The Michael Knowles Show - Ep. 373 - Los Democrats Son Muy Estúpidos
Episode Date: June 27, 2019Democrats kicked off last night’s presidential primary debate with a novel strategy: randomly speaking in Spanish. Then, my pal Jamil Jivani stops by to discuss how young men get radicalized, and fi...nally the Mailbag! Date: 06-27-2019 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
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Ola mamacitas, Democrats kicked off last night's presidential primary debate with a novel strategy.
They started randomly speaking in Spanish throughout the whole thing.
We will examine how Los Democrats got so very stupidos.
Then my pal Jamil Giovanni stops by to discuss how young men get radicalized.
And finally, the mailbag.
I'm Michael Knowles, and thiso iso El Michael Knowles showo.
I want
Taco Bell
That's basically my main takeaway
from last night's
Democratic debate
is that
I want to
Taco Bell
so the debate
was broadcast
on NBC
and I'm sitting there
with sweet little Lisa
we're watching it
and I thought
I may have been
watching it on
Telemundo
because for some reason
these candidates
all seem to be
speaking in Spanish
here's a little taste
I'm Julian Castro
and I'm
postulando
for president
of the United
We need
We need
need to
every person
in the
exit of this
economy
but if
we want
to do
that we need
we need
every person
in our
democracy
every
vote
every
vote
we need
the
representation
and
every voice
we need
to
listen
now.
The situation
now is unacceptable.
It's
the president
has attacked
or demonized
the immigrants
is
So if you couldn't see that, there's this moment when Beto, he's the first one. First question.
Beto starts speaking in Spanish randomly for no reason. And there's a cutaway and you see Corey Booker
looking at him like, dude, are you actually pandering more than I am? Are you actually being
more disingenuous than I, Cory Booker, and being? And it was probably the only genuine thing
I've ever seen at Cory Booker. And then within, I don't know, a town.
minutes or something, Corey Booker starts doing it too. It was this moment of like Beto saying,
hey, bro, nobody can butcher the Spanish language better than I can. And then Booker's there like,
hold my papoosa. And then he just starts speaking in broken Spanish. It was, it was very hilarious
to watch. But it wasn't just the candidates. Even the moderator got in on all the Spanish fun.
To white people. I'm sorry. Congressista O'Rourke, what would you in the
first day, if you're president,
about this reality that's occurring,
what would you do, Congressman,
day one at the White House?
We're going to try
every person with the respect
and dignity that
they're as humans.
Oh, Beto O'Rourke's like the guy
who got called on by teacher, but he didn't do
the homework. So he's
pretending to speak Spanish from the first
question. Then this moderator,
Jose Diaz-Belar, just starts
speaking to him in Spanish, and
And Beto O'Rourke basically just responds,
Donde esther la Bibliotheca.
Donde, he uses the word.
I wasn't listening to all the Spanish
because I don't speak Spanish.
And I've never been more happy
that I don't speak Spanish
than when I was watching last night's debate.
But halfway through,
he doesn't remember the word for medicine,
which I believe is medicina.
So he's just like,
oh, yeah, see, you careo la medicine, yeah.
And it's just really, really pathetic.
This is a very bad idea.
We will explain why.
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this was a mess, this Spanish thing.
I remember, I was working on the John Huntsman campaign in 2012.
I love John Huntsman.
He's the current ambassador to Russia.
Thought he was a terrific governor of Utah.
Thought he was a great ambassador.
Thought he was a great presidential candidate.
He made a very strategically poor decision during one debate where he started speaking in Mandarin Chinese.
And the idea here was the same thing that these guys were trying to do.
They want to show that they can speak this language.
If China is going to be the big threat and you can speak Chinese, that gives you a lot of credibility.
If America is becoming multilingual, if America's got all these Spanish-speaking immigrants coming in, it's very impressive if you two can speak Spanish.
It doesn't work. People don't like it.
Especially in these early primary states, Iowa, New Hampshire, South Carolina, you think those guys are impressed that you speak Spanish?
