standing for something like
the intrinsic dignity of the individual. And that principle, as far as I can tell, as you just
laid out, is a biblical principle. That's where it came from. And I don't understand how that can
be disputed. I mean, you see that, for example, in the book of Exodus with the insistence that there's
something intrinsically wrong with the slavery of people who should be free, even if they don't
want to be free, because the Israelites aren't necessarily that happy about being freed,
is that there's something intrinsically wrong with slavery itself. And I think the intrinsic,
what the intrinsic wrong of slavery
is something like violation of the principle
of the intrinsic divine worth of each individual.
And that is a biblical presupposition, obviously.
So I don't understand, I still can't get a grip
on why that would be opposed
if the opposition that's being generated
is in fact opposition to slavery itself.
Why would you go after the spirit that freed the slaves?
I don't get that.
I think it's a good question,
and I don't know that I have the answer
since I don't hold to that worldview,
but I think Jordan, I think what it really comes down to
is the left, whether we're talking about the left
of the French Revolution or the left of today.
And I do think that they share
a fundamental animating spirit.
I think the left sees any sort of authority higher
than their own desires and their own will
as fundamentally oppressive.
So as soon as you mention the word God, that becomes a source of oppression.
Oh, wait a minute. There's some higher standard than what I want to do with my life.
There's some higher standard than my whims or passions. No, no, no, no, no, no, that's
oppressive. I'm being oppressed. And so they almost see the individual as a self-sustaining, self-generating, self-originating entity.
The problem with that is that if that's true,
then on what basis are you gonna claim
that all individuals have equal dignity,
that no one individual should oppress another
and that we should work together
in a form of self-government and commonality?
I mean, it gets to the problem
that you've been talking about.
But I think it's the idea really of God
if we're coming right down to it.
Oh, well, I was just thinking about the argument
that can be laid forth on the conservative front
with regards to a vision that might be attractive,
let's say, to young people.
Because one of the things that I've noticed on my tours
in particular, talking to young people
about the meaning
that can be derived from life that can sustain you
through tragedy is that that's not found
in an atomistic, subjectively defined liberalism.
And there's an interesting clinical element to this.
So we know that thoughts that are associated
with self-consciousness are statistically indistinguishable from experiences
of negative emotion. So it's literally the case that the more you think about yourself,
the more unhappy you are. Unhappy, anxious, grief-stricken, frustrated disappointment, disappointed
hurt. And so then you think, well, where do people find the meaning that helps them abide through
tragedy and turn their attention away from themselves?
And the answer is, well, we don't even have to introduce God into the picture at the moment
to say, well, you find a fair bit of that sustaining meaning through reciprocal relationships.
You want to have an intimate relationship of some duration, or it's just a series of
short-term psychopathically narcissistic pit stops, which don't seem to do anyone any good.
So you want to have an intimate relationship of some duration.
You probably want to have a family, at least to have some contact with your parents
and your siblings and perhaps even children
if you dare to do that.
Likely you need some friends,
you probably need something approximating
a job or a career.
You have to be nested inside a series
of superordinate social structures
in order to be a functioning individual at all.
And so I think conservatives can offer a rejoinder to the Liberals and
say you, you are assuming that individual autonomy is a higher good only because for centuries,
the individual was so ensconced in superordinate social community by default that you could
just ignore that that existed. And now we can't do that anymore because people are so fractionated that they're abandoning
while marriage, they're abandoning family, they're abandoning friendship, I suppose, in
favor of its virtual alternative.
And that's catastrophic.
And I think young people know this.
I agree with that.
And I think that there's a message that young people want to hear Jordan, which is that their lives can matter
and that their sacrifices can matter
and that you find meaning in life,
not so much by what you gain, but by what you give up.
It's not so much by what you accrue to yourself,
but it's what you give away to other people.
It's who you choose to serve,
what you choose to spend your life on.
And I think what modern liberalism tells people
is demand your rights, demand entitlements,
demand the fulfillment of your desires, what conservative should be saying is go and find
somebody to serve, go and find something greater than yourself to be part of, go and give
your life to something.
And as you do, you'll find that you are able to make the world around you a better place.
And you don't do that by, again, accruing things to yourself, you don't do that by piling
up more rights.
You do that by giving yourself away, in a sense, which is, I think, a very fundamental
truth that every husband knows, every father knows.
And I think that that's something that young people want to hear.
They want to be called to something greater than themselves.
And liberalism just doesn't offer that.
Liberalism is at the end of the day.
It's a cult of satisfying your own desire,
whatever it may be today.
And it leaves people fundamentally alone,
adrift, and isolated.
Well, that, that, what you mentioned,
that it satisfies the liberal ethos,
satisfies what you want today,
or what you want at this moment.
And that also makes it shallow in a non-sustainable way, because I think that if you treat yourself
properly, which might be part of a more mature liberal ethos, let's say, then you're not
a prisoner of each momentary whim.
And the reason for that is that all that happens if you are that is that you betray yourself.
And so we know, for example, that psychopaths who are motivated by power and very manipulative
and who are in it for the gratification of their own whims do very badly across any reasonable
length of time.
They're completely incapable of learning from experience technically.
And what that means is they constantly betray themselves.
And so if you're pursuing an impulse of hedonism, then to hell with you tomorrow, fundamentally.
And next week and next year, you continue to do things that are pleasurable or escapist
in the moment, but all it does is drive you downhill across time.
Because you should treat yourself as a community that extends across time.
And so, and I do think that young people are caughting onto this in a major way.
And it is something that conservatives can lay out in great detail.
And this idea about giving, you know, even if you do want the best for yourself in some
higher sense, let's say, at yourself
across time, it's clearly the case that the most effective way to achieve that is to
be unbelievably useful and generous to other people, because there are a lot of other people.
So if you're interacting with them in a manner that is, let's say, self-sacrificing in
a reciprocal manner and generous, then they say, self-sacrificing in a reciprocal manner,
and generous, then they're going to want to interact with you.
And so if you interact with a thousand people in your life and you're generous to all
them and they reciprocate, then you're the beneficiary of a thousand acts of generosity,
a thousand continual sets of acts of generosity.
How can that not be a better approach than trying to maximize your
momentary whim, let's say?
I think that's exactly right. And I think that today, in our contemporary Colchene United
States, at least Jordan, today, because of the rise of technology, big tech, social media. The problem is not that young people feel that they can't, that
they're too enmeshed in community, that there are too many people who care about them.
It's not that they feel smothered. It's that they feel totally isolated because they're
losing face-to-face contact with friends. They're losing meaningful relationships. I mean,
they feel isolated. they feel alone,
they feel alienated, and we know this is true
because if you look at the statistics,
where people tell pollsters in terms of the feeling
of isolation, what we see from treatment of depression,
what we see from suicide in the United States,
suicide rates in the United States,
among unfortunately all demographics,
but particularly young people, particularly young men, are rising
to levels that we haven't seen in the country, really ever.
