The Majority Report with Sam Seder - 2725 - The Corporatist 2028 Ploy Playing out Now w/ Astead Herndon
Episode Date: September 4, 2026It's Casual Friday. On today's program: JD Vance is asked by Kaitlin Collins about the widow of an airman who was killed in the War on Iran, struggling access to benefits due to there being no real de...claration of war. Vance says he is grateful for the sacrifice and offers his love. That should help pay bills. Astead Herndon, host of America, Actually and publisher of the Midterms, Actually newsletter on Substack, joins to recap the week's news. In the Fun Half: Abdul El-Sayed goes on Stephen A. Smith's show to discuss why he campaigned with Hasan Piker and how Donald Trump brought wives into the conversation. Zohran Mamdani dispels the capital flight myth in context to raising taxes on the rich and highlights the thousands of people who have been forced out of the city because they could no longer afford to live in NYC. Sam Harris and James née Jamie Kirchick have a soft-spoken, hysterical, Islamophobic conversation. All that and more. On Sunday, October 4, Emma will be in Los Angeles doing a Bitchuation Room Live with Francesca Fiorentini at the Lodge Room. Get tickets here. To connect and organize with your local ICE rapid response team visit ICERRT.com The Congress switchboard number is (202) 224-3121. You can use this number to connect with either the U.S. Senate or the House of Representatives. Follow us on TikTok here: https://www.tiktok.com/@majorityreportfm Check us out on Twitch here: https://www.twitch.tv/themajorityreport Find our Rumble stream here: https://rumble.com/user/majorityreport Check out our alt YouTube channel here: https://www.youtube.com/majorityreportlive Gift a Majority Report subscription here: https://fans.fm/majority/gift Subscribe to the AM Quickie newsletter here: https://am-quickie.ghost.io/ Join the Majority Report Discord! https://majoritydiscord.com/ Get all your MR merch at our store: https://shop.majorityreportradio.com/ Get the free Majority Report App!: https://majority.fm/app Go to https://JustCoffee.coop and use coupon code majority to get 10% off your purchase Check out today's sponsors: DELETEME: Get 20% off your DeleteMe plan when you go to www.joindeleteme.com/MAJORITY and use promo code MAJORITY at checkout. SUNSET LAKE CBD: Head to SunsetLakeCBD.com and use coupon code "Left Is Best" (all one word) for 20% off of your entire order. @SamSeder @EmmaVigeland @MattLech On Instagram: @MrBryanVokey Check out Matt's show, Left Reckoning, on YouTube, and subscribe on Patreon! https://www.patreon.com/leftreckoning Check out Matt Binder's YouTube channel: https://www.youtube.com/mattbinder Subscribe to Brandon's YouTube channel: https://ww.youtube.com/Th3Discourse Check out Ava Raiza's music here: https:/www.youtube.com/@avaraiza
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I mean, right after we start the show.
That means Monday is casual Monday.
Tuesday, casual Tuesday.
Wednesday, casual hump day.
Thursday, casual thursday.
That's what we call it.
And Friday, casual Shabbat.
The Majority Report with Sam Cedar.
It is Friday.
September 4th, 2000.
26. My name is Sam Cedar. This is the five-time award-winning majority report.
We are broadcasting live. Step from the industrially ravaged Gowanus Canal in the heartland of America,
downtown Brooklyn, USA. On the program today, Ested Herndon,
editorial director at Vox, host of America, actually, and publisher of the midterms,
actually, newsletter on Substack.
also on the program today
Better Than Expected Jobs Report
162,000
jobs added
98% of which went
to women
Meanwhile, however, wage growth
slows
and is losing to inflation
and these new job numbers
show that native-born
Americans
still
at basically the same
employment rates
suggesting that maybe these mass deportations have nothing to do with jobs
other than hurting them.
U.S. diesel prices are in an all-time high.
Vance says Iran controls whether the non-war we're engaged in will continue,
as Howard Nutlick admits that he didn't know
the U.S. has suffered any casualties in this non-war.
House passes legislation that blocks,
federal aid for universities that don't support Israel.
Republican House leaders shorten the House session.
It will go on a seven-week vacation after September 17th.
Putting me to shame.
White House appeals to the Supreme Court to allow mail voting to be curtailed by the post office.
The Missouri Supreme Court voids new maps.
new congressional maps for the midterms, despite the fact they had already been used for the
primaries.
Trump regime closes 23 U.S. Forest Research and Development Stations en route to contracting
more than 15% of its workforce.
And Israel's national security minister announces a plan for the illegal forced expulsion
of all Palestinians from Gaza.
Bernie Sanders, the intro's legislation to ban AI superintelligence and to pause AI development.
All this and more on today's majority report.
Welcome, ladies and gentlemen, it is Friday.
Yes, it is.
Casual Friday.
Indeed.
Yes.
People are asking if I said Nutlick on purpose and I'm sorry.
I did.
Yes, it's too easy. It's too easy.
It's easy.
But why not?
He deserves a little disrespect after just blanking on the fact that we've lost over a dozen U.S. service members in this war that his administration has started.
I think he'll survive nutlick.
He'll live.
He'll live.
He definitely values their sacrifice.
Oh, totally.
Totally values their sacrifice.
We got a lot to get to today on the program.
and I am determined to take phone calls in the fun half today.
Just a reminder, you can join us in the fun half
by becoming a member of the Majority Report
at join the Majority Report.com.
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The, and it's, I'm embarrassed because for months, we have been calling this a war on Iran
because, of course, we have been bombing them.
We have killed, I mean, who knows how many thousands of civilians,
at least multiple thousands of civilians,
maybe more with some of the fallout that will follow this,
I guess, we're not calling it a war anymore.
Well, we never did, right?
Even though Trump was comparing it to Vietnam, to Iraq,
to World War II, to casualty figure.
he would go speak about those wars and say, and this excursion is a little bit different
because legally they're kind of in a gray area as it results.
They don't want me to call it a war.
By prosecuting this war because Congress is supposed to have the authority to do so.
Of course, Mike Johnson complains when people say, why aren't you doing anything in relation
to this war?
As far as he's concerned, he has no power to do anything.
He's the number three most powerful person in the country.
at least in terms of succession.