None of them speak Spanish. Nobody in those states speak Spanish. Very bad idea.
It's very offensive.
I found this to be the most offensive part of the debate last night.
They were talking about basically having post-birth abortion.
They were talking about abortion at any time during pregnancy on demand.
They were talking about socialism.
They were talking about getting rid of private health care.
And I found the most offensive part of it to be this stupid Spanish pandering.
This is America.
We speak English in America.
That's it.
There is very little that unites us.
us as a country anymore. We don't, most of us don't share our religion. Most of us don't share
common experiences. We don't share a common culture. We don't all go watch the same TV shows,
read the same books, or go to the same movies. We have very little bit uniting us. If we
don't speak the same language, then we have basically nothing that unites us anymore.
I think it's great to speak other languages. I speak other languages. I studied Italian in school.
I studied Italian literature. When I go to Italy, I speak Italian. I have. I, I have. I studied Italian. I
I get along in Italian.
I, when I, when you go to Rome, do what the Romans do.
When I'm in America, I don't speak Italian all the time.
Even if I go to an Italian restaurant, I don't, I don't sit there and I say, okay, I'll have the wine and I'll have the appetizer and I will have,
yis spaghetti al-carbonara.
Per favor, signore, signore, grazie, grazie a million, wallo.
No, I don't do that because that's weird, because you're in America.
I'll say, I'll have this spaghetti al-carbona, please.
Because we speak English in America.
This is America.
Now, the Democrats, they don't like America.
They don't like American traditions.
That's not even a...
I don't think that's an exaggeration anymore.
They say they want to fundamentally transform the country.
You don't want to fundamentally transform things that you like.
You want to fundamentally transform things that you don't like.
And that was Barack Obama, one of his campaign platforms,
one of his, the pillars of his campaign.
One of the reasons that everyone is anxious about illegal immigration,
is because they fear that they're going to lose the country.
They fear that the country is going to be
totally unrecognizable afterward.
I don't think this is going to play well in Peoria.
And worse for them, I don't think it's going to play well in early
primary states.
Now, you'll notice that the leader of the PAC last night,
Elizabeth Warren, she didn't speak Spanish because she understood this.
She didn't even speak Navajo.
And I believe that's her native language, she said.
Beyond all the crazy Spanish,
the Democrats were running very far left.
Liz Warren, who went in there as the kind of top of that pack in last night's debate,
she ran about as far left as she could.
She actually said she wouldn't put any limits on abortion.
We'll hear that clip.
We'll see how they get into the intersectional Olympics.
They run even further left than that.
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So they ran very far to the left.
Here is Liz Warren being asked,
would you put any limits on abortion?
Here's her answer.
Senator Warren, would you put limits on any limits on abortion?
I would make certain that every woman has
access to the full range of reproductive health care services, and that includes birth control.
It includes abortion.
So no.
The answer is no.
I wouldn't put any limits on it whatsoever.
Only 6% of Americans, according to recent polls, believe there should be no limits on abortion whatsoever.
94% of Americans think there should be some limits on abortion.
But no one on that stage is going to say that there should be limits on abortion.
Liz Warren, who's leading that pack.
She's not at the top of the pack in the whole field.
But of the candidates who were at that debate last night, she is polling at the top.
She says no limits whatsoever.
So how are you going to outwoke somebody if they're already saying no limits, abortion on demand
without apology at any time?
Julian Castro figured out a way.
He figured out the one way to outwoke her, and that is by offering to extend abortion rights,
not just to women, but to men.
I don't believe only in reproductive freedom.
I believe in reproductive justice.
You know, what that means is that just because a woman,
or let's also not forget,
someone in the trans community, a trans female,
is poor, doesn't mean they shouldn't have the right to exercise
that right to choose.
And so I absolutely would cover the right to have an abortion.
What? What was that?
So trans women, this is just how they describe it.
A trans woman is a man, a biological,
man who dresses up like a woman or thinks he's a woman or wants to be a woman. So he would extend
abortion rights to biological men. That's very woke. Also, I love his euphemism. This is a new one.