This should tell us that there's something that is fundamentally amiss with the sort of
culture of self-gratification that liberalism has on offer, that people want more than that.
They sense that there is more to life than that.
They want to be connected with something greater than that. They sense that there is more to life than that. They want to be connected with something greater than themselves. Well, you talked about young men there and their despair. I mean,
if your culture is telling you constantly that all of your ambition is either part of the patriarchal
process of oppression and corruption, and that even if you manage something despite that particular
cost to criticism, then everything ambitious you ever do is only contributing to the dispoiling
of the planet, then you have a story about social interaction that is predicated on the assumption
that every single kind of social structure, marriage,
friendship, all of that, certainly employment, civic engagement, political endeavor, that's
nothing but the manifestation of the brute will to power.
It's no wonder that would make you cynical, especially if you're actually ethical because
you might think, well, I don't want to be corrupt and I don't want to be a corrupt
dispoiler, so I just won't do anything. And then, well, then of course, you don't do anything,
and all you do under those circumstances is suffer. And it's so corrosive and acidic that critique.
Again, you could say, well, when relationships deteriorate, they deteriorate in the
direction of narcissistic expression of power. But that doesn't mean, at all, ever, that
the basis for any relationship is power. I don't think there's any evidence for that at all.
I think it's a completely preposterous claim. And my worry is, is that what the left,
what the modern left leaves us with, Jordan, is really
nothing more than the narcissistic expression of power. My worry is that, as the left's
program has come to take root, as they've attacked these cultural institutions like the
family, like the church, like even a local neighborhood, as they have attacked the very
idea of finding your life
in sacrifice and service to others. What do we left with? We're left with whoever has the most
options and the most power is the most free. What do we left with? We're left with a new hierarchy
in the United States, which is if you have an advanced degree and can earn a lot of money,
then you are the best. And you have the most choices of money, then you are the best,
and you have the most choices in life,
and you are the most valuable member of society.
If you're not, if you are not somebody
who wants to go get a four-year college degree,
if you don't earn a lot of money,
then you're somehow less than, you're lesser.
So what we end up with is a hierarchy of elitism,
a hierarchy of educational attainment,
a hierarchy of status.
And this I would argue is what happens
when you take away the idea that every individual
has fundamental worth and dignity,
that every individual is created in the image of God
and that every individual finds his or her ultimate purpose
and meaning in serving others.
And so my concern is, is that even as the left attacks
American tradition and cultural institutions
as being oppressive, what they actually give us through their campaign of cultural
dialosism is a form of hierarchy and elitism.
And of course, also expanding government, government control, government supervision,
government surveillance.
You know, as people abandon their subsidiary social organizations.
So you abandon your long-term,
marital commitment, you abandon your decision
to have children, you abandon your willingness
to engage in reciprocal friendships.
You don't shoulder your civic duty,
you isolate yourself in your job and your career.
All of that responsibility that you undertake
is then vacuumed up by people who will use it for the purposes of their own power. That's definitely
the case. I mean, you see this with the emerging tyranny, let's say, and pathology at levels of civic organization like the school boards, where ordinary people who share a common vision
have abdicated their responsibility for these mid-level
bureaucracies, and they're instantly invaded by people
who are ideologically possessed and power mad.
And so another useful message for young people
is that if you don't take on the responsibility
that's commensurate with a properly integrated life, then tyrants will take all that responsibility
from you and use it in the name of the maintenance of oppressive power.
You have atomized individuals in a centralized state.
That's all they'll be left.
Exactly.
And by the way, that's a historical pattern.
We saw that pattern with the French Revolution, right?
I mean, in the name of liberty, fraternity, equality, what do we end up with?
We ended up with the terror, which was managed by just a very few people, and then you ended
up ultimately with Napoleon.
I mean, you talk about an oppressive dictatorship that happens when you take away those institutions that actually
gather together individuals that pool if you like, individual sovereignty and that act
as a way in which the individual expresses himself or herself.
The other thing I would say about modern America Jordan is this, is that if you believe
like the left says that modern American society is systemically corrupt and oppressive and
all the rest, the question becomes, well, who's going to remake it? And and oppressive and all the rest.
The question becomes, well, who's going to remake it?
And the left's answer is the government.
The government's going to remake it.
The government is going to use the power of the state, which is the power of coercion
to fundamentally change this society.
And I just argue to you, that's what Joe Biden has been doing.
If you want to know why the Biden administration is putting their diversity, inclusion, and
equity agenda into every nook and cranny of the federal government, that's why.
If you want to know why they're turning the FBI loose on parents who complain at school
board meetings, that's why they are willing to use and eager to use the power of the state
to try and change what they believe is the oppressive nature of American
society.
And the danger of that, the coerciiveness of that, I think it's hugely, hugely alarming.
Why do you think that a remedial vision has been lacking so intensely on the conservative
side?
And then so that's question number one. And question number two, do you see a reactionary danger emerging on the side of the reactionary
right?
Yeah, I think that, yes, on the second question, yes.
I mean, I think that what we have to be careful of is you've got the left that wants to,
really, in a sense, burn it all down, metaphorically speaking,
although for some of the riots that we saw in,
for instance, 2020, it's not metaphorical at all.
I mean, they really are willing to torch buildings
and storm government centers and salt cops and so on,
but you've got this spirit of nihilism on the left.
And I think it is the danger on the right is
we mustn't react with a
concomitant spirit of nihilism ourselves where we say, yeah, that's right, it's all corrupt,
it's all worthless, we've got to completely start over.
No, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, what we want to say is, what we should be saying is, no,
America actually, the foundations of this country is fundamentally good, it's fundamentally
sound.
Does there need to be reform?
Of course there does.
I mean, it's the Birke end point, right?
A society without the means of change, without the means of its conservation and its preservation.
So yeah, there's corruption that needs to be addressed.
There are reforms that need to be made.
There's, I would argue, we're seeing in a Biden administration, deep corruption and
many levels of our government, but the foundations of our system, our constitution,
our philosophical beliefs going back
to the foundations of the biblical tradition,
those are not only sound, those are the things
that make America America.
And I think for conservatives, our vision has to be centered
around preserving those and returning those
to their rightful place.
And so it's not a campaign of nihilism.
It's a campaign of building up.
It's a campaign of saying that, listen, Americans are proud of thinking that we're the greatest
country in the history of the world.
I think that, and if you believe that, then you've got to put forward an agenda that's
about returning and strengthening the foundations of America's strength.