Here is Caitlin Collins at a White House press.
Now, understand that J.D. Vance's, I guess, allies to the extent that he has anybody who likes him in the administration are gone in some respects.
the secretary of the army was recently essentially
essentially jettisoned in part because he went in to talk to Trump about the war
apparently this might just be a rumor this might just be a rumor
this is a little fake news yeah this might be I clarified this before the show but I'm not sure
you heard it it wasn't he apparently he went to talk to Trump about the war and didn't
get the response he wanted. There are some
naughty people speculating
on Twitter that he mentioned the ballroom.
It's almost impossible
to imagine he didn't mention the ballroom,
frankly, but nevertheless
he is gone, and
J.D. Advance is out there
flacking for
this
non-war.
One of the, I just saw a tweet, one of
the, I think the founders
or one of the publishers
of the American Conservative, his
basically said, I can't vote for this administration because of their involvement in this
non-war.
Here is, yeah, excursion.
Here is Caitlin Collins asking J.D. Vance about the story of an Airman's wife, now widow,
who is unable to get benefits because.
her husband died in apparently what is a non-war.
Mr. Vice President, thank you. I've got two questions for you. First, the widow of an airman who was killed in the Iran war says she's having trouble getting some of the benefits that they are, they should have access to because it has not been officially declared a war.
Can you and the president personally ensure that the family of Alex Clinter gets all the benefits that they deserve given he died serving the country?
Yeah, so what's her name? You said his name is Alex Clinner?
Yeah, he was an airman who was killed in the plane that went down over Weston or the wrong.
So what I'd say, Caitlin, is please, especially if you have the private contact information,
we will reach out to her directly as soon as this is over and make sure that she gets what she's entitled to.
Obviously, you know, our heartbreaks for every single person who lost their lives in this operation.
And, you know, as much as our heart breaks, I can't possibly fathom a young widow, what she's feeling and dealing with it.
And so we want to be as helpful as we can and ensure she gets everything that she's
entitled to.
So we will certainly work that on the back end as soon to that.
And my message to her would be, we love you, we're grateful for the sacrifice, and we very much
take very seriously our commitment to get you what you need to get.
Yeah, she's got three young children.
We love you.
That's basically what he said.
Love you.
Yeah.
And this operation, can you imagine a patient on a operating table for, you love you?
for five, six months with the doctors saying,
yeah, we don't know how this ends.
We have no way of ending it, really.
But we love you.
But we love you very much.
But it's an operation out of war.
Love you.
And also, hey, reporter, can you give me the contact information of the widow?
That was maybe the most egregious part to me.
There have been 18 service members that we know of that died.
You can't, I don't know, run it through your GROC AI
and figure out who she's speaking about here, you psycho.
why do you need to get the phone number from the CNN reporter?
You're the government.
Seems kind of threatening too.
It does.
It does.
Asking about the name as well in that public way,
it feels like an intimidation tactic
because they're not clearly giving her benefits
that she deserves proactively.
We should also say this comes on the,
in the wake of another,
in this instance,
bombing of a wedding,
where at least four people were dead,
scores injured by the U.S. in this operation, as he calls it.
In fact, here's Caitlin Collins again,
asking if this war will be over by the midterms.
In terms of the war in the timeline,
given this administration has put timelines out there before,
what you just said about no negotiations happening with Iran.
Will this war be over by the time of the midterm elections?
Well, Caitlin, again, I don't, I wouldn't call it a war.
Right now, there is no active shooting.
I recognize there have been places where this is flared up.
Major combat operations, again, major combat operations lasted for about six weeks.
Not a war.
Not a war, just major combat operations.
Is he saying it was a war?
It's not a war or what?
I'm not sure what they think this is going to solve.
Additionally, it's not like Congress is going to pursue any action for you starting an illegal war.
We saw that already.
If you tell the American public that there's no war going on, they're still facing $4.15 an average of a gallon at the pump.
And diesel right now is out of control hitting a near record high, which is going to impact and already is impacting food prices.
something like 15 to 30% of food prices are the result of the energy costs and diesel is used for shipping goods.
So grocery prices are already out of control and it takes a little bit of a while for these shocks to be felt,
but it's happening at the absolute worst time, I think, for the Republicans.
It's getting worse and worse.
In February, J.D. Vance gave an interview to the Washington Post and said,
the idea that we're going to be in a Middle Eastern war for years with no one in sight,
there is no chance that will happen.
Well, I mean, to be fair, he didn't say there's no chance that we won't be involved in a Middle East operation
with absolutely no possible sight and end.
So let's be fair about this.
They also want the opportunity, if they so choose, to be able to, uh,
restart this war after the midterms if they want.
They're worried about the political fallout,
but let's be clear,
there are mass Islamophobes,
neocons, and Zionists in this administration
that are deeply unhappy with the results of the war
that will try to double back
once they feel like the political headwinds
are a little bit less difficult for the Republicans.
Certainly Benjamin Netanyahu will
after his election is over.
I just want to also point out
that this is the exact fantasy
that liberal Zionists when we're talking about Israel and there, there's a report in the Jerusalem
Post that they are floating to Trump that he should offer student debt relief for anybody that
signs up for the Iran War. I'm not sure how true that is.
AJ J. J. Jaff in the Jerusalem Post, Rito Op Ed, where one of the things he said is not only
student loan debt, but also credit card debt should be dischargeable if you serve because
there's only currently about 400 or so thousand troops in America. And if you're going to invade Iran
like they want, you need about
1.5 million. My point is just that
who are going to fill the ranks with indebted
people. Yeah, Klarna's going to fill
the ranks. The Klarna brigades.
Israel had, right, yeah, going to war
for my third Klarna payment
on my dig-in
lunch order. But like,
but, but, but
Israel also has elections in
October. And this is the exact
scenario that liberal Zionists said was going
to put pressure on the Israeli government to be more
moderate and the exact opposite is happening.
Like, oh, if once Benjamin Netanyahu and his coalition is held to account by the democracy within Israel, they're going to back off of this whole genocide, ethnic cleansing and pushing the U.S. into the war in Iran thing.
No, it turns out that actually the political constituency that Benjamin Netanyahu has to appeal to to get reelected is like the settler community.