I've never heard of it. I wouldn't just have reproductive freedom. I'd have reproductive justice.
He never describes what the difference is because they're just both completely meaningless
words. But what's most ironic about reproductive justice is he's describing a way to stop
reproduction by unjustly killing someone. So it's, it's not only the opposite of reproduction,
it's also the opposite of justice. It's exactly the opposite of what he's saying it is.
Now, obviously, Cory Booker, Cory Booker's not going to let Julian Castro hog all of that woke
trans space. It's like, all right, you're going to speak Spanish? I'll speak Spanish. You're going to talk
about trans? Okay, I'm going to one up you. I'm going to get even woker. And Cory Booker got down to the real
issues that Americans care about, the issue that's at the top of all of our minds, African-American
trans-Americans, finally.
Look, civil rights is someplace to begin, but in the African-American civil rights community,
another place to focus on was to stop the lynching of African-Americans.
We do not talk enough about trans-Americans, especially African-American trans-Americans.
Everyone had just been talking about issues like immigration or the economy or war.
no, we need to talk about the statistically estimated 0.3, 0.036% of the population who are African-American
trans Americans because African-Americans are about 12, 13% of the population. Transgender people,
people who are confused about their gender are 0.3% of the population. So you're about
0.036% of the population. That is how you're going to win the presidential election. I also
wondered if African-American trans-Americans are a contradiction in terms, because if you've got the
you've got the American there, the African-American, but then the trans-American, do the Americans,
therefore, because of the trans-canceles-out? So then you're just left with trans-Africans,
which I believe is Rachel Dolazol. And it is about time that our presidential candidates
finally get some justice for Rachel Dolazole. My favorite candidate of the night was
Tim Ryan. Who's Tim Ryan? I don't know. Do you know?
No, nobody knows. Nobody still knows, even though he was at this debate. He is an Ohio congressman,
I take it, because I looked it up on Wikipedia afterwards. He is pathetic in the true sense.
I don't mean to make fun of him. I don't mean he's pitiful. I mean he's pathetic. He evokes pathos.
You just, you really feel for the guy. You have all the fields. He is the only person on that stage
who did not come across as a completely unctuous psychopath. You actually kind of felt bad for him.
and unfortunately, one of the reasons you felt bad for him
is because Tulsi Gabbard just absolutely destroyed his life
in about 30 seconds. Here she is.
You know what? You felt like she was responding.
You'd get 30 seconds.
A good man. I appreciate that.
I hear what you're saying.
I would just say, I don't want to be engaged.
I wish we were spending all this money in places that I've represented
that have been completely forgotten and we were rebuilding.
But the reality of it is if the United States isn't engaged,
the Taliban will grow.
and they won't have bigger, bolder terrorist acts.
We have got to have some present there.
The Taliban was there long before we came in.
They'll be there long before we leave.
We cannot keep U.S. troops deployed to Afghanistan thinking that we're going to somehow squash
this Taliban that has been there that every other country that's tried has been.
When we weren't in there, they started flying planes into our buildings.
So I'm just saying right now, we have an obligation.
attack us on 9-11, Al-Qaeda.
Al-Qaeda attacked us on 9-11.
That's why I and so many other people join the military to go after Al-Qaeda, not the Taliban.
The Taliban was protecting those people who are plotting against us.
Okay, he got the question sort of right at the end.
He said, no, the Taliban were harboring the al-Qaeda terrorists, and we don't make a distinction
between those two.
But she just ate his lunch, and he kind of, he didn't do anything.
She pounced and he folded.
The strongest performance of the night, because Gabbard was pretty impressive, she exceeded expectations.
Actually, even Booker exceeded expectations, which were already very low.
But the strongest performance of the night came from Elizabeth Warren.
She didn't say anything.
She just kept saying, I have a plan, I have a plan.
But she came off very strong, even though she'd never explained what her plans were.
I want to continue on the Mitch McConnell thing, because you have a lot of ambitious plans.
You have a plan for that.
