The Majority Report with Sam Seder - 3653 - Big Oil's $23B Hormuz Exploits; Trump Botches Iran Peace Talks w/ Alex Jacquez, Matt Duss
Episode Date: May 27, 2026It's Hump Day on The Majority Report On today's program: Ken Paxton, a three-time felon, wins his runoff with incumbent John Cornyn for the Republican nomination for Senate in Texas. The Democratic no...minee James Talarico is already contrasting his legislative record against Paxton's criminal record. Alex Jaquez, Chief of Policy & Advocacy at Groundwork Collaborative, joins the show to discuss an analysis from Groundwork entitled: "Big Oil Racks Up Windfall Profits While Consumers Pay Higher Prices". Matt Duss, executive vice-president at the Center for International Policy and co-host of the UnDiplomatic podcast joins the program for a conversation about his piece in Foreign Policy magazine entitled: "How the Abraham Accords Fueled a New era of Conflict". In the Fun Half: Abdul El-Sayed clashes with Will Cain on Fox News over his support for abolishing ICE and the war on Iran's impact on the economy. Melissa Derosa, former chief of staff for Andrew Cuomo, says that there a lot of 'moderate' Democrats that won't shed any tears if Graham Platner loses to Susan Collins - the Republican. Josh Shapiro compares criticism of AIPAC to suppression of free speech. New Jersey Senator Andy Kim describes the horrific conditions he witnessed on a tour of an ICE detention center in New Jersey. Joe Scarborough, of all people, speaks out against the unconstitutional ICE internment camps. Markwayne Mullin suggests that DHS is considering suspending all international flight processing in sanctuary city airports. All that and more. To connect and organize with your local ICE rapid response team visit ICERRT.com The Congress switchboard number is (202) 224-3121. You can use this number to connect with either the U.S. Senate or the House of Representatives. Follow us on TikTok here: https://www.tiktok.com/@majorityreportfm Check us out on Twitch here: https://www.twitch.tv/themajorityreport Find our Rumble stream here: https://rumble.com/user/majorityreport Check out our alt YouTube channel here: https://www.youtube.com/majorityreportlive Gift a Majority Report subscription here: https://fans.fm/majority/gift Subscribe to the AMQuickie newsletter here: https://am-quickie.ghost.io/ Join the Majority Report Discord! https://majoritydiscord.com/ Get all your MR merch at our store: https://shop.majorityreportradio.com/ Get the free Majority Report App!: https://majority.fm/app Go to https://JustCoffee.coop and use coupon code majority to get 10% off your purchase Check out today's sponsors: PLAUD: Go to plaud.ai/majority and use code MAJORITY for 10% off. SHOPIFY: Sign up for a $1/month trial at shopify.com/majority NUTRAFOL: Get $10 off your first month's subscription + free shipping at Nutrafol.com when you use promo code TMR10 SUNSET LAKE CBD: Use coupon code "Left Is Best" (all one word) for 20% off of your entire order at SunsetLakeCBD.com Follow the Majority Report crew on Twitter: @SamSeder @EmmaVigeland @MattLech On Instagram: @MrBryanVokey Check out Matt's show, Left Reckoning, on YouTube, and subscribe on Patreon! https://www.patreon.com/leftreckoning Check out Matt Binder's YouTube channel: https://www.youtube.com/mattbinder Subscribe to Brandon's show The Discourse on Patreon! https://www.patreon.com/ExpandTheDiscourse Check out Ava Raiza's music here! https://avaraiza.bandcamp.
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Majority Report with Sam Cedar.
It is Wednesday, May 27th,
2000, 26.
My name is Sam Cedar.
This is the five-time award-winning majority report.
We are broadcasting live steps
from the industrially ravaged Gowanus Canal
in the heartland of America, downtown Brooklyn, USA.
On the program today, Alex Hakez,
Chief of Policy and Advocacy Work at Groundwork Collaborative,
formal special assistant to president for economic development,
industrial strategy under the Obama administration,
and what we can look forward to in the price of oil and food
in the coming weeks, months, years.
Also on the program today, Matt Duss,
Executive Vice President, the Center for International Policy,
the co-host of the Undiplomatic podcast on both,
the failure of the Abraham Accords
and the commensurate failure
of the Democratic
foreign policy establishment
and how it's starting to look like
they are personas non grata
also on the program today
Paxton wins
as Republicans
scrubbing of his
record and their criticisms
of him commences
Congressman Al Green
latest A-PAC victim
in Texas
Johnny Garcia wins
in Texas 35th
Meanwhile, Iranians back
online
As the Internet's been flipped back on there
Meanwhile, that
Seas Fire
Not really a ceasefire anymore
South Carolina
Legislature rejects
gerrymandering
probably because they saw how many people came out to vote in the primary and it didn't look good for them.
Florida judge lets the new Republican map proceed.
Israel once again bombing Gaza, killing 14 while killing 31 in Lebanon.
This should make you feel uncomfortable.
The CDC has asked for volunteers to help with Ebola.
screening at airports.
Now, to be fair, they're asking
CDC employees to go volunteer
because apparently all the ones who were
trained in this were cut.
Protest continues at the New Jersey
ICE facility as an AP
investigation finds
huge rate of suicides
in ICE detention centers.
Peel's Court
temporarily blocks the Trump
regime from deporting Mahmoud Khalil.
And
Icelanders,
will vote over the summer
whether to attempt to join
the EU
to gain protection
from
the United States.
All this
and more
on today's
majority report.
It is
hump day?
Yeah, why are people saying your mic?
There we go.
Hump day. It's Hump day.
There you go, ladies and gentlemen.
It is Hump Day. We got a lot to get
to. Obviously, these runoffs in Texas yesterday, another one bites the dust.
John Cornyn was 20 years ago, he was considered an absolute fringe character in the Senate.
And now he's just not Republican enough for them. He's got no criminal record.
that we know of, no impeachments,
no weird sexual assaults,
as far as we know, no affairs.
None of the things that it takes to...
Republican.
Does he really even want it? You have to ask.
Yeah, and it's amazing.
Cornyn, yes, like, show some commitment, buddy, to the criminality.
Gordon had apparently the worst showing for an incumbent in a head-to-head primary or runoff since 1974.
I did not go too deep into it, but it looks like Paxton got about 40,000 more votes than he did in the primary.
And Cornyn got like hundreds of thousands of votes less.
It's amazing.
It seems like every one of Texas is, at least the overwhelming majority, 254 counties swan.
in the direction of the criminal, basically, the guy that has a litany of corruption issues and
investigations was indicted on securities fraud, amongst other things. So, total Trump guy.