And they're sprinting further and further right and giving the settlers whatever they wanted.
And that same group of people is also trying to get the U.S. continuously embroiled in this war.
We will talk a little more about that, I imagine, with Stead Herndon, who will be joining us in a moment.
Editorial Director at Vox, host of America, actually, publisher of the Midterms, actually, newsletter on Substack.
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in the podcast and youtube descriptions now a quick break and when we come back instead herndon
editorial director at vaux we'll be right back we are back emma veiglin sam cedar on the majority
report real pleasure to welcome back to the program of stead herndon editorial director at vox
host of America actually and publisher of the midterms actually
newsletter on substack a very smart extension of the brand
yeah got a right got to find new audiences uh we wanted to make sure we could name
what we were doing in the pod uh in the written for that fantastic um instead uh you had a piece
uh you know it's been like a relatively a slow news week uh uh
relative to this era.
The destruction of our government continues unabated.
The what is apparently a non-war now also continues.
But you wrote a piece about something that has dominated the news.
And I have to say, like, I really found your piece on this to be really instructive and insightful.
you talk about Hassan Piker
and this obviously concerted effort
to make him radioactive.
Tell us your theory of the case.
Yeah, I mean, someone has been from seeing it develop,
I feel like somewhat from a front row view.
I mean, after the 2024 election,
a lot of folks, even in my kind of mainstream media world,
we're going to Piker as a voice for Yidem's law,
as a helpful explanation of how Zims lost the internet.
And I think specifically someone with credibility around calling the party to task about things like abandoning Palestinians.
And I think abandoning a platform or immigration, I remember doing his dream about some of that stuff leading into 2024.
What changed, and I think what I tried to track in that piece was, frankly, you know, some folks got rubbed the wrong way, not necessarily by the, I think, by more than kind of what they're giving.
on. But we interviewed Third Way about their Asan Piper op-ed in the Wall Street Journal.
They said what really kicked it off was that he was at CrookedCon. And they didn't like
the fact that he was on stage with some mainstream media E-type figures. And this all happens
before he starts campaigning with progressive candidates. I remember in that interview with
Third Way, they guaranteed El-Said would not win the primary. And then they said, oh, well, if you're
primary, he'll lose the general or he'll run away from Assam. That's the only way he'll win in that race.
it became pretty clear that the effort wasn't necessarily what was being led on. I was asking them,
okay, well, would you be mad at the demographic going on Piper Stream? They're like, oh, no, not
if you kind of call out the things we don't like. I'm like, okay, can they go on Rogan? Can they go on
other places? They're like, oh, we want Democrats to take their message everywhere. And yet there's
been so much time spent, I think, making a concerted effort to make him in that stream radioactive.
And so I was pointing out the reasons why that's a political advantage to centrist, you know,
because that is an independent way
for progressives to where he's money right now
because that is a place
where they can go around mainstream media.
And I see the frustration
kind of in mainstream media universe
with a fractured ecosystem
that has produced the likes of Asan Piker
that has stepped into a credibility void
that we've left open.
And so all of that felt like it was swirling around
but unsaid.
And so in that piece,
I was trying to put some of that out there
because when we interviewed these folks,
They were pretty open about it.
It wasn't a secret where some of this was coming from.
It was, I think, an attempt to marginalize not just this individual person,
but a growing winged in the party that has more power.
But why him then is the question, right?
I mean, typically you would see this effort to define a politician in a particularly negative way.
But it appears to me that third way, at the very least, has the wherewithal to understand
that AOC, Bernie Sanders, Zoro and Mamdani are some of the most popular Democrats among the base in the country.
So is it your assessment that they view now with DSA being a fairly leaderless movement that's a little bit more dispersed and also can be local with the chapter that you're involved in, that they see Hassan as the figurehead that they're trying to define?
Even as the public is saying what you think is important is not what we think is important.
Yeah, I mean, I think you're explaining it exactly right.
I mean, this is a sort of leaderless movement.
This is a grassroots thing that's happening.
And so in kind of the primary season, it was helpful to have a face to put to that to demonize.
And I think we should say like, you know, Zoraamadani, AOC, Bernie Sanders, they haven't said some of the things that Zana said.
He is more incendiary than some of those figures.
And so it's a helpful latch for them.
But I also think we should say that some of this is a misunderstanding or later understanding of a
media ecosystem that's changed over a long period of time.
I mean, some of these folks, I think, have been late to figure out the kind of streaming
universe and kind of how it operates.
And so one of the things that, like, I had to explain to somebody, I'm like, you know,
in that world, you know, the level of, I think, kind of open conspiracy, the level of open
bigotry, the level of open kind of misinformation as such, that sometimes the stuff that,
you know, folks are tagging on Hassan, I think are kind of low level.
I mean, like, when you are a young person on the internet,
you have read people make 9-11 jokes for a long time at this point.
Like, I see in soccer watching overtly racist, overtly bigoted,
overtly sexist things all the time.
And so that's not even to say that that's a defense of what some of the stuff the man has said.
But that is to say, I think a generation of people have grown up swimming in some of that
and an internet that swims in some of that.
And so you're having an establishment use someone as a proxy that I feel,
like if you live in that world, you're like, ah, that, I mean, that kind of hurt that last week.
You know, like, so I'm saying that.
I think some of that is just a general misunderstanding and a helpful tool, I think,
for establishment seeking to marginalize an upcoming generation.
Yeah, I mean, I think that, like, the, I find most of it being disingenuous.
Exactly.
And, you know, the, I think I rewatched that Jonathan Carl interviewing AOC.
You know, he said that America deserved 9-11, which I think is a ham-fisted way of saying blowback, which, you know, 20 years ago, 22 years ago, I was interviewing Chalmers Johnson, a very prominent academic who had written an entire book about blowback in the implications of our involvement.
I mean, that stuff is, it's not particularly profound whatsoever,
and it's certainly terrain that has been covered.
So I think there's a lot of disingenuousness involved in it.
And I think what I found really insightful about your piece was this is as much about 2028 as anything else.
I think that there is a two-fer for them for the centrist, if they can show that Abdul El-Sayette,
is not going to win or can get him in some ways
to act as a drag on his chances in Michigan.