Okay. We talked about the Supreme Court. Do you have a plan to deal with Mitch McConnell if you don't beat him in the Senate?
If he's still sitting there as the Senate majority leader, it's very plausible. You be elected president with a Republican Senate.
Do you have a plan to deal with Mitch McConnell? I do.
That's it. That was her answer. I do. And then they applaud. She doesn't say what the plan is. Okay. That's fine.
So they want strength. She's offering strength. And she's offering, you know, she's a real battle
axe, a battle tomahawk in the case of Elizabeth Warren. She's a real, she's saying, I'm the tough one.
She's trying to, in some ways, pull a Trump strategy here. But she doesn't give a lot of specifics.
This got even more ridiculous later on. She kept just using these platitudes. She kept just refusing to answer questions.
Chuck Todd actually called her out on it.
I need to treat this like the virus that's killing our children.
You didn't address, do you think the federal government needs to go and figure out a way to get the guns that are already out there?
What I think we need to do is we need to treat it like a serious research problem, which we have not done.
You know, guns in the hands of a collector who's had them for decades, who's never fired, who takes safety seriously, that's very different from guns that are sold and turned over quickly.
We can't treat this as an across-the-board problem.
we have to treat it like a public health emergency.
That means bring data to bear, and it means make real change in this country, whether it's
politically popular or not.
Okay, thank you, Senator, thank you, Senator.
The question was, are you going to take away people's guns?
We need to take this seriously.
Yeah, I know, but are you going to take away people's guns?
I'm going to take it really, really seriously.
Okay, you're not going to answer.
Obviously, ridiculous.
Whatever, she doesn't want to give what will end up being a very divisive answer.
The problem is her voice.
She is shrill.
That's not a woman thing.
That's not a sexist thing.
Tulsi Gabbard isn't shrill.
Amy Klobuchar isn't shrill.
Corey Booker is shrill.
And Liz Warren, who's at the top of this particular pack,
is very shrill.
She sounds like a disingenuous,
wet blanket and a scold.
And it's very, very grating.
If she can fix her voice,
she'll be the strongest candidate in the race,
in the whole race.
Very intelligent.
She's a total killer.
She's polished. She's strong. She project strength. If she can't fix that voice, it's hard to see how people will ever come around to like her well enough to vote for her. The big takeaway here, I think, is we all think Trump can be defeated. He has weaknesses. If the economy goes south, he'll really have weaknesses. But does anyone really think he can be defeated by one of those people? Seriously? No, no chance. We'll see tonight if Biden or Sanders or Buttigieg can connect any better. But otherwise, I think,
President Trump looking pretty good. All right, we got to bring on my old pal, Jamil Giovanni.
If you have not heard of Jamil, he has an incredible life story. He's genuinely one of the most
impressive people I've ever met. I met him when I was in college and he was in law school.
So he was actually the top law school in the country, if not the world. And he wasn't always the
top of his class. He wasn't always the sharpest guy or the most applied guy. He wasn't always
applying his intelligence. He was actually declared illiterate.
in high school, raised without a father, single mother.
He had been going down the path toward crime, path toward gangsterism,
and he was affiliated with the nation of Islam.
He was going down these really dark ideologies, these radical ideologies.
Then he turned his life around.
And he became, when I was in school, he was like the big man on campus.
And he went on to be the big man after campus, an activist, a lawyer, a published author,
the author of an excellent new book, Why Young Men? Jamil, thanks for being here.
Thanks for having me, Michael. And thanks for the very kind introduction. I appreciate it.
I've got to tell you, pal, you are by far one of the most impressive, if not the most impressive
guy I met during my entire time in college. And you've gone on to impress all of us even more
in your life after law school. I loved this book. Very interesting. I didn't agree with everything,
or I wasn't totally convinced by it. But I thought you made a great case.
You weighed a lot of different sides of all of these arguments.
The question you ask is, why young men, the dangerous allure of violent movements and what we can do about it?
So I have to ask you, for all the listeners, why young men?
Yeah.