Total Trump guy. And Republicans seem to be really freaking out about this. And we'll show some
examples of what they've had to scrub from the internet. But here's Paxton. And
And he has gone to the Donald Trump School of nicknaming your opponent.
That, of course, is James Tolariko.
And look, well, let's hear what Paxton had to say.
My opponent is the most extreme radical that Democrats have ever nominated.
He's even running a vegan campaign, whatever that is.
He goes by a few names that you may all have heard of.
Positive one second.
Also, I just want to say, like, you know, it's quite clear that Cornyn ran up against the guy
with a tremendous amount of charisma and ability to deliver a riveting, emotionally invested speech.
Whatever that means. I'm not going to tell you. I'm just going to throw it out there.
I've done commercial reads, pre-taped commercial reads that have more dynamism than this.
Well, I mean, he's trying to do the Trump nickname thing, but with none of the Trump charisma.
And I just, like, substitute vegan for, like, gay or some sort of gay slur or effeminate. And you'll probably
get a sense of what he's trying to get out there.
He's going to get more explicit.
As by a few names that you may all have heard of, some people know him as tofu
Tala Rico.
Some people call him six-gender Jimmy.
I've even heard some people call him James Telfrico.
And others refer to him simply as low-tie Telerico.
But no matter what you call him, let me tell you this.
James Taylor was a threat to everything we hold dear in this state and in this country.
He's a threat to our security and our safety.
He wants open borders and even said a welcome mat should be at our southern border.
He's a threat to our children.
He wants boys and girls' sports.
Gender mutilation surgery performed on kids.
And when asked what he loved outside of his family and friends,
you heard what Brandon Gill said.
his first answer was trans kids.
That's weird and that's a radical guy.
He's a threat to our prosperity and Texas economy.
He said you can't be a Christian if you support the oil and gas industries.
He wants to raise your taxes and he won't do a single thing to lower cost for you and your family.
And finally, he's a...
Yeah, the cost thing is going to be an issue for them.
I'm not sure necessarily this brand of schoolyard bulls.
Paird with the Trump administration sadism as this very the state with a large Latino population has to face ICE harassing their communities and kidnapping their neighbors.
I'm not sure that the whole schoolyard bully thing plays in the same way at that point, especially when Trump's at 60% disapproval.
I'm going to be a little bit, you know, listen.
Wishful thinking.
Well, I've seen Texas so many times sound like it's going to be really close.
I think it's probably going to be the best shot that Democrats have for a senatorial race in Texas.
And certainly in my, well, not my lifetime.
Lloyd Benson was there.
I'm that old.
But certainly within the past several decades.
But who knows?
Because I think like the whole school yard bully thing,
seems about as texas as anything right and literally the uh... the motto of the state is
don't mess with texas
uh... but we'll see
the meantime though
the problem is is that uh...
i think for a long time the republicans thought
ken paxton had no chance
the guy is so toxic
even our die-hard authoritarian followers psychos are gonna have a problem with
this guy
so like it
Just a month or two ago, they're writing stuff like this by, this is from the National Republican Senate campaign, uh, senatorial committee committee.
Ken Paxton using taxpayer dollars to buy hotel rooms for donors.
Oh, good to know.
Let's see what else they had.
Ken Paxton's lies and incompetence keep piling up back in July.
This is in, uh, 20, 25.
Ken Paxton in standing in conservative's ways.
Oh, gosh, Ken.
And the statement on Angela Paxton's decision to divorce Ken Paxton.
Now, of course, they've literally been scrubbing their website to get rid of all these press releases.
They were very active in trying to elevate candidates or depress them in these primaries.
Like the Republicans were also, it seems like, elevating Jasmine Crockett.
there was reporting about how there was a Republican group that kind of convinced her to run via this campaign of getting her voters to ask her to run.
So they didn't succeed there and they did not succeed here.
Here is Ken Paxton with a wonderful, is this from his yearbook?
Oh, no, actually, I'm sorry.
It seems to be.
I have a great sentence.
The top data point is sell, lower level booking.
Let's see
Is his face on a diagonal?
There is some weird stuff going on with this.
I think they caught him with a fishing line.
Let's see.
CASE, warrant number 416-81914-2015.
Fraud.
Sell securities for over $100,000.
Then, of course, he's got a second warrant for fraud.
Sell securities over $100,000.
And then investment advisor or representative
without registration.
Oh, that's...
That's nice.
I do have to admit,
unfortunately, Ken Paxton is a North Dakotaan.
Ooh, wow.
There you go.
Total carpet bagger.
Carpet bagger.
Carpet bagger, Ken.
He also, I forgot about this.
I was reading an article
about some of just his litany
of issues this morning that in 2013,
he was caught on camera,
stealing an $1,000 pen.
You only have so many chances
at $1,000.
I mean, so it just shows how committed he is to the true MAG away.
Here is James Tolariko on, I guess there's just a, this MS now interview with him,
talking about Ken Paxton and his attacks on him.
What about Texas voters who want to know from you on this particular issue?
Is Ken Paxton telling the truth about you in relation to these issues, especially involving
what he was just talking about there, transgender issues involving children?
No, Ken Paxton is clipping, comments, taking them out of context to try to paint a picture,
trying to paint me as someone I'm not.
You know, Ken Paxton has a criminal record.
I have a legislative record over four terms in the Texas House.
of representatives where I've brought Democrats and Republicans together to pass more than 60
bipartisan bills to cut property taxes, to raise teacher pay, to lower the cost of housing,
prescription drugs, and child care across Texas. And I'm going to put that record up against
Ken Paxton's criminal record any day of the week twice on Sunday. I've called out the extremes
in both parties on the right and the left. You know, I've called out Ken Paxton for his blatant
illegal corruption. But I also called out President Biden when he failed to secure our southern
border. So I'm not interested in going to Washington, D.C. to serve one political party. I'm going
to Washington, D.C. to serve the people of Texas. That's the exact opposite of what Ken Paxson does.
He serves himself and his billionaire mega donors at the expense of the people of the state.
Now, the interesting thing about this, aside from like, you know, he's, I mean, this is how he's going to run.
I think is basically like Ken Paxton's a criminal.
This is not too dissimilar from the Jones Roy Moore race in 2019.
No, no, I'm sorry.
This must have been in 2017 or so when that seat had to be filled because Jeff
Sessions was made the Attorney General.
that was a special election you know if talarico manages to get in he's in for six years and that is a
lot longer of a time and uh you know tex is moving insert and it to the extent that it's moving
purple um uh you know he'll be locked in but i just want to note like if you look at the way that
the left is responding to tal rico um which is like okay the guy's not talking as a part of
of course he's running in Texas.
Right.
He's not out there.
You know, he's trying to tack towards the middle, all well and good.
You look at the way the left is responding to that, which is we need a pickup in Texas.