I think that has been so far a failure.
His polling numbers have actually slowly increased, if anything,
since this has started in Michigan.
But that the bigger issue is they don't want
the array of candidates that are out there
to get benefit from choosing a lane where they would gain the younger people
and as manifested in Hassan Pikers support.
They want to keep people from being able to raise money early on in particular,
I think.
This is really about, it seems to me, the first six months of the 2028 primary,
more than anything else.
Because that's the gatekeeping period.
That's the period where it's usually only a certain amount of people tuned in,
where that's where money's raised.
That's where a lot of candidates kind of live and die
before the public tunes into the race.
And so I tell people like the time in which the kind of elite consensus
has the most impact is in that window.
Yeah.
And so I think we should see this as a midterms effort
that marginalizes an important avenue ahead of a time
in which that could be critical for candidates to last or raise money or generate an early interest, right?
I remember even in Zora Mamdani's mayor election, his stream with Hassan was an early kind of marker from him getting national attention.
That was before even some of those bigger viral videos.
And so I think you're right to call out the nature of that.
And that's what I was trying to do in the piece to say, like, you know, these litmus tests are not just about the primary.
But the flip side is true, too.
Like, you know, we can frame it on the kind of centrist, I would say, bad faith effort.
But the opposite is also true that progressives have an opportunity to prove a different electability model in this midterms.
If El Ciyadh is to win or if Angie Nixon can pull off a crazy upset or come closer than whatever,
I think it helps really show that some of the electability tags that people are putting on these candidates you can shake free of.
And so it is certainly, I think, the strategy to make him radioactive and to cut off, I think, a lane that, and to tag them with that unelectable label that we know is the same that Bernie faced and the same that other progressives have faced previously.
But I would also say there is an opportunity here to show that the electorate is listening to that less and less.
The primary was one piece of that.
But if else I had were to win, I would say Nixon's another one, those Troy Jackson.
And like some of these candidates running and these battleground districts are not doing so,
what I would say from a third way paradigm.
And so in the same way that they're trying to tag El-Sayed as a as a proof point of unelectability,
it could boomerang in the opposite way.
Well, if we're talking about the general election, I think the better example then is Donald Trump,
where the Democratic establishment was, what did you say?
And 100%.
Right?
Like they thought that.
they could define Donald Trump in this negative way.
They deployed the Pied Piper strategy,
and it turns out once again, and this was 10 years ago at this point,
D.C. was out of step with what a lot of people thought.
And they did not have the credibility to make these arguments against Trump,
and now we're seeing the devastating consequences of that.
You mentioned Angie Nixon.
I know you spoke to her this week, and we also did on Monday.
She was accused by Gail King of campaigning with Hassan Piker.
She got the notes from on high, maybe from Barry Weiss or anybody associated, and she was completely wrong.
And then still had this aggressive posture towards Angie Nixon as if she did campaign with Hassan.
And then there was this other Casey Hahn had this really rude, disrespectful, frankly, interview of her on CNN as well, where they have this aggression towards her and this fury towards her.
And they're even using lies to tag her to tie her to Hassan when that wasn't the case.
And it goes to show that it's not about Hassan.
It's about them losing control of the electorate.
And people seeing that like these ideas are what is resonating with them.
And I guess I guess I'm curious about your thoughts on that as well, the reaction to Andrew Nixon.
And I, you know, I, you know, I said, I tweeted this.
But like the institutional media right now, I think is in a real tough spot.
And it bums me.
out a tough spot of some of our own creation.
But I just think like the credibility gap and like sometimes the posture we're taking
with some of these candidates that are coming from nowhere,
not come from traditional vetting or are unknown to electorate.
It's just unnecessarily hostile.
Working class, too.
They're also classists.
Particularly true for people who don't come through the DC lens of the right person
that often overlaps with class boundaries, racial boundaries, gender.
But I think specifically, and Angie Nixon spoke to this in both of our interviews,
She understands that, you know, a progressive black woman is going to be tagged with a kind of specific label.
And she's just overtly rejecting it.
She's just saying, like, I don't care.
If you put me in this, I don't care.
If Republicans run all these ads about socialism, like, I am going to build as many alliances as possible and live and die on that kind of vision.
And I think that kind of clarity is, you know, in the kind of traditional establishment view of election,
they never factor in how that sort of clarity crosses ideological bounds.
Like people, people appreciate authentic, clear communicators, and they will take people
who disagree with them or they disagree with on a specific issue if they find them to be morally
consistent. And so really, I don't know why we have to learn this lesson over and over because
Donald Trump is an example of some of this stuff too. And I have heard Republicans over a course
of the last 10 years, learn to shed the establishment's view of electability.
They've shed it.
They don't believe the prism of who can win and not.
They are more concerned with putting their party in an ideological and value direction
that they care about more.
That's what's happening with Democrats.
I feel like even Bill Clinton at one point said strong and wrong beats the right and
week.
But getting back, I mean, I'm really curious as to your thoughts about how,
effective this is going to be. Because in the general, I mean, absent all of this very concerted
effort to make Piker radioactive, I would have predicted that most of these candidates who
are in a blue, a rather a purple state, would have distanced themselves from Piker, if not
like explicitly, just implicitly, in the general.
I mean, that's just basically what you do,
particularly when you're in a purple state,
not necessarily changing their positions,
but not highlighting that.
And I think this effort by third way
and also aided by the mainstream media,
and I want to talk about that narrow perspective on it in a minute,
but that they have been able to force a lot of these politicians
to maintain some distance.
Like, you know, Sayad, I don't know if he was ever planning to have Piker come into Michigan,
but he's not going to do that now.
Nixon's a good example.
I mean, having to proactively disavow.
Yes.
Before they've ever had a relationship with him.
But I wonder, and the idea is, again, is that sort of like the pre-primary era
when people are trying to raise money, where they're trying to get a,
into the bloodstream of the primary and to stake out lanes in which they're going to
go because I think there's some, you know, I don't think Andy Bashir is going to come out
and become this sort of like progressive champion.
But that's the type of thing that I think would worry a third way consultant is that
somebody who codes red state or purple state decides I'm going to take this lane.
that, you know, could have been in like, you know, in, you know, in 2020 or 2016, you know,
someone who sort of tries to move just slightly to the right of like a Bernie Sanders and fill that void.