Well, what I try to do in the book is show how the expert way that violent movements or radical ideologies are able to speak to the anger and frustration that a lot of young men feel.
And it's a sort of teenage or early 20-year-old angst that I think everyone relates to in some way.
I mean, most people, if you ask them to look back at pictures from high school, they shudder to think about what they were like back then.
But what these groups do really well is they reach young men and politicize those feelings.
They make you feel like there's someone you need to hate.
There's someone you need to be resentful toward.
And that you should adopt a purpose and a mission that is going to let you act on the feelings that you have.
And that brotherhood they offer, that camaraderie they offer in sharing that purpose and mission is what I think they do very effectively.
And what I explore in the book is how they're doing it more effectively for a lot of young men than schools are or churches are or out of touch public institutions that we trust to reach our young people.
Too often they're just not doing that very well.
How did you turn your life around?
I know a little bit of the answer to this.
you raised without a father, illiterate, listening to Lewis Farrakhan, one of the worst voices in the whole world,
and then you become this total model for young men to follow. What changed? Well, a lot of it for me
came down to failing at doing the wrong things, right? So I tried to be a gangster. I wanted to drop out
of school, that plan didn't work out for me in large part because even though I was going through
a lot of difficulty in my life and I didn't have a great relationship with my mom, she was still in my life.
And I think having her there, even when we didn't know how to talk to each other, meant a lot.
Jordan Peterson refers to this as like having a light at the end of the tunnel.
And I think my mother played that role for me.
So when the moments came where I almost bought a gun or I almost dropped out of school, I almost gave up on myself.
I had that light where I was like, you know, maybe there is someone to disappoint.
There is someone who thinks higher of me than I think of myself.
And having that person meant a world of difference.
So when the time came where I exposed myself as not able to live up to my tough guy bravado
and my gangster fairy tales, I lost all my friends overnight.
I mean, I knew that they think I was a chicken and a punk and much more vulgar words than that.
and I had to change my social circle.
And it's a hard thing for anyone at any age to do.
I'm not sure I would have been able to do it deliberately.
I did it without even realizing that's what was happening.
But when I changed my social circle,
I finished up high school, went on to community college,
had a whole host of different people in my life,
all of a sudden I was starting to think and feel like a different person.
And over time, that made a world of difference.
Well, and you mentioned in the book how just that act of committing yourself,
a little bit more to mainstream society. So you're not just hanging around on the street with a bunch of
criminals anymore. You're going to community college. You're investing yourself into the mainstream.
And that leads you even more to invest yourself into the mainstream of society. How do these young men
get isolated in the first place? And in a culture where we have declining religious institutions,
declining civic participation, in some communities, declining fatherhood, how do we pull them
back from that isolation and get them a little even to begin to be invested in the mainstream of
society. Yeah, so the different kind of violent movements I talk about, the gangs, the terror
cells, the extremist networks online, what I think they share in common is an ability to
communicate to young men that your frustrations are not your fault. And so whatever unhappiness
and dissatisfaction you feel at home or with your school or your job or life is not what you wish
it was in some way, you're able to then see that as, you know, quote unquote, mainstream society's
fault. It's rigged against me. I'm not supposed to be successful. And that ideology is really at the
core of it because what that leads to is a certain kind of moral relativism, right, where you can say,
yes, I know I shouldn't shoot people. I know I shouldn't hate people. But for me, it's okay
because my life is particularly unfair, because the deck is stacked against me in a way it isn't
for other people. So I get to live by a different code of conduct. And when you start to think that
way, you're really developing an antisocial compass for the world. I mean, it's even hard to see
it in the moment until you get those flashes where you realize, hey, the way I look in someone
else's eyes, like, I look like a monster, and I didn't even realize that's what I was turning
myself into. I think about it as, you know, I use the example in the book of when I saw one of my
closest friends appear in a crime stopper's press release and it was just like seeing the way he was
talked about and the way he was characterized he just dawned on me like man what did we become we become
these guys who go out and fight on the street and we treat women badly and we're angry and we cuss all day
and we glorify drug dealers but it also happens in other contexts where you have like even that
charlottesville rally you know the unite the right rally a couple years ago the young guys who wound
up in that rally who had their pictures taken, the UBA students and stuff, I think that was a real
shocker for them when they saw what it would look like to be presented as part of that kind of
a group. And they were like, oh, that's not how I thought I was coming across, right?