We'll take it.
Versus like the way the Democratic establishment, conservative Democrats near Republicans,
in many instances, are reacting to Platner.
It's fascinating.
Yeah.
And Abdul al-Said.
And Abdul al-Said.
We'll get to that soon, I'm sure.
But I think it's the way that Talariko is tacking to the middle.
That's important.
He's not throwing trans kids under the bus.
He's not even, you know, he'll say strong southern border,
but he's not throwing immigrants under the bus.
You know, I don't, if he's able to talk about the criminality and the cruelty of MAGA
and then contrast it with his sort of Boy Scout kindness thing,
I think it's a, it's a poignant message.
And I didn't know this or I'd forgotten that Tala Rica was a part of the team that prosecuted Paxton during his impeachment hearings in the House.
So he's trying to use his strength as a strength in this race because he has intimate knowledge of his corruption.
I think what we're going to see is at least a decent amount of people just not go out and vote on the Republican side.
And then it just becomes how much voter interference.
are we going to see in Texas, which I think you can't underestimate.
But we will have more to say about this in the coming months without a doubt.
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All right, quick break.
When we come back, Alex Hakez, chief of policy and advocacy at Groundwork Collaborative,
on what we can expect in terms of oil prices.
food prices, all sorts of inflation. We'll be right back after this.
We're back, Sam Cedar, Emma Vigland, on the Majority Report. It is a pleasure to welcome
to the program, Alex Hakez, Chief of Policy and Advocacy at Groundwork Collaborative,
former special assistant to the president, the economic development and industrial
strategy under the Obama administration. Alex, welcome to the program.
Thanks for having me.
there for a couple of minutes this weekend seemed like there was going to be some type of deal with iran
and then i think uh all of the people who uh surround president trump uh said you can't do this because
everyone's going to realize that you lost this war and that iran is uh double the strength that it was
before and we're going to have a permanent, it seems like a permanent rise in oil prices.
Where are we with this?
And because you, I mean, you've written this piece about the windfall profits for oil
companies.
Let's start there because I'm not convinced that they aren't saying like, just keep going
for it because they're just making money hand over fist because of this.
If they aren't saying to keep going for it, they're at least not pushing for any changes,
right now. I think repeatedly the Trump administration has said that because the United States
is a major oil and gas producer, because the United States actually is self-sufficient in terms
of volume and the amount of oil that it produces, that we are able to weather this storm better
than other countries. And what we've seen is, of course, quite the opposite. Right now,
and since really the ceasefire conversation started, oil's been hovering about $100 a barrel,
depending on your measurement and on the day.
And gas has been continually rising.
We're now sitting around $450, $4.55, getting up close to $5 in several states.
And over and over, Trump administration is saying, well, we're just going to drill, drill baby drill, and get out of this ourselves.
And what the oil companies are saying is, no, we're not.
We're going to take that cash that they're getting from selling their oil for $100 a barrel.
And they're going to give it back to shareholders.
And this is a common kind of thread that we've seen over the last several years happened in the wake of the Ukraine invasion.
That really they're, like you said, they're making money hand over fist right now.
I think it's hard to blame them entirely.
Certainly they didn't press the big $5 a gallon gas button.
The President Trump did.
But certainly you're not making it any more or any less painful for consumers right now who are really struggling at the pump.
Wait, you know, as this like as this went on and it became clear,
you're like, oh, this is fantastic for them.
Because they're just getting this premium without a single dollar more invested in whatever
they're doing.
And they've been explicit.
Like we're not going to expand our refining capacity.
We're not going to do any of this.
I mean, it really honestly is like, it's like the podcast business.
We put out this product every day.
If a five million people showed up tomorrow to become members, it's not going to cost us
anymore to produce this.
That's not happening, but I could see that it would be in my best interest to try and
figure out a way to get those 5 million more viewers to come in.
Like, are they not, like how much of their lobbying?
I just can't, it's hard for me not to imagine like there isn't some crossover between
the sort of the military industrial complex and big oil.
I mean, he went in and told big oil, if you give me.
me money. I'm going to make you guys very, very wealthy. There has to be some lobbying around the,
around the, they obviously didn't press the button, like you say, but there has to be some strong
encouragement for them like, I would keep at this for a little bit longer. I think there's certainly
been lobbying by the oil companies in particular to counter what President Trump was saying
earlier in his term where he really wanted cheap gas and cheap oil. And this upset them quite a bit.
And these are guys who, and there are mostly guys who are traditionally,
it would be some of Trump's strongest supporters.
And so they have certainly been lobbying to try to get that barrel price up,
and they are definitely not going to be investing anymore,
as certainly if the kind of trajectory stays right now
where those longer-term prices are still down.
They're going to keep collecting profits.
And, of course, they have close, close ties to the administration all over the place,
including right at the Secretary of Energy Inn and Secretary of Interior as well,
who are big oil boosters.
And I'm sorry.
I would just lastly, I would imagine from their perspective, Iran taking a toll from ships
passing through the Strait of Hormuz, they got to be all for it, right?
I mean, because it's going to increase the cost of oil coming out of the Gulf there.
but it's not going to increase their costs
and their oil is going to cost exactly the same
to pull out of the ground and ship to wherever it is.
And they're not investing in production capacity right now either, right?
I mean, sorry, Sam, going on.
Yeah, no, but that's the point.
The point is, yeah.
Yeah, for the United States specifically,
I mean, we import, of course, very little to the United States
through directly through the straight of hormones.
And certainly we don't export a ton through it either.
And so we are in a, or our oil companies are in a favorable environment in so much that it's not their tankers or their insurance who are going to take the hits.
They are just going to reap the rewards of that mechanically higher price that we were going to get if the passage through the street over moves becomes more dangerous.
And if those tolls are imposed on a go forward basis.
If you could just tell us a little bit more about what groundwork found to about what the profits actually look like.
who are the players that are going to benefit the most in particular?
And I guess, I mean, even if you can expand it more broadly to how Trump has shifted from what you're saying, from low cost, all this stuff, to talking about how American oil companies are going to get rich, which is true.
But he seems to completely not have object permanence about, you know, like voters.
That's exactly right.
And the big players here are the ones you've heard of. It's Exxon, it's Shell, it's Chevron. They are doing well. They are doing phenomenally well. And we'll see particularly in their second quarter earnings when a lot of these realized profits are really going to be hitting. But just in the first quarter, we had Exxon had a bit of a derivative issue, but have kind of recently disclosed they expected internal nearly $9 billion in profits. We've seen Shell post a $7 billion, $6.9 billion.
profits in Q1, and they're expecting to double and even triple those in the months ahead.