And I think that's what conservatives should strengthening the foundations of America's strength.
And I think that's what conservatives should be for.
We've got to resist the sirens song of saying, yeah, we'll join the left and just burn
it all down.
That I think is dangerous.
This is one of the things that has been perturbing me about the...
And we could talk again about the midterms and maybe about the 2024 presidential election.
What I see happening on the right right on the Trump side in particular,
and it's quite shocking to me in some sense, is that the narrative seems to be that the
institutions are so corrupt that even the democratic process itself can no longer be
trusted.
And the problem I see on that front is that it does, first of all, it plays against the
Trump brand as far as I can tell, because
Trump was the guy who didn't have things stolen from him and who came out victorious, even
if he was confronted by tyranny itself, he can deal with people like Kim Jong-un and Vladimir
Putin, no problem.
And so for him to claim that the country was pulled out from underneath him seems to
me to be off- brand, but even more
dangerous is that it leads to this kind of corrosive cynicism about the fundamental utility
of institutions in the United States.
And that does play into the hands of the radicals, whether they are right or left wing.
And so I would like you to comment about that. And because it seems
to me the Republican Party in some sense is tearing itself apart over the election issue.
And then I would also like your opinion about why there is a swing towards the Republicans
in this midterm. And who is at the forefront of that swing?
Yeah, let me start with the first.
I think that as I talk to conservative voters,
I represent the state of Missouri as you said at the beginning.
And as I talk to folks at home,
the thing that concerns me most,
and where I think the spirit we have to guard against
is when people say, you know, I just am so upset
and I am so distraught over what's happening in our country.
I just don't think it's worth it anymore.
I don't think that what I do anymore matters.
I don't think my vote matters anymore.
I just don't think it matters.
And so I just am willing to give up.
That I think is a very alarming
and ultimately of course self-fulfilling attitude
and one I think we've got to combat again.
So what I always say is,
listen, this is a democracy.
I mean, at the end of the day,
let me put it to you this way.
Theta Roosevelt, who is one of my boyhood heroes,
Theta Roosevelt once said that in America,
we're not ruled over by other people.
In America, every man and woman is a sovereign.
And so we have the responsibilities
that a sovereign would have.
There is something that is extremely dignifying
about that and also very true.
And I think that in this moment of turmoil
in the United States, what we have to say,
conservatives, especially has to say, conservatives, especially, has to say,
is this is a time for we, the American people, to stand up
and to take seriously our responsibilities
as the sovereigns of this nation.
We've got to make decisions and act and engage in a way
that is going to be for the benefit of the country
that's going to work toward a future that we want to see.
So it's got to be pro-engagement, not disengagement.
It's got to be toward reforming our institutions, not destroying them.
And by the way, I don't think it's servitive voters.
I mean, I listen to my voters at home.
You don't hear that.
They're not the ones who are saying, all this country is corrupt.
They don't believe that.
They think the country is good.
They think the country is badly led.
And they're right about that.
But the solution to that is not to say, we give up, we withdraw.
The solution to that is to press in and say, we're going to make change.
We're going to engage in the democratic process.
We're going to go forward.
And I think that that's key.
The second thing about the midterms, I was struck Jordan recently.
I read something by a democratic pollster, a guy who's a really sharp guy and his name is
David Shore.
And I'm sure he would not like me praising him because
I'm probably terrible for his reputation.
But he's a liberal.
He's a very clear about this, a political liberal.
But he's a very smart analyst work for President Obama, former President Obama.
And something that he said recently really caught my attention because I think it's right.
He says that everywhere around the industrialized world, the so-called developed world,
and every country in which the left party
has emphasized cultural and social change,
cultural and social critique,
much as the left in America has.
In fact, everywhere where they've elevated this idea
that the foundations of Western society
are fundamentally oppressive
and illegitimate.
In every single instance, the working people of the country have moved towards the right.
Why is that?
Because the working people of the country don't believe that.
The working people of the country want to preserve their culture and their liberties.
They don't want it taken from them in reform.
So what does that have to do with the midterms?
I think Republicans, why are Republicans benefiting from the swing away from Biden?
It's because Joe Biden is out there saying in word and deed that American society needs to be
overhauled. And I think that the people of this country, and I keep saying working people,
isn't contrast to the more educated elite, because the educated elite,
the products of our educational system,
elite educational system,
they increasingly are part of,
they take the left liberal view.
But I think the working people this country,
they say, no, this, my family,
I believe in family.
Church, synagogue, I believe in those things.
I want my neighborhood to be safe.
I want my kids to be taught in school to love America,
not to hate America.
I want them to be taught that individual liberty is good,
not fundamentally oppressive.
And they see these things, they say,
I'm gonna vote for somebody who will keep my family safe,
who will preserve these institutions
and who will give me a shot to make something in myself and life.
And I think if the Republicans in this country can open their eyes and understand that's
why voters are coming to them, then we can begin to craft an agenda that responds to that.
If they think that voters are coming to them for just about any other reason, I think
that they're not paying attention.
Yeah, well, you're seeing this swing to a more conservative ethos in all sorts of places
all at the same time.
It's happened in Italy.
It looks like it's going to happen in France.
It happened in Sweden of all places.
And so, and now with the flip in the midterms,
it looks like it's happening in the US.
And so this is an opportunity for conservatives
to put forward an alternative vision.
And one that seems to be focused on responsibility strikes me
as the right rejoinder to the left's constant clamoring
about rights.
Because things as rights are always obtained
at the expense of someone else in some sense
if you only concentrate on rights.
Because every person's rights is the collective's responsibility,
let's say, or each individual's responsibility.
And the other issue that you brought up is something like the dignity of work and service.
And if it's all about your rights and not about your responsibility and the meaning in your
life is actually attended on the responsibility, then all that clamoring for rights just makes
you, makes your life devoid of any purposeful meaning.
And that strikes me as highly probable,
given that most purpose is equivalent in some sense
to self-sacrifice.
To have a purpose is to go do something, right?
Not just to sit around and wait in some sense
for some kind of instantaneous trivial gratification,
but to strive forward for something worth attaining.
And that is always in the domain of responsibility.
And I think that the left and the right, when it comes to the subject of rights,
I think the left and the right have a fundamentally different view about rights.
The right says that what the Declaration of Independence says is true,
that our rights come to us by virtue of the fact that we're made in the image of God.
Our rights come to us because they are given by God.
And our rights, by the way, point us toward our responsibilities.
We have rights that open up to us,
fields of action where we are supposed to serve.
We have the right to follow our conscience, for example.
What is that really?
Well, that says that we're obligated to follow the truth.
And that as we feel, as we understand the truth,
you know, what was it Lincoln said?