I don't know who that would be, but they want to keep Piker away from him.
And I just wonder if that's going to actually work in the context of a primary.
I mean, we saw Mallory McMurrow try it in her primary.
And it failed miserably.
Piker has a different sort of like aura now.
But I wonder if, you know, things are not going to get better for third way for the centrist.
And frankly, for like the Zionist contingency, because I think there's a lot of people who see this effort.
As overlapping.
As overlapping.
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
I'll do a rounds about way of getting at this.
I mean, remember when there was 20 Democrats.
running in 2020 or whatever.
Like, I remember talking the third way at that time.
They did not prefer Joe Biden.
They, you know, they were trying to make some of these other candidate.
They were swimming in the kind of Harris, Buttigieg, Klobuchari, lane.
And let's remember, like, the ones who tried to execute in all of the above strategy in that primary fail.
like the the folks who lasted was Bernie Sanders on one side,
Joe Biden on another side,
and even the folks who lasted towards the end,
I think chose more explicit parts of that way.
So it is difficult, I think, more difficult than they acknowledge,
to run a Mallory McMorrow-esque, please everybody
or style thing across Democrats.
Like you kind of have to stake stuff at some point.
And so whether it's Piker,
or something else.
I don't think you make it through that Democratic primary weather veining to the latest Twitter
controversy.
The progressive who means well, but just can't get it over the finish line.
Honestly, to me, like, and this is, like, when I saw Assov released that statement about
Piker, less than, less than actually about responding to what I think was a thing taken out of
context and all that stuff.
Like, we can go through the facts of it, but more so I thought, I don't know if I would get in the habit of responding to like the 30-hour X new cycle.
Like, I think that's a losing game.
I totally.
I just thought, I thought, why?
Interesting.
More than any other thing, that in particular when Asoff did that, because Piker has not been anywhere near Georgia.
Yeah, they've got to paint together.
And Alive has been, like, studious in trying to avoid issues, like, even around, like, crypto and AI.
He doesn't have a great record there.
I mean, he has really tried to stay in this, like, anti-corruption lane, which is a very sort of comfortable place.
Yeah.
You know, J.D. Vance is in that lane, too, right?
Like, but it just so happens.
He happens to be in the administration that's committing a lot of that corruption.
But, yeah, I found that really interesting.
and I really wonder what that says about his donor because that was something that I can't imagine.
It feels like somebody went specifically to Aasov's campaign and said, do this.
And he put it through a statement.
He didn't say it.
It didn't come out of his mouth.
And we know how this stuff works, particularly in a primary.
I mean, I remember as a reporter on that 20 Democratic landscape, you could ask about anything to get a statement about anything.
You could pitch somebody against somebody.
And then all of a sudden it's an issue.
and then they never actually said it at a campaign event.
So I think we should ask about kind of a media role in here, too.
But I'm just saying from a candidate perspective,
I feel like holding that clarity about what matters most to voters
will be what separates this mass group who runs next year.
And so one thing that Joe Biden understood throughout that whole primary
was people were scared about Donald Trump.
That was the smartest thing that they never budged on was,
we do not care if we get bullied on Twitter
every single debt
because this is going to be about Donald Trump.
That was correct, right?
And so all I'm saying is
if you're going to operate
in a lane of people
who are, if you're going to operate
like kind of outside of the progressive sphere,
and I remember making this point for you all before,
like I do not think you can follow
the moderate elite version of politics,
the third way version of politics,
to success. That has to be something
that also speaks what moderate working class voters are thinking about. And I think that is the
like ruse that third way is putting up is saying that their litmus tests are shared by the larger
base of centrist in the Democratic Party. And I do not think that's true. Yeah, I think it's, I'm sorry,
just I don't think it's they're not playing to the electorate in this instance. Then we're going
directly to intimidate candidates, period.
Like, it is an elite-to-le conversation.
100%.
Go ahead, Emma, sorry.
No, no, it's just, when you mentioned 2020,
it's just so notable to me how much the conversation
has shifted on the notion of electability as well.
Like, Biden was able to pitch.
I'm the only one that can defeat Donald Trump,
but we're seeing this also with the impeachment adjacent
Democrats just getting swamped in this primary cycle,
whether it's Diana,
get, whether it's Dan Goldman, whether it's Vinman who, Vinman down with Angie Nixon, no one cared.
People are like, wait, you guys failed to keep him out of power. Why would we trust you to do it again?
And I think that the establishment has not caught up to the fact that like even if voters just care
about hating Donald Trump, which is an older part of the Democratic Party electorate, they have lost
credibility with that core group as well. Right. That's big difference from Trump one to Trump, too.
is that it can no longer be centralized around what was the Joe Biden premise of Donald Trump as an anomaly in an American politics,
that Trump movement as a singular moment that could be stamped out.
Obviously, that's not true anymore.
It is the fundamental movement that has reshaped our government and is doing so.
And so, like, I think folks understand that.
And so even, you know, even to step away from impeachment as a motivating factor, I think speaks to Democrats thinking more structural.
right like thinking more big ideas and finishing an ideas primarily that collapsed in 2020 like
it is not that it is not that they finished their conversation on what they believe on immigration
or what they believe on health care or whatever it is that COVID-ed the love all this like like
all this other stuff happened and Joe Biden and one forget thinking about that you know like
and think about Donald Trump and so I'm like that's the the evolution of the base will be
expressed in this next presidential primary, but also the kind of unfinished work, like,
is, I think, important to recognize, too, because it's not as if, like, I think Democrats are
coming out of a clear vision of who they are more so than we're starting on the ground floor.
And I think that perspective is helpful.
Yeah, it's, you know, I'm happy to hear that, you know,
Jeffries is talking about
if the Democrats take control
of the House and, you know, who
knows the Senate, there's going to
be an attempt to, you know,
re-
reinvigorate
Medicaid and to
help in the ACA
and all of those things. But none of
all of that is returned to
where we were two
years ago. There's no
sort of like even
nascent vision
of what our policies are going to be on immigration,
what our policies are going to be on health care.
There's none of that.
There seems to be very, I mean, I imagine behind some closed doors,
various factions have their ideas.