Like, it's a, it's that moment where you realize how you are perceived by others and that moral
relativism starts to break down, where I think you have those moments for transformation
and real transformation becomes possible. You know, the argument we've been hearing from the
left for a long time on how people get radicalized into ISIS or radical Islam or whatever
is like Barack Obama would say, well, it's because they don't have jobs. It's because they're
poor. You need to give them economic or material opportunity and then they won't be radicalized.
And in some cases, as you show in the book, there seems to be evidence of that. In other cases,
it's middle class kids. It's rich kids. It's not the, the economic forces don't explain it.
What do you think is the relationship here between economic factors and cultural factors like fatherlessness and ideological factors, the actual ideology of the radical movements themselves?
Which are having the biggest influences on young men?
Yeah, I think a lot of young men, more than any other group of people in kind of the human population, are driven by a desire for admiration and respect.
They want to feel respected, appreciated, they want to feel strong.
I think we often react very poorly to paternalism, for example.
We don't like to feel people to pity us, right?
And so when you're looking for that status, you know, poverty is a significant barrier to that, of course.
I mean, there's a way to feel alienated by your society because you're like,
hey, I'm broke.
I don't think I'm ever going to not be broke, and I'm mad about that.
But you could think of that status as being elusive to people in a lot of other circumstances.
as well. I mean, you could be a middle-class kid with, you know, like a lot of the young men who left the United Kingdom to join ISIS, for example, were university graduates. I mean, they weren't lacking in for opportunity. But in their mind, because of their religion or because of their identity, they still couldn't get status in the United Kingdom. They were being held back because they were part of this persecuted minority group in the West. And so status is still something they're seeking, even though economics might not be the barrier to that status. It's the same thing I try to explain to people.
who use the term white privilege a lot, for example.
Because when I say, you know,
the reason I think a young white man might be drawn
to a white nationalist organization
is not very different from why a young Muslim man
might be drawn to ISIS.
They say, but the white guy's privilege,
why would he feel alienated in the West, right?
I mean, look, his people,
they have all the jobs, they have all the money,
they're all the politicians, blah, blah, blah.
And my answer is, well, a lot of it is actually
about his own vision of what status looks like.
And if he feels like he's being excluded,
Even though you might not think that because you're judging him based on his race,
doesn't mean that that's how he feels.
And understanding how he feels is really the point,
because you can have all your own ideas about how people are supposed to feel
because of their race or their economic status or whatever it might be.
But if that's not how they see themselves, then your theory doesn't actually make a difference, right?
And that's a hard message for a lot of people to accept.
I think one of the things in the book I get the most pushback on,
especially for more liberal or left-leading audiences,
is my desire to include white young men in the conversation.
And I conclude the book, even criticizing President Obama's My Brother's Keeper Initiative
for purposely excluding white men.
Every other group of men in America was included in that initiative except for white men.
And I think it was a huge mistake because there are so many more things we have in common
than different.
And that desire for status is what we all share, I think.
Yeah, absolutely right.
I think that analysis is so right.
It's pretty bold of you because I know that you'll get a lot of pushback on the left for that.
But it's a really compelling analysis.
And I really enjoyed the book.
Obviously, you are one of the sharpest guys I know.
So I highly recommend everyone go out and get why young men the dangerous allure of violent movements and what we can do about it.
It's really terrific.
I read it in one sitting.
I couldn't put it down.
And so much of it is because of your personal story that is interwoven throughout the argument.
It's just really well done, my friend.
I can't wait to read your next book and see you sometime in the meantime.
Where can people find you, by the way?
I'm on Twitter at Jamil Giovanni, also Instagram, also Facebook.