I mean, I will follow the right as God gives me
to see the right.
You know, that is, it is a right,
but it is also responsibility.
That's the right's view, our view,
conservative view of responsibility,
of rights rather, the left.
The left's view is, well, actually,
rights are entitlements that come to you from the state.
And so therefore, the state needs to expand its power for you to have more rights.
And the problem with that Jordan is, is that the real message to individuals is your
weak and in need of help from the state.
You're fundamentally weak.
The state needs to help you by giving you all of these things, by taking care of you,
by giving you these rights.
The conservative message needs to be, you're not weak.
You are strong, you have the capacity in yourself
to do something, to change the world,
to contribute to society.
And let's get up and do it.
Let's go do something together.
Let's get up there and actually give ourselves
to a cause greater than ourselves.
I think you look at that difference.
It's a very fundamental one.
And it results in a very different program for America.
Do you want to strengthen people to go dive into their responsibilities to shoulder more
responsibility to be able to do more on their own or do you want government to take care
of them while government, by the way, fundamentally reform society?
Yeah, well, I suppose it depends on whether or not you think that people are victims or citizens.
And if they're victims, then they have to have their oppression remediated.
And it would require a central authority to manage that.
And of course, that should be the alarm bell right there.
It's why in the world are you going to trust a centralizing authority when you have every
reason not to?
And alternatively, you could say, well, life is difficult. There's no doubt about that.
And some people are dealt with as hands than others in some ways. But that doesn't mean that you
can't put your best foot forward in service and find a meaning in your life in pushing back against
that, which in shackles you, let's say. And that strikes me as highly probable and psychologically appropriate,
and also a very marketable message, especially to young men. Now, you're also writing a book
at the moment on manhood. That's right. We talked about that briefly. Well, so tell me about that,
tell me why you're doing that. Well, I'm writing it because I look out at the problem of at the plight of men in America.
You know, it's just what you see Jordan in the numbers is,
you see that men are increasingly turning away from work.
They're increasingly turning away from education.
Let's take some numbers.
I mean, since 1965 in the United States,
there are 500% more men who are out of the able-bodied men, I should stipulate, able-bodied men of working age,
who are out of the labor force.
That means not even trying to look for a job.
500% more now than there were in 1965.
That is an astounding number.
You look at the number of men who are pursuing education,
both high school education and higher education.
It's collapsing.
Right now in the United States,
it is 60, 40, female,
to male enrollment in colleges. That's great. That's great for women. But for men,
it's great for women, unless they're looking for a man, in which case, it's not so great.
I've heard of a partner. I've heard recent statistics suggesting that when the ratio of men
to women goes lower than 65, 35, sorry, women to men, lower than 65, 35,
the women stop going to college too.
Well, well, so we may soon find out because the trend line is is is down, down, down for
male participation. You look at male suicide rates. You look at male drug abuse. All of these
things would suggest that there is a pathology, or series of pathologies that is afflicting men
in the United States, and maybe particularly young men
in the United States.
And I think this is one of the biggest challenges
that we face as a society.
So I wanted to think about that.
I wanted to do my part to try and say something
constructive about it.
And I think Jordan, one of the big things is,
is that I think men don't often have a vision
anymore for their lives as to what their lives could be.
And they're told, and you referenced it a minute ago, they're told incessantly from the
time that they are in grade school that they are part of the problem, and that if they
try to go out and be a contributor to society, if they go out and try to exert any kind of
leadership in any field or endeavor, that they contribute to the patriarchy
that they contribute to the climate disaster, as the so-called climate disaster, as you said earlier,
that they contribute to the systemic injustices of America. This is the constant message to men.
And I think that's fundamentally untrue, and we should be saying something to men that's very different.
We should be saying to them that this country needs you, that your families need you,
that your neighborhoods need you, that you can make the world a better place.
And you were born to do that.
And so what I try to do in the book is, as I try to go back all the way back to the very
beginning, back to the Bible, back to Genesis and say, what does that begin to open up for
us?
This very foundational story.
What is it open up for us about what a man is supposed to be?
And if you look at the book of Genesis
and what God calls Adam to do,
he calls Adam to work with him
to help finish the world,
to help perfect the world
and bring it into perfection.
You know, and not to get too deep into the details here,
but you know, if you look at Genesis 1 and 2,
what the Garden of Eden really is in many ways is it is a temple.
And what it's a temple where God dwells, and Adam is there, and Eve 2 cooperating working with God,
that's the symbolism of it.
What is supposed to happen?
Adam is supposed to work with God to make the rest of the world a temple,
to expand the Garden, if you like, to make the rest of the world a temple, to expand the garden, if you like,
to make the world beautiful, to make the world
what it could be, to bring the world
into further into perfection,
and to work with God to do that.
Now that I would suggest to you,
that's a pretty high calling.
That suggests that, wow, a man can really make a difference
in life that a man has a high calling in life.
That's a vision you could give yourself to
and sacrifice for.
When I've been going around the world
doing these talks, I think I've done 60 since January,
something like that in different cities,
all around the United States and Canada and Europe.
I meet about 150 people after each lecture
or each question and answer period.
And they're very, very positive events.
And the fundamental reason that they're positive is because,
first of all, most of the people who come are dressed up.
It's kind of like a wedding reception.
So lots of the young men who come and the young women too,
because more and more of the young men who are coming
have partners with them who look quite happy to be with them.
They're dressed quite formally, and so they all look like adults, and they're all standing
up straight, which is really lovely to see.
And, you know, they're kind of a well put together bunch, and they talk to me not for very
long, because it takes a while to meet 150 people, but I get a few fractions of a minute with each person. And the, it's very moving because they tell me variants of the same story,
which is something like, you know, I've been listening to your lectures for five or
six years.
And I wasn't doing very well back then.
I was pretty nihilistic.
I didn't think there was much point to my life.
I was, I wasn't really, you know then. I was pretty nihilistic. I didn't think there was much point to my life. I wasn't really pursuing my education or working.
I didn't have a partner.
Things looked pretty bleak for me.
And then I decided I was gonna put some effort into it
and straighten up a bit and stop lying.
That's a big one.
I was gonna start telling the truth
and I was gonna start showering my responsibility.
And I was gonna try to get a partner and be someone for that partner and start
a family and so forth.
And you know what?
It's really working.
Things are so much better for me that I can hardly
believe it.
And then, you know, if they're partners there,
she's usually pretty happy with the whole situation too.
And often they're getting engaged or they've just
got married or they have their first child because now they've decided to have children. I can meet all
these people who are getting a life and it's so heartening that it's, well, that's why my wife
and I continue to do it. I travel around the world and what's so sad about this as far as I'm concerned
is that these young men didn't need that much encouragement
to get out there and get at it.