And so quarter two and quarter three will be phenomenal for these companies, and the stock
market is showing it. We talk about how consumer sentiment is the lowest it's ever been,
but the stock market is higher than it's ever been. And it's really, it's those big tech
companies that are spending on data centers. They see big oil companies. If you see Exxon is up
28% over just since the year began. They're up 40% since year over year. And they're taking almost
all of this cash. And to your point, Emma, they're not reinvesting it in new production.
They are not certainly not giving it back to consumers in any sort of way. But distributing nearly
all of that in buybacks, we're seeing probably a $20 billion buyback plan from Exxon and from Chevron
and $3 billion a month from from Shell as well.
So a lot of cash returning to shareholders from from this war so far.
And it'll only be more the longer than it drives on.
And I would imagine some of the biggest shareholders of those companies are the CEO, the CFO, the C-O,
half a dozen other people in the C-suite, the board of directors.
I mean, this is, I mean, when we talk about shareholders, yes, there's a there's a lot of
shareholders, but the biggest ones are in control of the company and are going to reap the
rewards of their little side project, which is, you know, why they're, or how their compensation
is completely tied to the value of the stock, right?
I mean, all right, well, let's, let me also ask this.
do we have a sense of like what what the costs are going to be for oil like how far out now
can we be confident and say like we're not getting back down to $3 a gallon for at least
this amount of time A and B what will that do for renewables if we get an administration
in a couple years from now that is not overtly hostile to some type of renewable energy?
Yeah, so this is going to take years to fully resolve, particularly to the point where it was back before the war started.
And again, all of this is contingent on the war ending and for passage through the Strait of War moves to reopen and return to normal, which again, all things are go completely back to normal.
We'll still take months for that refining capacity, for the tanker capacity to ramp back up and for that flow to be resumed.
But if you look at the EIA, this is the Energy Information Administration with the Department of Energy,
this is the Trump administration right now putting these numbers out.
They don't see crude oil falling back below $80 a barrel until 2027.
And they don't see gas returning to $3 a gallon anytime in their forecast and think it'll be more fully elevated in that $350 range for months now.
and through the end of the year, certainly.
And so what you've seen is all of these forecasts have been contingent on the war ending.
And there's one from, I think, Morgan Stanley or Goldman, says the straight will reopen by June 1st
because the markets could not handle it if it does not.
And June 1st is on Monday.
We're looking at five days here.
This negotiation on an end of the war does not, I don't know, depending on the hour or the minute,
does not seem to be taking shape.
And so I think we could see some real pressure in the market.
physical shortages in the next few days, at least according to the analysts, if things don't
break through.
Lastly, I know you've got to run.
The sort of like knock-on effects of the inflation, obviously we're going to see it through
oil.
Oil implicates a lot of things, but we're going to start having food issues because of
the lack of nitrogen and its implications for fertility.
We may see also issues in terms of like chips.
What can you tell us about what we can expect across the board?
And when are we going to start to see the impacts of that from an inflation perspective?
Yeah.
So we've already seen the first order impacts, right?
We've seen two of the hottest inflation prints that we've seen since 2022 just in the last two months.
And the next one's going to be hotter.
We're seeing the price pressures from energy.
They're, of course, directly impacting your gasoline bill.
The thing about oil is it gets turned into diesel, and diesel is what all the trucks that carry
all the goods and a lot of the food, about 80% of the food in the U.S. is distributed by truck.
And so when those costs go up, that's going to feed through the supply chains down to the consumer as well.
And so you see food at home, the category in the CPI report was up past 3% last month.
That's expected to get more and more expensive and for that inflation to go up.
One, as you see the cost of that diesel diffused through the supply chain, as well as the cost of fertilizer, really hitting farmers in the spring planting season.
So when they harvest those crops in the fall, they'll get hit with another food shock and cost shock as well.
So it's not just oil, it's not just gas.
You mentioned semiconductors too.
Again, another industry making a ton of money, but they're bidding up the cost for all of those chips that as we learned during COVID, go into just about everything, washing machines, cell phones, anything based.
basically anything you buy, electronics has a chip in it. So we're seeing those cost pressures
continue to increase. And there's some very valuable gases, helium and neon and others that are
also disrupted by the war, too, that are going to start putting cost constraints on companies
in the coming months, too. So it's not looking good in the inflation picture right now. We're
expecting to see higher inflation for the next several months until again the war ends.
I guess one last question.
To sort of like add one more element and I guess variable to this, I'm reading a lot about this super El Nino that we may be having this year, which like record breaking El Nino, has you seen have been looking at models as to like what happens if this El Nino?
hits and how it impacts things like, you know, super storms and droughts and whatnot.
Like, do you have a sense of what the implications of that are?
Yeah, I mean, again, it depends on the severity.
And, of course, we've been seeing with the effects of climate change and changing
weather patterns, these super storms getting more and more destructive.
But, I mean, these are potentially disastrous for, again, for,
crops and for food, which you've just been talking about earlier, predicted to hit California,
hit Texas. These are, again, oil producing states too. And there's energy infrastructure that
could potentially be at risk. We've seen in these kinds of superstorms some of the unintended
ramifications of the disaster. There was a quartz mine in North Carolina that during the flooding
was taken offline. It's the only quartz mine that supplies high-end semiconductors right now.
we see a transformer station or transformer manufacturing plant get hit by tornadoes in
in Oklahoma.
And so there's real possibilities, one, of course, of the human damage and property damage,
but further inflationary pressures by storm damage coming further and more uncertainty,
I think, for consumers who are going to be hit by, you know, probably a rising energy cost
from blackouts, higher food costs from the war from the storm.
Jeez.
Well, sounds great.
I'll do a sunnier one next time.
Are you going to be able to, do you think?
Because I don't.
I wouldn't promise something like that.
Alex Hakez, Chief Policy and Advocacy at Groundwork Collaborative.
Thanks so much for your time today.
Much appreciated.
We're going to link to your piece on the windfall that big oil has racked up during this.
Just one of many implications of this really.
useless war that Trump has engaged in.
Thanks so much for your time today.
I really appreciate it.
Thanks for having me.
All right, folks, quick break.
And when we come back, we'll be talking about DUS,
executive vice president,
the Center for International Policy,
co-host of the Undiplomatic podcast.
We are back.
Sam Cedar, Emma Viglin, on the majority report.
It is a pleasure to welcome back to the program.
The executive vice president,
the Center for International Policy.
and co-host of the undiplomatic podcast, Matt Duss.
Matt, thanks for joining us.
You just wrote a piece in the Foreign Policy magazine,
how the Abraham Accords fueled a new era of conflict and timed it.
I don't know if you're in talks with the president about his call for,
yes, for everybody in the region to join if he decides to have peace with the
What do you call it? A mandatory request? A mandatory request. Amazing.