But there seems to be no sort of like cohesive ideas
of what the Democratic Party wants to do in a post-Trump era
in the event that they win in 2028.
I want to also just turn to the media because it's also fascinating how the media jumped on this scrum on Piker because like, you know, Dana Bash was like openly criticizing Piker for things that she had said in the past, practically.
Not to pick on Dana Bash, although I'm happy to pick on Dana Bash.
but like she that was indicative i think of what was going on to me that just reads like
this is it's summer we don't have to do any work this is like basically if we were hosting a
tmc show although tmz actually doing a fairly good work these days but like honestly it's like
this is uh you know this is where we all get to play andy cohen and talk about real housewives
we don't have to do any reading in this i can't believe you know who that is i cannot
believe you know who that is or his own work too. Get up.
Who it is?
No, no, no, I totally.
I gave Andy Cohen his first TV appearance ever, but that's a separate point.
You didn't know Brad Pitt and Angelina Jolie were married, but you know Andy Cohen knows what
real house are about real housewives anyway. Keep going on.
But the point being that it makes it easier, it's just easier to cover.
Like, you don't have to do the work.
No, I think you're right that the media failure has been sent.
to a lot of this.
And I think that
there's been a lack of curiosity
just about
an earnest reflection
on the changing of the base.
Some of this, I think, reads as
uncomfort
with where the base is and sort of advocacy
to reimpose what
they think the guardrails of political
discourse should be rather than
actually follow where people are going.
But I mean, like,
I mean, as someone who has spent,
an unfortunate amount of time in Washington, D.C.
I cannot overstate their distance from, like,
baselines of both parties, to be honest with you.
And so they're working from an abstract.
It actually really upsets me.
I saw somebody say, like, you know, the Democratic Party is not all Bushwick
and Brooklyn.
I'm like, North Brooklyn would be a much better representation
of, like, a group of working class people than both of you people interact with.
Like, you wish you were in much, right?
And so, like, I just wish, like, there was a better acknowledgement
of, like, how many of these people are just treated as,
as treated as old numbers are treated as, like, abstractions.
And so I'm saying that really matters because, like,
and things like the shifting sentiment around Israel,
I think it is very convenient to localize that
to, like, a group of highly online,
campus protest style
Hassan Piker Watchers, even.
Like, it is a bigger group than that.
Like, the real importance of the shift
is that it is not just localized to that.
Or something like AI pushback
happening right now or like block camera pushback.
Like, or Epstein a year.
Oh, no, you keep going down the line like on these things.
And I'm like, it is a very convenient view
to say that that is just,
the position of the people who
most annoy them on X.
And that is not true.
I think like as an example of
flock stuff like I keep
hearing of flock
cameras getting removed
from rural
this is Iowa. We have this poll in our
packet from Emerson
that voters
opposed their community using
flock cameras installed automated
cameras. 61 to
26% very similar numbers on data centers. 60% thinks that they'll impact the environment negatively.
52% think that it'll impact the cost of living negatively. And then 62% of Iowa voters in
general oppose data centers being built near their community. So just to add to what you're saying,
this is Iowa, these are also farmers impacted too by the rising fertilizer prices, gas prices,
Trump's tariff war. This is a very, very dramatic shift.
I think right now.
And these are like populist ideas that are being handed to certain Democrats.
And you have certain Democrats that are afraid to touch it.
I mean, absolutely.
So I'm saying like that's on the ground.
Like now J.D. Vance might pick it up.
Like, you know, like somebody's going to pick it up.
So like and there is a legitimate shift that you see Greg Abbott waffling on on
on flat cameras.
Like that is that it's being reflected.
cross-party. And so that's all I'm saying
is like, you can
you know, there was
a version of the way
I think Democrats egregiously ignored
based in the lead up to 2024.
And I'm not even dealing with any of that. We're in new
versions now. Like, you know, like,
I'm like, I'm only talking about the last couple years.
And on the last couple years, if you're
not talking about people's anxiety around the future
of work, if you're not
recognizing people's masks,
the distrust,
Donald Trump, like,
stowed even like from
reversing on affordability or
reversing on what people thought would be no new
roars like if you're not flowing
from those type of places you're not
hearing I think what are been
undeniable sorts of shifts and so
like when we were at that data center
town hall
six months ago it was
you know you heard about environmental concerns
people that brought their electricity bills
but it was really about a process that had
shut them out that folks were
universally upset that they felt
like they had been, frankly, given up to these tech overlords without a federal or local government advocating for them.
And in that room is such an understanding of like, there's like an assumed nature of the way Congress won't come to help them and not, and like the federal government will not be there to help them.
And I'm like, that's probably, that's a reflection of reality, right?
Like that, like I'm not saying that's a wrong takeaway.
But it just made it just for someone who lives in national politics, it was just like, there is such an opportunity here to be someone who does put people, workers interest in mind in the time when anxiety is so high.
But like, yes, that will require you being on the opposite side of some money interest. And so whether they pick that up or not, who knows.
How does distinguish between local and national though in the age of social media as well.
And if if, if like, like I understand.
that the data center stuff and the
flock hammer stuff is specifically local, but it's a
national story in that the activism around
it is fairly universal
across massive
parts of the country, different swathes of the country.
Yeah, I think that's a great question.
I think it's harder and harder to untangle those
things. Like, you used to come, I mean,
I've been going to congressional or midterms
races 10 years now and used to feel
like you were kind of out of a bubble or
in a non-nationalized space, then that's
really different now. You hear people talk
about kind of more top-down
issues. And I think even that type of activism that spreads social and stuff, like, it's hard to
determine local, national, offline, online, those lines are blurring. So I think that's important
to point out. I guess I just to say it from like who their blame was pointed at, right?
Like, their blame was really a mayor and city council that they felt had a duty to inform.
And then when you think federally, their anger was the absence of proactive
of protection, right?
Like, and so I'm saying the kind of how they expressed to their,
why they were blaming one side and the other was different.
But I do think you're right that the kind of broken government,
a fundamental feeling crosses state and local.
I mean, national and local.
My sense is that like data centers has become an avatar for a whole mass of
frustration around this stuff.