They just needed some encouragement, or at least maybe they needed at least one person
who wasn't actively telling them every second that every single shred of ambition they might
manifest is nothing but the pathology that drives tyranny and the raping force that destroys
the planet. Yes. I. So, enough of that, man.
Really, like enough of that.
Agreed, I think we need to send a fundamentally different message, which is that their lives,
the world will not be what it could be without them.
I think that's the message of the Bible. I think that's the message. Right, that's the message. By the way, I think that's the message of the Bible.
I think that's the message of our American history.
It's that the world, there are things
that can be done in the world,
things that should be done in the world
that only you can do.
And that if you don't do them, they won't happen.
And the world and the people around it,
your family, your spouse, your children.
They will be impoverished if you don't shoulder the responsibility that you could shoulder.
That's a high vision. That's a high calling.
By the way, that's true of our country. Our country will be less if you don't take on the
obligations of citizenship. This country can be greater. It can be more with you as part of it,
and it won't be what it could be without you. We need you. I think that is the message
men need to hear. Yeah, well, I think that's true,
is that to the degree that each person is unique
and each person is unique to a great degree,
then each person has something to bring into the world
that only they could bring into it.
And that's literally the case.
And I do believe that that's part parcel of the idea
that human beings are made in the image of God.
Is God is presented in the biblical corpus as the fundamental creative force of reality
itself.
And that's echoed inside of us.
And so if we don't bring forth what is within us, then there's a lack in the structure
of reality.
And that lack produces undue, pain, and misery and suffering.
And so it is the case that each person needs to shoulder the responsibility for improving
the garden, you might say, as you pointed out earlier, or working towards the perfectability
of existence itself.
And that's a heavy load for each person to bear too, because it turns out that it isn't
true that nothing you do matters.
What's true is that everything you do matters a lot more than you think, and you should
get the hell at it now, or else in some sense.
The other thing we know as a consequence of having blundered our way through the entire
20th century is that when people do abdicate their responsibility on mass, which is what
you saw in Balnáxia, Germany, what you saw in totalitarian, Soviet Union, and in Maoist China, that things turn into hell
very, very rapidly.
Yeah, that's right.
And this goes back to a point that you've made, Jordan, I think is exactly right.
And I think is just deeply true, is that we can either be moving the world to be more
like what it should be. We can make it a little bit more like heaven, or we can make be moving the world to be more like what it should be.
We can make it a little bit more like heaven
or we can make it more like hell.
And we're gonna do one of the other.
And so if we abdicate our response,
if men abdicate their responsibilities,
if they create a vacuum,
then you've got to expect that malign forces
will come into that vacuum and will do terrible things,
which is what we saw in the 20th century.
On the other hand, if men will shoulder their responsibility
and be faithful father, faithful husbands,
faithful fathers, strong workers,
and by the way, these don't have to be dramatic things.
I mean, I think that our world is so ordered
that even small things, even small acts of faithfulness,
small acts of sacrifice, small acts of constructive work,
have huge effects over time in our own lives
and in the lives of people around.
So it's not as if you don't have to go cure cancer
in order to make a difference.
They're only small if you're blind.
All those, all those, there's not nothing
that's done right is small.
So really, and I really believe that's the case.
And in the therapeutic process, when you're working with someone as a behavioral therapist,
you almost always help them initiate small transformations.
But first of all, that small transformation often means a reversal of direction and a reversal
of direction isn't small.
It couldn't be more different to go 180 degrees in the opposite direction. That's a big change.
And just because you start small doesn't mean you end up going slow, especially if the consequences
that with each victory you accrue in the new direction, the next step is likely to occur and in
a larger manner. You get that power law starting to kick in
so that you don't improve linearly,
you improve exponentially once you start moving forward.
And so I think the smallness of right action
is only a consequence of an inappropriate perspective
that assumes that the local and daily
is minimally important when there's no evidence for that at all.
I mean, you can think about this this way to some degree.
The most intense relationships that you're going to have in your life are local.
The relationship you have with your wife and with your child, and you might think,
well, that's only my child. It's not every child in the world. It's only my wife. It's not every woman in the world, but that local
focus has an intensity
That is truly indicative of its significance, I would say and so
the that that's another reason why conservatives can help people put the local back in
But that's another reason why conservatives can help people put the local back in a super ordinent position.
It's like it isn't only that your family matters.
It's that your family matters more than anything else.
And that's appropriate.
It's not that you're advocating your social responsibility that way.
As you're manifesting your true social responsibility through your intense engagement with the
local. And that might mean you're manifesting your true social responsibility through your intense engagement with the local.
And that might mean you're a dishwasher, so you get the hell out of bed and you show up to work 15
minutes early, so the restaurant can run properly. And that's not trivial. And if you think it's
trivial, it's because there's something wrong with your attitude, not because it's trivial and
in of itself. And I think that the, I think that that presenting men with a, with a vision,
again, young men in particular, with a vision that says, yeah, even those things, getting
to work early, doing something kind for somebody, being faithful to your partner, those things
can, can literally change the fabric of the universe. You're working on the fabric of the world
in doing these things,
and you are making the world more of what it could be.
That's a high calling, it's a noble calling.
And I just think that kind of vision,
the leftist rhetoric, I think,
suppresses and destroys that sort of vision,
and therefore suppresses and destroys a healthy ambition.
And instead, what it substitutes is a desire just to fulfill momentary pleasure
to indulge momentary whims.
And I think that's what you see a lot of, unfortunately, a lot of young men doing.
And there's one other aspect to this Jordan that gets to a,
gets to more of a policy issue that I think conservatives in a political sense need to address.
In this country, in the United States, a lot of men who don't have an advanced college
degree or a four-year college degree, their economic prospects, in terms of the kind of job
that they can get, in terms of their ability to support a family, are severely diminished
and have been getting worse over decades. Conservatives, if they're going to call men
to responsibility and we should, if they're going to say that you can, we need you, we've also at the same time got to say, we need to have a society
and an economy that provides you with productive work on which you can sustain a family, that
there is a legitimate shot for you to go out there, get a job, get married, have a family,
and sustain them if you will work hard and apply yourself, And conservatives need to be about crafting that kind of an economy.
And I worry Jordan that part of what's happened in the last 30 and 40 years is,
we've increasingly had an economy that's in the United States has become hyper-globalized
that works for a small set of people.
It's the people who have advanced degrees in certain sectors and does not work for
the vast majority of the rest of the population and does not work for the vast majority
of the rest of the population
and does not work for a lot of working class men.
And that's tied up with this.
And I think conservatives have got to open their eyes
and say, we've got to go out and say,
we need a society and an economy
that is going to be able to support work, support a family.