Tell us, for people who don't know, give us the history of the Abraham Accords.
And as we talk to, we're going to bring up the fact that right now, of all times,
there feels like there is a big push for a dramatic change in the democratic
foreign policy machine.
But we'll get there because part of this story is the Biden administration sort of just
accepting all of this.
Right.
Yeah.
So thank you.
Great to see you both, as always.
So the Abraham Accords signed in August of 2020.
initially in agreement, you know, allegedly air quotes, brokered by Jared Kushner, as of
Jared, you know, Jared, I guess, showed up kind of at the last minute to dot some eyes and cross some
tease, but it was an agreement between the United Arab Emirates and Israel, who had had a kind of
behind-the-scenes relationship for some years already, but it was a way for them to bring that
relationship out into the open. It was called a peace and normalization agreement, which was
somewhat strange, given that the UAE had never actually been at war with Israel.
Bahrain quickly joined that, and there was a big signing ceremony on the White House lawn.
Obviously, Donald Trump loves the idea of being a peacemaker, but there were lots of questions
about it from the very beginning.
Is it actually a peace deal?
What is it achieving?
It seemed to me and a lot of others that, okay, this is just kind of an agreement for Israel
and the United States to be able to sell more weapons to authoritarian regimes like the
Emirates like the Bahrainis. It creates more markets for Israeli tech, and it creates new, new wells of
capital for those firms as well. You had a number of other countries joining the agreement afterward.
The Biden administration, for its part, when it came into office in January 2021, initially
held it at sort of arm's length. Their response was, okay, this is kind of interesting. But as they
did on many things, eventually they just kind of picked up the ball from
Trump and decided to embrace the policy and treat the accords as a framework for building a new
and stable architecture in the Middle East with the United States still deeply involved.
The kind of big prize there was seen as Saudi Arabia, the idea that if you get, you know,
Saudi to sign an un-normalization agreement with Israel, this would be this huge prize that
Joe Biden could claim as part of his legacy.
But, of course, one of the big problems with the agreement from its beginning was that it was
clearly an effort to marginalize the Palestinian issue. Benjamin and Yahoo has always argued,
going back decades, that, okay, the Palestinian issue is overblown, people don't really care
about it. Israel doesn't need to deal with this issue before it makes peace and builds relationships
with the rest of the region. And this agreement did seem to demonstrate his theory of the case,
at least as far as the UAE and Bahrain and a few other countries were concerned, but it clearly
was not the case with Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia had all along made clear and continues to make
clear that they cannot move forward with any kind of normalization agreement with Israel unless
until there is real movement on the Palestinian issue, which of course this Israeli government is
completely unwilling to do at all. When we had Muhammad Ali Shabani on, he kind of drew a distinction
between the Saudi incentives and say the incentives of the UAE, one as the UAE being,
more of a less interested in territorial integrity and more interested in being a place where
Western capital can park its money and you can have a vacation destination and all this kind
of shady money can flow through the UAE. But Saudi Arabia, obviously much larger country,
has a different, I think, incentive structure from their leadership. Can you lay that
out and also even in that context, discuss the rivalry between the UAE and the Saudis.
Yeah, no, this is a really interesting point.
So, yes, Saudi Arabia, first of all, is in a very different place from the UAE.
UAE is a very small country.
It has made itself a kind of player in the region, in large part, because of an alliance with
Saudi Arabia.
that alliance has cooled significantly over the past few years.
If you remember during the first Trump administration,
you had the Saudis and the Emirates working together,
essentially to blockade Qatar.
Now Qatar has pulled much closer to the Saudis,
and the Emirates are, you know, staying close to Israel.
So there are a lot of different moving pieces in the region.
But another really key distinction here is that, as you noted, the Emirates,
yes, they want to be a place where Westerners and including Israelis can comfort
and take lots of selfies on these fancy hotels with like ski slopes indoors.
I mean, crazy, you know, crazy stuff.
They source basically a laundromat for ill-gotten gains from around the world.
That is something they are doing.
But they saw the Abraham Accords, among other things, as a way into Washington's good
graces, essentially by normalizing their relations with Israel.
And this is something that is true for all the countries that have signed on.
They understood that the main prize of the Abraham Accords was not a relationship.
with Israel. The main prize of the Abraham Accords was kind of making themselves a part of Israel's
lobbying coalition here in Washington and getting goodies that way. The Saudis, for their part,
their calculation is different. The Saudis have historically seen themselves as, you know,
the key voice for the Arab world and for the Muslim world, given the fact that, you know, Saudi
Arabia hosts the, you know, the two most important Muslim holy sites in Mecca and Medina.
So they are much more sensitive to the, you know, to the view of their own public and to
global Muslim publics and Arab publics around the world about what, you know, what the view
would be if they moved forward to warming relations with Israel while the occupation, the
apartheid and now the genocide were still ongoing.
And isn't it part of it also, like a key difference is that the UAE has no like population.
Yeah.
Like I mean, like they have a population, but there's like the something like 80 to 90% of the people who live there are not from there.
As opposed to like Saudi Arabia, like they have, um, an Arab population, uh, that has lived.
that lives in the region that was born there.
And far more sort of, I would imagine, although it seems, you know, based upon what we've
saw in Gaza and the reaction from the Saudis, maybe more disconnected than it has been
in 50 years, 75 years, but they're still somewhat connected to the Palestinian people, at least
in terms of like being of the region and having some.
type of history within, you know, family members and et cetera, et cetera. I would imagine that
has to act on like domestic pressures. Yeah, that is right. I mean, for both cultural,
historical, political reasons, Saudi Arabia has been much more of a player in this. And as you noted,
UAE is relatively small. They've got a small population. It is not, as I said, not a democracy,
but by virtue of their enormous energy wealth, they're able to subsidize a pretty decent standard
of living for their own very small population with the understanding of, you know,
we're going to take care of you, but don't complain about, you know, the Emir and the way
he chooses to rule.
That's not your business.
You've got a lot of guest workers.
That's not, you know, a lot of those foreigners that you're talking about are, you know,
guest workers from South Asia and East Asia.
That's true of the Gulf countries in general.
There are a lot of those foreign workers that come to Saudi Arabia as well, but given the very,
very small population, the ratios are much, much different in UAE.
I'm also just sort of struck, I mean, as we get into like the, the Biden administration where there's ostensibly experts, right?
I mean, like Jared Kushner and Whitkoff was not there the first time around, but they're just, they're golf buddies, essentially.
Like, I mean, that's their qualification of being there.
But ostensibly, we had experts in the Biden administration, Joe Biden, his entire core brand proposition, at least the way.
way he perceived it was to be the foreign policy guy.