And it's just, this is the most sort of like material and concrete things.
that we can show our anger towards because everything else is sort of ephemeral.
Like, you know, we just don't, this is something that we can see it.
It's going to be built here.
And it's in our community.
And this we can fight against.
It's almost like this is the one thing where we can make our stand because everything
else is just sort of like in the air and we can't quite find something to fight against it.
Let's turn for a moment, though.
we just have a couple more minutes, but
this
the efforts
by the Republicans, I mean,
right now the polling is such that I
think
in a vacuum,
it is quite clear the Democrats are going to take
the House. I mean, it's been, I think, quite clear for
months, but
you know, some are looking at like
tsunami levels, particularly with
some of the gerrymandering, which
brought, you know, Republican
plus 15, a House,
districts down to like Republican plus eight or something.
But there is a very concerted effort to screw up the voting.
Texas just shut in one of their biggest counties.
I think they went down to they changed the ratio.
Typically, I think it's like 1,100 people per voting place around the country.
And in one of their biggest counties, they made it five.
over 5,000 people per.
I think that includes Fort Worth, which is one of the highest concentration of black voters as well, that particular county.
Of course.
And we're seeing this, you know, various localized versions of this.
And now we're seeing the sort of the mail-in ballot thing.
We've got to rely on the Supreme Court to sort of say, you know, I don't know what's going to happen with that case.
a judge in Boston basically said,
like, you don't even have anything ready for me to make an assessment of,
which is why the Supreme Court sent it back to her in the first place.
And it's still not ready, but the Supreme Court,
I don't know if they're going to do it again or what.
But what's your sense of the efforts to push back on this?
Have you seen anything?
on the ground in terms of like the get out the vote effort by the democrats to deal with this i mean
i would say one like it's right to point out because this is the republican strategy is that
we can kind of guess where the next several months are going to go they have a lot of money like so
they will flood airwaves there will likely be a manufacturer crisis you know i expect a caravan
or or some form of like imminent fear um and also really importantly it's the rules of the game like
they initially were kind of doing that gerrymandering effort.
Your right to point out some of that has not turned out as they wanted.
But, you know, Trump has pushed ahead not only like furthering these claims, but, you know, they have a task force looking at things, mail-in ballots.
When we just did a call out for our listeners about things that most, they most had questions about for midterms, it was all about election security, election integrity.
I saw that Eric Calder and Democrats have had the National Task Force they're doing going in.
We interviewed kind of midtermy governors who all kind of talked about having like proactive plans, but they didn't want to say it.
Chase Donald Trump declares a national emergency.
But I think people are in a kind of waiting pattern to see how far he plans to take this.
And so the unfortunate fact is like we don't know.
We don't know whether the Supreme Court is going to do with mail and ballots.
We don't know how much pressure Donald Trump is going to exert on about voting.
roles, which he's already tried to do in some states that push back. But I think the big question to me
is about his constant teasing of a national emergency. Is that something he follows through on?
I, you know, when we talk to one of Trump's advisors earlier this year, he said his biggest
regret was that he didn't declare a national emergency for Minnesota and ICE because he thought
that would have had them in there quicker and faster. And so they're pushing him to do that for
November. And so I think all of those stuff are real concerns. My unfortunate answer is like,
it's going to, we're going to, so much of this is about his willingness to blow through the lines.
Right. And I do think Democrats have been planning or at least have said that they are aware of the
possibility of those things. But they're going to be reactive to see what he does.
lastly
the one little
sort of very inside story
this week was the defection
of two Democrats
to vote with Republicans
not just on a piece of legislation
but something that never happens
which allows for a rules change
which allowed essentially
some fast tracking of these
bills and to face
less hurdles
on getting to the
floor. And this rules change is sort of unprecedented for members of, at least in modern times,
to cross party lines to vote for. One of them is Jared Golden. There's really no way, you know,
to discipline him. And I've been reading about David Dana has a great piece on this and
disciplining the question is whether Jeffries is going to discipline Glucon Kemp Perez.
who went across.
She has a prime seat on the Appropriations Committee.
But there's also some progressives who are worried that if the precedent set about punishing people who don't vote with Democrats,
so they're trying to tailor something that is narrow enough of circumstance.
But what's your sense, like, what are you hearing in regards to, like, what that says about Hakeem Jeffrey's shop,
that they didn't know this was coming,
that he was obviously blindsided by it.
What are you hearing in that regards?
Yeah, I heard some, you know,
I think it was a,
the lack of knowledge was a bad Jeffrey's look,
I think,
even that's part of why you've seen
an uncharacteristically
aggressive public pushback since then.
This is not something Democrats usually do.
To me,
did he take another picture of himself with a bat?
What did you say?
Did he take another picture of himself with a bat?
Not really is intimidating.
But to me, I think like this speaks to Democrats who are much more tuned in to like the, to holding the own call.
Like the desire for fight is such where I think that these type of moments where Democrats, particularly Democrats who like building some Republican alignment credentials every now and then would do some of this stuff without reproach are over because the base is much more tuned in.
and I think there is much more,
I think just like kind of social cost and penalty to pay for that.
But, you know, I also am skeptical of their desire
to really fully discipline folks on this front
because they do want some form of independence maintained
and I do think progressives have an interest even
in making sure some form of that independence is maintained.
What to me feels like the clearest kind of violation
is the lack of knowledge and what feels to me like a clear rebukal,
like, you know, a movement around leadership.
So, you know, I guess I only think, you know,
I think Jeffries is in a larger question of his, you know,
I think that meeting with Kushner.
Yes.
I think the meeting with Kushner is a little more,
maybe more important than this.
Like, I think some of that, D.C., like, you know,
glad handshaking, like, you know, normal politics as usual,
is something that has not shown its own political benefit, you know?
What are they getting from these meetings with fish?
You know, what are they getting from like the kind of deference,
the Washington deference they continue to offer Republicans?
I think the base is increasingly questioning that.
Do you think that this is, if we're doing death by a thousand cuts for, for, for, for,
for, for, for, for, for, for, for, for, for, for, for, for, for, for, for, for,
kind of dead man walking.
I've been saying for a while,
but is,
is Kushner?
I mean, seriously, though,
this guy's not officially apart.