And you can't be pro-family unless you're pro-an-economy
where you can actually support a family.
Yeah, well, it's a form of regulatory capture by the intellectually elite. That's right. That's right.
And also, you know, this the the globalist agenda
which is really an elite project, you know, it's a project to people who don't believe in nations, who don't believe in
the local community, who don't believe in local traditions.
What they believe is, they think that their values,
which they share with other educated elite
around the country, around the world rather,
that those ought to be what structures the world,
those ought to be what structures the economy,
they pursued this agenda of hyper-globalism
that has in the United States resulted in shipping,
working-class jobs overseas,
shutting down jobs that were good-paying jobs
in small towns like the one that I grew up in.
And it has really decimated
not just the economic fortunes of many, many men
and women too, but it is also badly damaged,
the fabric, the social fabric of this country.
And so part of what I think conservatives
in America need to do is we need to say,
listen, we're gonna be foreign agenda
that is unapologetically pro-American worker,
unapologetically pro-work, and unapologetically
toward the kind of work that you can support a family on.
And we've gotta make some changes in order to do that. And what kind of toward for the kind of work that you can support a family on.
And we've got to make some changes in order to do that.
And the other way around.
What kind of changes do you think might need to be made
at the political level in order?
Let's say that the goal was to foster
a working man's commitment to his family and to his job
and to the advancement of his career,
let's say through that job.
What sort of transformations of policy do you think might be helpful at the level of detail
to facilitate that kind of vision?
Yeah, I think the first thing is we've got to be able to give that man some prospect
that if he actually will get a good job, if he'll commit himself to work, if he'll show
up, as you said, and he'll invest himself,
that he'll be able to support himself into advance.
In order to do that, Jordan, we've got to get jobs
back into the United States of America
where we actually produce things and make things
where a guy who does not have a college degree
and listen, only 35% of Americans
have a four-year college degree or more.
A large number of people.
A large number of people. A large number of people. A large number of people. A more. Right, and a decreasing percentage of men are going to have that as well.
That is correct.
You're looking at almost 70 percent, let's say, of men.
I think it's more than 70 percent of the workforce does not have a four-year college
degree.
We have to have an economy where a man can get a good paying job.
So how do we do that?
We have to bring production back to the United States.
Jordan, we've got to bring,
we've got to produce things here,
we've got to grow things here.
Let me give you an example.
The average salary of a manufacturing type job
in the United States, upper production type job,
a year or two ago was 20,
I think it was 2250, was the average hourly wage, 2250.
In retail, the average hourly wage is like 13 bucks.
In services, it's slightly higher, but not much.
The point is that manufacturing jobs, production jobs, historically, pay better.
You can support a family on those.
They drive research and development, by the way.
They drive the services industry.
And what's happened in this country is I think we've had,
we've had conservatives, unfortunately,
Republicans have been part of this problem,
big part of it.
We've had a stupid economic policy that for 30 and 40 years
or longer has said, we're willing to see jobs go overseas
to places like China.
We are willing to trade away our manufacturing and our production
of all kinds, whether we're talking about precision tooling or whether we're talking about
advanced farming, we're willing to see those things go away in order to get more cheap stuff
from overseas and in order to build up a services in Wall Street driven economy. I think that has
been a fundamental, fundamental mistake
and conservatives need to change it.
And you asked about how do we do it?
One of the things we've got to do is
we have got to set a tariff policy,
and a trade policy that actually works for America.
And I think that works for American workers
and is geared toward Jordan towards bringing back
and fostering good paying production jobs in this country.
So that is a different way of thinking
than most Republicans in the United States
have thought for the last 30 or 40 years
where they've been very pro-globalization.
And I think that it's hard to be pro-globalization
and pro-family pro-worker at the same time.
Tell me more about the book that you're writing
and what you're hoping to accomplish with
regards to your communication to man.
And why are you writing a book and instead of concentrating, let's say, or in addition
to concentrating on the political issues?
Well, I think it's a matter of both hand.
I think that I will, it's imperative to talk about the kind of policy issues that we were
just talking about just now, to go out there and to advance legislation and to advance
a policy agenda.
And I'm certainly going to do that.
But I do think that it's important right now in American culture to put forward an
alternative vision of what a man can be and what good a man can contribute.
And I think the real need is here is when men are beat over the head, as we've talked about,
from the time they're in grade school. Listen, I say this, I've got two, I've got three kids,
I've got two little boys, a nine-year-old and a seven-year-old, and then I've got a baby daughter.
And you know, as a father of parent of school-aged kids, as school-aged boys,
I pay a lot of attention now to what my kids are taught in school, and to what other kids
are taught in school.
Of course, I hear it from parents who I represent all the time.
I think in this cultural milieu where you have the left in control of many of the cultural
institutions, the media, much of the entertainment industry, increasingly the
corporate suites, the head offices, the relentless message to men is that your problem, male
ambition is bad, and I think that we need to present conservatives need to present an
alternative vision, and I think that we need to show men what a different kind of vision for man it could look like.
And that's really what the book is about is trying to do that.
So, okay, on the Republican front, back again to the midterms, there is a swing in the Republican
direction. Who's at the forefront of the swing? Who is it that's who's votes are moving at the
moment and why? Well, who's really moving are working-class folks,
both men and women, but particularly working-class men,
and across, by the way, different racial demographics,
which you see is working-class Hispanic men,
working-class African-American men, particularly younger working-class African-American men,
and then working- class white men are moving
in a big way towards the Republican Party.
This actually really started with Donald Trump in 2016.
You saw an acceleration of an in 2020 with Trump among voters who were Hispanic working
class voters in African American working class voters, especially men.
And you see the same thing continuing and maybe even accelerating in the midterm.
So there's a big switch,
and Jordan, it's a huge change for the Republican Party
in my lifetime, I'm 42.
It's a big change in my lifetime,
where right now increasingly the base
of the Republican Party in the United States
is working class voters, blue collar voters,
we often say in America.
And that hasn't, that has not been the case for most of my lifetime.
And I think right now what you're seeing is Republican leaders are having a hard time
wrapping their heads around that.
Right.
You see this to a certain extent, Britain too.
In Canada as well.
That's interesting.
Yeah, well, a lot of the grounds, well of support for the new conservative leader here, Pierre Paulier, who's likely to be the next prime minister, God willing, is that there's been a big swing by younger working-class people
to the conservative party. And that's certainly something, that's always been a big business
party in Canada. This is definitely a new thing. And so, yeah, as you said, it's happening in the UK
and the US as well. So, interesting, eh, because hypothetically, the left stands for the oppressed and the voiceless.
And yet, you see a migration of working-class people to the Republican Party, especially
young men, which sort of belies the idea that the left.