Having sat, chaired the Senate of Foreign Relations Committee for, I don't know, decades maybe.
How could they forget that the fundamental issue in that region was the relationship between
the existence of Israel, the way it came into existence, the way it expanded, and the way
the Palestinian people. Like, how could you
allied that? The whole
the whole region, it seems to me, essentially
arrogance? It's shocking.
Yeah, you're right. I mean, arrogance, ideology.
You know, Joe Biden, I think his reputation as, certainly
he believed himself to be a great foreign policy expert.
But he was a foreign policy expert from, you know, the late 80s and
early 90s. And he's kind of trapped in amber, I think.
with that understanding of the region, anyone who's ever heard him talk about the Middle East
or talk about Israel and Palestine has almost certainly heard him talk about his first trip to Israel
where he met with Israeli Prime Minister, Golda My Ear, like he cannot stop talking about that meeting.
He constantly brings it up. And again, it's like his understanding of the region is trapped in this
moment. He's also always been one of these people who really does himself downplay the significance
of the Palestinian issue.
He, you know, he had, you know,
Peter Biner wrote a really good profile of him
on these issues a few years ago.
This is right before he came in,
I remember that, and it became sort of
apocryphal, in the sense that
it was,
it ended up being
dead on, too dead on
in many respects. Right, too dead on. And there was a line that
Joe Biden has reportedly used about
the Palestinians, one I find
very offensive as should most people. It is
never get yourself crucified on a small
cross. The meaning of that was like, you know, if you're going to, you know, don't waste time on these
small peripheral issues. And I think that shows how deeply misguided Joe Biden's policy was how
deeply he misunderstood the region, despite his own judgment of himself as an expert. And I think his
approach to the region and to this issue in particular reflects that misunderstanding.
You know, you also had other people around him like Brett McGirk, someone who himself never really
paid much attention to the Israeli-Palestinian issue, was always much closer to the Gulf,
what's played a role in Iraq, but someone who was also kind of politically and ideologically inclined
to just downplay the importance of the Palestinian issue. Then you had others around like Jake Sullivan,
like Tony Blinken, long-time staffers who just tended to reflect whatever Joe Biden wanted. And I think,
you know, we saw when they came in, as I said, they held the Abraham Accords at armless lengths,
but once Joe Biden decided, hey, I could be the president who gets this big Saudi-Israeli-Normalization.
Won't that be amazing?
I'll be the first president since Carter to kind of do something like this.
And once he decided he wanted that, then his administration spent, in my view, wasted a lot of time trying to achieve that.
And what was even more baffling to me is after October 7, I would have hoped that they would have taken a moment to say, okay, this theory of regional security, the idea that we're going to mind.
marginalized the Palestinian issue has clearly not worked. We need to rethink this. Instead,
they just doubled down. Of course, we all saw them do what they do, just backing Israel to the
hilt with the devastating years-long assault on Gaza, and they doubled down in support of a
normalization agreement between Israel and Saudi Arabia, which in my view was never going to
happen even before October 7 and was super never going to happen after October 7, because once
again, the Saudis have been very, very clear that they cannot do this in the absence of any real,
you know, tangible movement toward Palestinian liberation. And this Israeli government is not going
to do anything like that. Can you speak a little bit more about the Biden administration and
even the Trump administration, maybe less so, but really the Biden administration's kind of
reliance on these large-scale peace agreements? I mean,
NATO is an obvious example where he kind of tripled down on NATO and the idea that we should be,
these military alliances are the core base of our foreign policy versus what we see with China,
they're making these more individualized kind of hybrid agreements with some of these states,
and a lot of it has less to do with military defense, more technology sharing.
and stuff like that.
But that seems to be, I think, a real point of demarcation.
And it's part of how the United, it makes it seem like the U.S.
is a declining empire with outdated tactics.
Is the U.S. a declining empire with outdated tactics?
I have very bad news or good news, depending how you feel a bit of empire.
But yes, no, I mean, that's right.
I mean, it all, I think you can look to this line that Joe Biden was using as soon as he took office.
America is back.
America is back, baby.
We've gotten past this weird little hiccup with that Donald Trump guy,
and America is back running the world.
We're doing, you know, whether it's NATO, whether it's August,
this agreement with the UK with Australia.
And this was also the kind of logic that underlay this, you know,
effort to build, you know, the Saudi-Israeli normalization.
It was a way of using military-to-military relationships,
security, and America as ultimately a security guarantor,
as a way to sustain its role as the global hedgeron.
This is over.
This was already over.
I mean, the world is already changing.
But again, Joe Biden, I mean, he's not even a man of the post-Cold War.
He is a man of the Cold War.
This is where his habits of mine were formed.
And, you know, you mentioned China, and I think it's important to note,
going back to the Middle East for a moment.
For some folks in the administration, particularly Jake Sullivan, I think that, you know,
China was, you know, we know that for the Biden administration, even though they did spend a lot of time on the Middle East, ultimately China was their focus.
This is true, the Obama administration too, right? I mean, that's what the whole pivot to Asia thing happened. That's what the TPP was about. I mean, the whole, we had moved our Navy essentially to the Pacific in the early 2010s.
Well, I think Obama, the pivot to Asia, I think Obama understood that we were well over in vascular.
in the Middle East, and he was correct.
But I think it was not until the first Trump administration,
where we saw the idea of this great power competition
between the U.S. and China really, really starkly being defined
as this is the new threat, this is the new defining,
this is what will define American foreign policy now and into the future.
And again, this is yet another policy area
in which the Biden administration simply picked up the ball
from the Trump administration and moved forward with it.
And so you see the way that the Biden administration approached the Middle East
was in part an effort to box China out of the region.
Now, this is bizarre because, you know, China has no interest in replacing the United States
as the regional security guarantor.
Why in the world would they?
You know, they've watched the United States trip over itself
and bleed resources, time, and attention and credibility.
in this region for decades, why would they want a piece of that?
And yet, this is this kind of frantic effort, you know, to kind of, you know,
to keep shy out of the region is what, you know, defined the first Trump administration
and even more so the Biden administration.
I can't help but think, well, there's two things.
I have another question for you.
But as we talk about this, because, you know, we just had Alex Hecazahn to talk about the
enormous windfall American oil companies are making.
Really, I mean, international oil companies that don't deal with the Gulf.
And most of that oil goes to China.
But because it's all in the market, as the prices increase because of the constrained supply,
the increase for everybody, even if you spend the exact same amount pulling it out of the ground and refining it.
but it seems to me that um you know and i'm sure over the years this has come up uh when we've
spoken uh gary hart uh interviewed him in 2004 was talking about he and i think it was
rudman were um uh chairing a 21st century threat and um they assembled people around a room
and they went around and everybody said non-state actors, you know, international terrorism,
and one person said China.