Who believes said that he was meeting
with the unofficial Middle East envoy,
Jared Kushner,
who had Netanyahu sleep in his childhood bed
about affordability.
I mean, give me a break.
Listen, like,
I feel,
I remember seeing,
in that mom's downing profile last year,
like, you could feel
Jeffrey's
struggle
intensifying.
Like, you know,
whether that's his own district,
whether that's a base
that he's increasingly misaligned with,
or whether that is like
whether he can hold on
to establishment support in the same way, right?
You can get squeezed from both sides.
I think that is a,
I think Jeffrey's got a tight rope to walk
and the next year or so.
But I don't think I would count them out so fast.
I think, like, I think, um, uh, even, you know, like there's a version of someone.
And I think particularly in the house, that's a tough job.
And you've got to be willing.
You keep that job through, not just your public posture, but a private posture, too.
And that's a separate skill.
And I think Hakeem Jeffries can be quite adept at the second skill and maybe not as adept as the first one.
But I'm just saying like, it's a tough job to hold overall.
I just ask the Republican.
Yeah, my sense is if Jeffries loses that position,
it's because he loses a primary.
The primary is much more plausible than him becoming Washington in combat.
Or they're ousting him in D.C.
Yeah, that's my sense, too.
Because they, you know, who wants that job right now?
Nobody wants that job right now, as far as I can tell.
Instead, Herndon, thank you so much.
I really appreciate you coming on talking about this
and really appreciate the work you do in general.
You're watching your show, reading your work.
I really appreciate it.
No, I love doing it and enjoy y'all's work too.
So see you soon.
See soon.
All right, folks.
I think that does it for the free show on this Friday.
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Matt what's happening in the matt leccian media universe yeah if you're one of the many people who
I mean like majority of port audience like you want to see more Matt on the screen well uh today's
jacobin show is for you I am me and David are talking about a number of things including
James Carville his deathbed confessions that the
media.
I keep deciding to air as a Democratic Party strategy.
And that's coming up right for the show today.
I'm not dead yet.
Exactly.
Hey, man.
I'm still here.
Literally like, I don't know.
One more time.
I got one more thing to say on my deathbed.
Completely looking at the underneath of the bottom of his chin because he's laying on a
pillow.
But, yeah, he thinks Democratic Socialists run under their own party.
And we tell him to cry about it.
So, yeah, coming up at 3 o'clock.
Eastern Time on the Jackman-Megg YouTube channel.
Do you think there's a chance that they're going to be interviewing him when he's like
in a bed like this and he's just like hits a button and
yeah.
Yes.
You can have these progressers in here.
Can you hear him like elevate his legs?
He's the not dead guy in Monty Python and the holy Christon.
Yeah.
Just a flesh wound.
I'm not dead yet.
Yeah.
Bring out you dead.
I just got an I am about this,
and I will explain this to people right now about Andy Cohen,
just so that I don't leave people hanging in the free half of the show.
I did a six-part minis sequel,
a series sequel to the movie I did, Who's the Caboose?
For a channel called Trio in 2004 that,
in January of 2005 was essentially folded into Bravo.
And the sequel was, you know,
Who's the Caboos was a mock documentary or really a faux verite,
if we want to get specific.
And the series was a,
sort of in the vein of the seven ups and helter-skelter,
came back seven years later
and it ended
in the executive's office
at this trio
and Andy Cohen was
an executive there
and I think he had one word
in the in the show
and then trio gets bought
by Bravo he
and Lauren Zelaznick
who is the head of trio go over to Bravo
they do the housewives
things and he becomes an on
air personality and that's it. I don't know if it was based on that, you know,
used the demo reel from that show or what, but that's what I was.
Sarah Jessica Parker's best friend, so perhaps you got, that's how you got that, that sex in
the city gig. You ever thought about that? No, because I had the sex in the city gig four years
before that. Oh, dang it. All right. Well, oh well. Well, Andy Cohen, thank you so much for being
responsible for so much joy in my life and for introducing me to all of these women that I love so
much.
That's completely unnecessary.
See you in the fun half.
Three months from now, six months from now, nine months from now.
And I don't think it's going to be the same as it looks like in six months from now.
And I don't know if it's necessarily going to be better six months from now than it is three months from now.
But I think around 18 months out, we're going to look back and go like, wow.
What?
What is that going on?
It's nuts
Wait a second
Hold on for a second
Emma
Welcome to the program
Hey
Fun pack
Matt
Who
What is up everyone
Fun pack
No me keen
You did it
Fun pack
Let's go Brandon
Let's go Brandon
Let's go Brandon
Bradley you want to say hello
Sorry to disappoint
Everyone I'm just a random guy
It's all the boys today
Fundamentally false
No, I'm sorry.
Women's...
Stop talking.
Oh, wow.
Let me finish.
Where is this coming from, dude?
But dude, you want to smoke this?
Seven and eight?
Yes.
All right.
Me?
Yes.
Is it me?
It is you.
It's me?
I think it is you.
Who is you?
No sound.
Every single...
What's on your mind?
Sports.
We can discuss free...
markets and we can discuss capitalism.
I'm going to just know what.
Libertarians. They're so stupid though. Common sense says of course.
Gobbled e-gook. We fucking nailed him.
So what's 79 plus 21?
Challenge met. I'm positively clovery.
I believe 96, I want to say.
857. 210. 35.
501.
1 half. 3-8s. 9-11 for instance.
$3,400, $1,900.
$6.5,4, $3 trillion sold.
It's a zero-sum game.
Actually, you're making you think less.
But let me say this.
Hoop.
You're going to call it satire.
Sam goes satire.
On top of it all?
My favorite part about you is just like every day, all day, like everything you do.
Without a doubt.
Hey, buddy.
We've seen you.
Folks.
It's just the week being weeded out, obviously.
Yeah.
Sun's out guns out.
But you should know.
People just don't like to entertain ideas anymore.
I have a question.
Who cares?
Or chat.
is enabled.
Wow.
Got a jump.
I gotta be quick.
I get a jump.
I'm losing it from.
Two o'clock, we're already late, and the guy's being a dick.
So scrum.
Sent to a gulaw?
Courage.
Like, what is wrong with you?
Love you.
Love you.
Bye-bye.