I mean, the left historically, at least in so far as it had its roots in the labor movement,
I think was sporadically at least a genuine voice for the labor movement, but the fact
that all the working-class people are stampeding over to the conservative side seems to
indicate in some fundamental sense that the left has lost the plot.
I think in the United States, certainly, the left-jordan, if you just look at their voting
returns, the Democrat Party today is increasingly the party of the extremely well-educated and the
upper class in this country. I mean, that's just a fact. You can just go look at the exit polls,
and you see that increasingly the base of that party are folks who have at least four
year degrees or advanced degrees, folks who make above working class wages,
up middle class and really upper middle class,
that is the base now of the Democrat party.
And this gets back to the cultural stuff.
That segment, and it's an increasingly narrow
segment of American society,
they tend to buy into all of the leftist stuff
about how systemically unjust America is.
Well, you have the vast swath of the American public
that says that's not true,
and particularly working people say, no, no, no, no.
That is not true.
And by the way, if you destroy the family
and if you destroy the community
and you destroy the local church, the local synagogue,
you're gonna destroy all of my opportunities in life.
And if you keep shipping my jobs overseas,
you're gonna destroy my economic opportunity in life.
And I think that is the new sort of center
of the Republican part needs to be,
the Republican Party in the United States.
But the real challenge for us, Jordan,
is wrapping our heads around that
and getting a set of policies
that responds to the reality of where voters are.
And you mentioned big business a second ago.
My own view is that the Republican Party,
particularly in the last 20 years, has been too enthralled to big business a second ago. My own view is that the Republican party, particularly last 20 years, has been
too enthralled to big business.
In a big business is, in many ways,
an increasingly malign force in America.
Listen, I'm a free market guy, I'm a capitalist,
I believe in robust competition,
but I don't really believe in monopoly.
In fact, I don't believe in monopoly at all.
And I believe increasingly, many of these businesses
in the United States, huge multinational corporations,
they have monopoly status.
They're also woke.
And so they're pushing an agenda of economic control
and an agenda of social control at the same time.
Republic, as I think, need to go out and say no
to both of those things.
Yeah, well, that's a very fascist combination, economic control and social
political control at the same time.
And so what do you, what do you think, what do you think's driven the emergence of these
largest-scale collusionary monopolies?
Well, I think a couple of things.
Part of it is the, the program, the economic program of hyper-globalism.
I mean, I think that these, these companies, let's take just the social media companies in the
United States, for example, companies like Facebook or I now I guess they want us to call
them meta, I think is an absurd name.
But they feel the need, they're basically in the United States, but they're multinational
corporations.
They say that they've got to become absolutely gargantuan and huge in order to
compete on a global scale.
So the globalization helps drive massive scale.
I mean, just gigantic.
So they get to be huge.
They get to be multinational in size.
And then many of these companies in the United States have had special deals with the United
States government.
And when it comes to the social media companies, the social media companies benefit from special exemptions under American law that no other company does. So we treat
them differently. They've been given special exemptions that are worth billions to them
Jordan a year since the 1990s. So this combination of government favoritism along with globalization
I think has led to increasing monopolization. And that's not been good for anybody.
It's been bad for competition. It's been bad for innovation. It's been bad for Americans as
consumers, but maybe worst of all, it's been bad for them as producers. So that's an interesting
platform for conservatives and revolutionary in some sense to concentrate on the local
again, to concentrate on the working class, to be concerned about the development of fascistic
monopolies at the higher end.
It's an interesting, when I talk to Pauliev or watch Pauliev's campaigning in Canada,
it's so interesting watching his rallies because they look to me
like working class rallies that were characteristic
of the labor movement in the 1970s.
It's the same people attending.
And I think it is this concentration on the local
that is driving that rather than concentration
on big business, let's say.
And so that is an opportunity for conservatives in the US
to capture that massive
base of 70 percent, you said, who are fundamentally working class and orientation by actually
serving their needs properly. And since the entire infrastructure of Western culture depends
in some ways on the integrity of the working class in some fundamental manner, then that
seems to be good policy all around. I think what you just said is absolutely critical, which is that in the United States, the
kind of the culture that we've been talking about, the culture of work, the culture of
family, the culture of faith, that has been and still is a fundamentally middle-class
working-class culture.
And so what you've seen is, is that as the middle-class and working-class in this country
has become economically weaker in these last few decades, as they have become culturally
weaker, they've also become, in some sense, politically weaker, and the left has capitalized
on that.
And I think part of what Republicans and Conservatives need to be saying is, we want
to make all Americans, but especially working Americans
stronger. We want to make their voices stronger. We want to make their life prospects stronger. We want
to make their institutions stronger. Their family stronger. Their neighborhood stronger. We need to be
a party and a movement that says we are for the strength of the working people of this country. We're
for us because this is this they're the foundation of this country, and we're for strengthening
the fundamentals of America. I think that's a hopeful, forward-looking, affirmative agenda
that can be built out and should be built out in a number of different ways. That's my view.
What are your hopes for the Republican Party as we move out of 2022 in the midterms towards
the 2024 presidential election? If you had a best case scenario for what the Republican Party does in the next two years,
what would that look like?
Well, I hope that what we'll do is, in Congress at least, which is where I'll be serving,
I hope that we will be putting forward an alternative agenda that will be along the
lines that we've just discussed.
I hope that we'll come forward and we'll say, we wanna give you more control over your kids' education.
You ought to be able, for instance,
to know what your kids are being taught.
You ought to be able to have a say in that.
You ought to be able to have control
over your kids' curriculum.
We wanna give you more control
and more opportunity economically.
We wanna bring back good paying jobs to this country.
We wanna strengthen the family.
We wanna reward you for having kids,
not punish you for having kids.
I propose a Jordan legislation that would give parents,
a working parents a massive tax cut
if they stay together and have kids.
And I think what we ought to be saying is,
it's not just that we shouldn't be penalizing you
for being married.
We ought to be rewarding you.
If you get married and having a family,
you are contributing to society,
you ought to get the benefit of that. We should be be rewarding you. If you get married and having a family, you are contributing to society. You ought to get the benefit of that.
We should be explicitly rewarding that
and strengthening families, strengthening marriage,
strengthening kids.
So I hope that we'll put forward an agenda
that's focused on that.
As an alternative, Joe Biden, of course,
is going to be president for the next two years.
We need to not just be stopping what he's doing,
although, in my view, that's very important.
But we need to be putting forward an alternative
that fundamentally contrasts with the campaign of nihilism
that he and the left are attempting to foster.
So I hope that's what we'll do.
And I think if we do that, we'll go into 2024
and we'll be able to offer the country
to fundamentally different visions.