And everybody sort of laughed.
They reconvened like three or four months later.
That same person said China.
Everybody sort of laughed.
That person never came back.
It was Lynn Cheney.
And it seems to me that much of what we saw with, I'm sorry, he convened this back in 2001
right before in the summer before bin Laden attacked.
And it seems to me that like Iraq was very much oriented towards our having control of the oil and projecting onto China a need to have a greater presence in the Middle East because they needed fuel literally to fuel their economic growth, which we were terrified of.
And now, of course, they have like, they've maintained the amount of fuel that they need from there and just built to alternate energy sources and almost like just did this parallel thing where they just, it's like we're living in the amount of fuel that they need from there and just built to alternate energy sources and almost like just did this parallel thing where they just, it's like we're living in.
a different planet. They just basically left
planet Earth and went somewhere else
essentially.
We helped China become energy independent
to a great extent or at least
massively invest in renewables.
Yes.
And we are still
operating under this promise that somehow
all of the wind
and solar that they've built,
the sun's going to go away and the wind's going to stop blowing and they're going to need
more than 20% of the
world's oil supply when in fact all
they're going to need is a diminishing amount each year, it seems like.
Right.
You know, and it's interesting hearing because I remember, you know,
reading about the Hart Rudman project, because if you remember, you know, again,
in the, you know, in the 90s after the end of the Cold War,
the kind of U.S. foreign policy establishment was kind of casting about for like,
okay, what defines us?
What's the enemy that defines us?
What's it going to be?
The Soviet Union's gone, you know, and there was definitely a movement.
And Lynn Cheney was not just one voice.
She may have been just one voice in that room,
but there were definitely folks
who were ready, you know, for China
to kind of slot in where the Soviet Union
had been.
If you remember the crisis in Hainan Island
were the crash of the U.S. surveillance plane
very early in the George W. Bush administration.
You know, things were in play for, you know,
then all of a sudden 9-11 happened
and everyone's like, nope, we're slotting terrorism in.
We'll get to China later.
But this, you know, was kind of simmering
just under the surface for a long time.
Yeah, I remember even in the aughts, you know, anti-Chinese political ads that they would
just go to crop up every now and then.
We certainly discussed with frustration during the Biden administration their failure
to get back into a deal with Iran.
And at that time, I just seem to remember, like,
befuddlement. And in retrospect, are you, like, reassessing the Biden administration's failure to get back into that deal rather than just being incompetence, but more like not interested?
And because of their orientation towards the Abraham Accords and all that that implied?
I think that, I mean, first of all, I mean, there's two things. One is there were people, you know, people I mentioned, like Jake Sullivan and Tony
Lincoln, both played major roles in getting that agreement under Obama. But the fact is, you know,
Biden clearly was not that invested. I mean, he was not invested in two of Obama's most important
foreign policy initiatives, the agreement with Iran and the opening with Cuba. Both of the width,
he essentially just tanked. Both horrible decisions, because once again, Joe Biden is actually
bad at foreign policy. Okay, I think, so I don't know whether it's a reassessment. I think I was very
critical and frankly baffled and really pissed off about Biden's decision first of all to slow walk
the return to the JCPOA. Let's remember he wrote a piece in October of 2020 laying out pretty
unequivocally how he was going to rejoin the Iran. Yeah, that's why that's what was so bizarre about
it. And all of a sudden they get into office and they're deciding, oh, they're going to take their
time and get a longer and stronger deal. And like, what are you talking about? You've just been elected.
did you've got all this political capital to use, rejoin the deal, work out some details later,
but instead, you know, they hit the brakes.
They felt like, oh, no, we got to, we have all these hawkish Democrats, we've got to appease,
and blah, blah, blah, just, you know, both wrong on the policy and the politics.
And again, they ultimately, they waited.
And meanwhile, Iran had an election.
The team that had negotiated the agreement with Obama was out.
A much more hardline team was in.
That team had watched the first few months of, of,
Biden's presidency and decided quite reasonably, yeah, we probably can't trust Joe Biden,
given that he was literally elected having promised to rejoin this deal and then didn't do it.
And so that's basically how we lost a really important nonproliferation agreement with Iran and put us on
the path to this war right now. Let's turn to that cadre of foreign policy advisors.
In the course of like three or four days, you know, Ben Rhodes has come out with a piece that we need to turn the page on those people.
He's been, I think, articulating that for some time.
Chris Van Hollen came out with a editorial, which both said that we was explicit about changing our foreign policy stance towards Israel.
and by implication those who had fashioned the existing policy that we had under the last Democratic administration.
And Brian Shats, who I am less confident in where he will be from day to day, frankly, on this stuff.
But certainly as a bellwether, because this is a guy who I think has aspirations to lead the Democrats in the Senate.
also said, both Democrats, primary voters won't trust any Democratic presidential candidate who does not have a record of moral and strategic clarity on these issues.
He's talking about Israel, especially if as a legislator, he or she voted to send Netanyahu bombs, even as his government imposed a total blockade on Gaza.
Again, they're sort of using the Netanyahu, not Israel, hedge, but whatever.
to say, nor will they support any candidate who plans to reenlist senior Democratic decision
makers who whitewashed the truth during the Biden administration and refused to acknowledge
their complicity.
They're speaking specifically about Jake Sullivan, about McGirk, others who were in that cadre
and have led us to sort of like this, you know,
multi-year disaster.
What's your sense about how sort of like real this is?
Yeah.
My sense it is very real.
I think that is not the first time I've heard that from a member of Congress.
That is the first time I've seen it published in that way.
It will not be the last.
I mean, I think just as you noted, coming from Fresh Schatz and then Van Hollen in a more
detailed op-ed, shots was a tweet, and then Manhattan as part of that New York Times
op-ed, but both two leading Democrats, two relatively young leading Democrats, and Van Hollen in particular
who has been a leader on foreign policy and particularly on the issue of Israel and Palestine.
But as I said, this is something that I have heard from members of Congress and from, you know,
foreign policy professionals, Democratic, progressive foreign policy professionals all over the
place. These people who carried out this policy, and I think what's important about what Ben Holland
wrote, it wasn't just that the policy was bad, is that.
that they whitewashed it. They lied about it. This is a point I and others. That was Shats who said that.
It was shats. I'm sorry. Yes. Well, I think there was something to that effect.
I think Van Hollins said something similar. I mean, I think those actually, they may have both
used the exact same words there practically. Right. And I do think that's really important because,
I mean, again, the policy was bad enough. I think what really, you know, makes it, you know,
another offense in addition was the fact that they stood up there at the lectern day after day
after day and misled and gaslit and lied about what was happening on the ground, which everyone
could see, you know, on their phones all the time. And yet they refused to acknowledge the reality
of this genocide. Yep. Well, I guess hope springs eternal. It'll be interesting to see how
that analysis carries over to Kamala Harris' impending presidential run. That's just one thing. I just
want to flag here, because she's leading in the polls right now.
among Democratic primary voters that doesn't mean anything.
But I do think if this is kind of a consensus opinion amongst top Senate Democrats,
as they're trying to angle with Schumer likely being, you know, going away, I don't know.
Just something to note.
Yep.
Matt Duss, Executive Vice President, the Center for International Policy,
co-host of the undiplomatic podcast, which we will link to.
Thanks so much for your time.
Always a pleasure.
Really appreciate your insight.
Always glad to. Thank you.
Thanks, man.
All right, folks.
I'm going to take a quick break, head into the fun half.
Before somebody IMS in, I will make a self-correction.
I used the word apocryphal.
Did not mean to use that word.
I used it in the context of Peter Beinhardt's piece,
and what I meant to say was Prussian or some version of that.
I can't believe you can catch that in that.
Should have said unilateral.
Nobody I-ammed about it.
Okay.
Which I found shocking.
I believe you've been prescient.
Nobody I am about it.
Did he write it or not?
I don't get what you're saying.
Nobody I amed about it, but it was bothering me.
Good self-scout.
It was a unilateral editorial by Peter Bonner.
Exactly.
Well, I made a unilateral decision to correct myself without any other input.
Uday and Cusei Lutnik, I almost did, but didn't want to make you look like a dummy.
Incidentally, I think, Sam, I think you meant prophetic.
Yes, I could have meant prophetic or prescient, yes.
But the whole point was to avoid this conversation.
Folks, you can help support us.
with what we do here, which is just
pedantry and
mockingness.
Being really mean.
If you want to join us in
being the mean girls.
And the smug fund. Yes.
Yeah, join the smug club.
Honestly,
merch idea.
It should at least be the smug half.
Yeah. No, smug club is
because Crowders.
Yeah, no, I get it.
Oh, you get it. Oh, he gets it.
You didn't know if it would pre-sate.
You were that in the weeds.
He was being smug.
No, I was a big Steven Crowder fan.
Oh, back in the day.
I want to thank you again for really saving me from the right way.
It wasn't until, it wasn't until Brian saw me show up for that debate where he's like,
wait, why won't Crowder debate him?
I put my gun away forever after that.
Everything I thought.
Right.
Yeah, Brian was sitting at his computer with his chest holster.
Yeah.
And he was sitting there going like, why is Crowder running?
has this all been a lie?
And he put his gun down.
I canceled my peck implant surgery.
It's a video of Michael Jackson with someone's holding a gun and he pushes it down.
That was Sam to you.
No more violence anymore.
Chris Burdick says apocryphal mistake was a result of your hubris after using Lynn Cheney correctly.
I couldn't tell which one it was.
No, it was Lynn Cheney.
It was, you know, the mom.
There you go.
Folks.
You have a lot of.
bravery to attempt it that's my that's you know that's my observation you still you know what i should do is i
really should just say lady cheney just say the mom yeah the mom or the daughter lady cheney right so that
anybody can it doesn't matter right now lady cheney the senior cheney the senior not lady cheney the junior
either the rhino's wife or the rhino's daughter yeah all women look the same to me
folks it's your support that can help this show uh keep on keeping on
You can become a member by going to join the Majority Report.com.
When you do, you only get the free show free of commercials, but you also get the fun half.
And you can IMS, like all of these people, who are just absolutely focused on my admission of using the word apocryphal incorrectly.
Join the Majority Report.com.
Also, don't forget, just coffee.coop, fair trade, coffee, hot chocolate.
Use the coupon code.
Majority, get 10% off.
could buy the majority port blend. Matt, what's happening on the Matt Leckian media
universe? There's a brand new left reckoning yesterday. We talked about
not only the Trump administration saying that it's a vibe session, but also
quantitative liberals that still think Biden got a short shrift by people's attitudes
towards the economy, which I would contend are negative for a reason. And we also
talked about Jasmine Crockett, you know, for instance, doing crypto, uh,
shout outs and celebrating
Hassan Piker being subpoenaed. So
dodged a bullet with that one,
folks. She also came out
for the
challenger,
the A-PAC challenger who unseated
Al Green. Was it? Oh, yeah, yeah.
And he was a
going around for Bell, too, as well.
Embarrassed. Just a true embarrassment, really.
What a waste.
Of weaponized narcissism.
Or I would say, fine,
weaponized narcissism. But she, I would,
She has some political talent, but it's just like, you know, God.
So there's some rotten in certain democratic circles that leads to, I don't know, something like that.
Folks, see you in the fun half.
You are in for it.
All right, folks, 646, 25, 739, 20, see you in the fun.
Oh, no.
Are you ready?
Who sent us this?
Alpha males are back.
Back, back, back, boys, back, and the alpha males are back, back, back.
Just as delicious as you could imagine.
The alpha males are back, back, back, back, back, back.
And the alpha males are back, back, back, back, back.
Just want to degrade the white man.
Alpha males are back, back, back.
I take all of it to my clothes.
Alpha males are back, back, back.
Snorplex has what?
The alpha males are back, back, back, back.
You are a madman.
And the alpha males are...
Sam Cedar, what a, wow, what a fucking nightmare.
A nightmare.
Can you bring that to D.G.
Yeah, or a couple of them.
Just put them in rotation.
DJ Denner.
Well, the problem with those is they're like 45 seconds long, so I don't know if they're
enough when it breaks to be there.
That's fucking nonsense.
You see white people doing drugs that look worse than normal white people, and all white people
look disgusting.
And the alpha males are psych.
Fuck them.
Fuck them.
Snowflakes says what.
What?
What?
What?
What, what, what, what, what, what, what.
What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What?
What? Okay. I'm making stupid money.
Hell of a lot of bank.
Have you tried doing an impression on a college campus?
I think that there's no reason why reasonable people across the divide can't all agree with this.
Scyke?
And the alpha males are back, back, back, back, back, back.
And the Africans are black, black, black, black, black, African.
And the alpha males are black, black, black, black, black, black.
And the Africans are back, back, back, back, black.
When you see Donald Trump out there, doesn't a little party you think that America
deserves to be taken over by jihadists?
Keep it at 100.
Can't knock the hustle.
Come up.
Fuck them.
Fuck them.
Things I do for the bigger game plan.
By the way, it's my birthday.
My birthday. Happy birthday to me, Jew boy.
I have a thought experiment for you.
And the alpha males are back, back.
Africans are black, black.
Puss you.
Puss you, pass you, possible, possible, possible.