What do you think's gonna happen on the leadership front?
I don't know the answer to that. I've, Listen, if I had to predict, I would say Donald Trump is giving every indication that he
will run again, and I think that he'll be the nominee. I mean, I just, I haven't asked him directly
if he's going to run, but I think he is, Jordan. I mean, he's said it publicly. I'd be very surprised
at this point if he didn't. So I think that he will be the nominee. And I hope that if he is the nominee, that he will put forward an agenda
that will be focused on the best of what he did as president. I think the best of what
he did as president was he focused on bringing back American jobs. He focused on trying
to strengthen the economic conditions of the working class and the middle class. And
he tried to defend American culture.
Those are good things.
I hope that he will put forward a positive agenda that will do that and will seek to move
the country forward to a position of strength.
And we'll see.
I mean, we'll see with that.
Who do you see as potential contenders against Trump in the primaries?
You think DeSatris will throw his hat in the ring?
You know, I don't know the answer to that.
I sort of doubt it.
I mean, my feeling is, is that if Trump wants to be the nominee, he will be the nominee.
And I think that most folks probably think that.
So I would be, listen, I don't know Governor DeSantis personally, so I couldn't speculate.
I'd be a little surprised if any serious presidential contender decided to run if Trump ran,
because I think it would be almost certain defeat.
But who knows, I could be wrong, and two years is a long time, and the primaries won't
kick off for over a year, a year and a half.
I mean, that's an eternity in politics.
So who knows?
And what do you think the immediate necessities, let's say, are that
are going to confront a Republican Congress and a Republican Senate,
assuming that that's the way things turn out in the midterms? What would
you like to see happen on the on the political front in the short to medium
term?
Well, I think one of the things we have to look at immediately is is energy on the political front in the short to medium term.
Well, I think one of the things we have to look at immediately is energy
in the United States toward an the rampant inflation
that is you talk about just cutting the guts out
of the working people and their families.
This rampant inflation that this government has given us
is doing that.
And energy costs are a huge part of that.
Joe Biden when he came to office
on one of the first things he did, Jordan, the series of executive orders he signed,
you talk about power.
President has a lot of it.
He shut down new oil and energy production in this country.
He canceled existing leases.
He stopped the future issuance of leases on federal lands,
which is a huge part of our oil production.
We need to reverse all of those policies.
I mean, we need to be a pro-energy production
in this country.
To me, to see the president go from country to country
and getting down and begging these dictators
to increase oil production because we won't produce it
in the United States of America is insane.
It is the definition of insanity.
Flirting with Iran, flirting with Venezuela,
going cap and hat to the Saudis,
well also big moral tricks on them.
Yeah, yeah, that was really quite spectacular.
Canceling the Keystone pipeline system.
Exactly.
Of course, grated on Canadian sensibility,
except perhaps, well, I would say even on the sensibility
of our Prime Minister, interestingly enough.
So yeah, well, it's also the case.
We might point out, too, that America is one of the only countries that has managed to
cut carbon dioxide output, and that was mostly a consequence of fracking, which isn't something
that the environmentalists would have ever, first of all, predicted or certainly not
trumpeted once it happened.
And so it's certainly possible that a U. a US that's dynamic in relationship to its energy production
could be a net force for good, even on the environmental front.
I think that's almost certain.
And as well as on the economic front, particularly in relationship to the finances of the poorest
people because they're so dependent on energy.
That's right.
And I just don't know two things about that. The first thing is, I don't know why you would want countries, dictatorships, like
Saudi Arabian, Venezuelan, others, to be getting, to re-reping the benefit of the billions
and probably eventually trillions of dollars of energy production that we are foregoing
and have it benefiting their dictatorships.
I also don't know why you'd want countries that, to your point,
don't have the same environmental standards,
have lower environmental standards than the United States have.
Why should they be the ones who are producing all the world's energy?
But finally, why shouldn't American workers...
This energy agenda, Biden's climate agenda,
is a deeply anti-worker agenda.
They are telling the men who work the rigs,
the men who work the pipelines,
they put them out of work,
the men who go down into the coal mines,
put them out of work in favor of buying oil
from Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, and Iran.
It is just crazy.
And so I think that a fundamental,
in the short term, a fundamental cornerstone
of a pro-worker
agenda, frankly pro-americage agenda is we have got to turn on American energy production
and put American workers back to work.
The other thing Jordan, we have to do is crime in this country is just at stratospheric
levels.
And it is a, you talk about the basic fabric of society.
If a parent, if a mom can't send her kids out to go, you know, get a gallon
of milk at the local gas station, if they can't go wait for the bus on the corner and not be afraid
they're going to get shot at, you have a problem. And that's increasingly where we are in many cities
today in America. We have got to restore some basic respect for the rule of law. And that's not
hard. Listen, I'm a former prosecutor. That means you prosecute criminals, you put them behind bars, and you reward those who
follow the law.
And we've got to start doing that.
And why isn't Joe Biden doing it?
It's because once again, they think that the criminal justice system is systemically racist.
And therefore, we shouldn't prosecute criminals.
That there's something wrong with that.
Well, there isn't something wrong with that.
There's something good about punishing those who do wrong, rewarding those who do right.
And I think a basic thing Republicans have got to do is we have got to say, we're going
to get serious about crime and restore some basic safety to families in this country.
Well, that seems like a salutary point to end our discussion.
Is there anything else that you wanted to bring
to the attention of people who are watching and listening?
When is your book coming out, by the way?
It'll be out next spring.
It'll be out in the spring of 2023.
And I'm really excited about it.
It's just been a great privilege for me
to get to work on this topic
and to talk to so many men and young men.
And I look forward to getting to do that more and more.
Well, good.
Maybe we can have another podcast when your book comes out.
I look forward to that.
I look forward to that.
Yeah, it'd be good to talk maybe jointly
with someone like Warren Farrell and dive deep
into that particular set of issues.
So, well, thank you very much for talking with me today.
I hope we continue to stay in touch.
I'll be in touch with you and some of the other issues that we discussed and you very much for talking with me today. I hope we continue to stay in touch. I'll be in touch with you and some of the other issues
that we discussed and appreciate very much your candor
and your willingness to talk to me today.
And everyone who's watching and listening
at your attention is always appreciated.
And I hope you found today's discussion useful
and maybe even optimistic and hopeful,
at least on the American front,
that we lovely to see
the U.S. thrive mightily over the next few years, especially on the energy front in a world that's
increasingly in dire straits because of utterly foolish and preposterous energy policies.
You may have done a bad job in the United States, but you haven't done as terrible a job as most
countries have. So that's something.
Hello, everyone.
I would encourage you to continue listening to my conversation with my guest on dailywire
plus dot com.