Yeah, and I appreciate you have me on the show, Michael.
It's great to reconnect, and I'm glad you enjoyed the book.
Absolutely.
All right, Jamil, thanks so much for coming on.
I've got to say goodbye now to Facebook and YouTube.
You've got to go to Dailywire.com.
If you want to hear the mailbag, we have a ton of excellent questions.
I'm sure. Ten bucks a month, $100 for an annual membership. You get me, you get the Andrew Plavin show,
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All right. First question. From Matthew.
you. Michael, ex-Lithario of the Daily Wire. I just started seeing a conservative girl, and I'd like
your advice. We've been on two dates, and I'm wondering at what point should I attempt to kiss her?
Is there a general guideline on this? How do you know when it is a good time to go in for the first
kiss? What telltale signs do most women give off that indicate that they would like to be kissed?
Best wishes and keep up the good work, Matt.
These days, I believe the telltale sign you're looking for is a notarized contract witnessed by about seven people and stamped by a judge.
Traditionally, however, you've been on two dates, so now. You should do it now or yesterday.
The telltale signs that she wants you to kiss her are that she's gone on two dates with you.
Guys are very stupid about this. I don't mean to single you out.
But guys get this wrong all the time. They get shy. They get nervous. They overthink it.
They say, oh, I don't know if she really wants me to.
One time on one of my early dates with sweet little Elisa, we were like 16 or something,
I had my arm around her kind of cuddling up watching a movie.
And I was thinking, I was like, oh, does she want me to kiss her?
Like, I don't know, idiot.
She's sitting with you and you got your arm around her and you're like, duh, what else you're going to do?
You're going to play Yotsie?
No.
So these guys get very nervous and they shy and everything.
So very often guys think that if they make a move too soon, it's going to ruin things.
It's going to be too presumptuous.
They think the bigger risk is to make a move too soon.
The far greater risk is not making a move and seeming too timid.
You're on the date.
You've gone on two dates.
You've gone on three dates.
Whatever.
She's there.
The purpose of going on dates is to get a little smooch at the end.
Go for it.
Kiss the girl.
And if she rejects you, too bad.
And you go on a date with another girl.
From Ryan.
Hi, Michael.
I just started a new job as an accounting manager in my company.
is doing a gay pride event this month. Everyone on my team has said they're going,
but I do not feel comfortable celebrating something that I consider to be a sin.
Should I just go and hold my tongue for appearance sake? I feel like if I don't go,
I'm running the risk of offending my new team and starting unwanted religious and political
conversations at work. Yeah, well, you won't be starting the unwanted political and religious
conversations. Your teammates and your colleagues are starting that by inviting you to a gay pride
parade. I mean, pride, forget the gay part. Pride is the deadliest sin. It's the queen of all
sins. I don't celebrate pride at all ever. Gay pride, straight pride, asexual pride. Pride is not a
good thing to celebrate. So if I were you, I wouldn't go. Depends what kind of man you want to be.
Are you going to be the kind of guy who is going to compromise on your, your, your more.
and go celebrate something you don't want to celebrate and you think is wrong and immoral,
or not? What I would do is, I wouldn't stand up and make a speech and I'm not sure exactly
if you're objecting to the gay stuff or the pride stuff or both of it, but I wouldn't get up there
and, you know, like have your Westboro Baptist Church signs or something or make some grand
declaration. I would just say, oh, yeah, I'm busy. What are you busy doing? Anything else?
That's what I would do. I wouldn't go. I wouldn't make a big,
deal about it and you're right. They're probably going to some of the more left wing, aggressive
people are probably going to make a big deal out of it. That's the cost of having beliefs and
standing up for them. It's so inappropriate that the left does this. The right doesn't get to do
this. Even forget traditional religion or Christianity. Even on civic religion, even say, hey,
we're going out to the 4th of July parade and we're going to shoot off fireworks and wave the
American flag and sing God bless America. You guys want to all come out?
that would be a much more acceptable thing to say, right?
We're all part of this American nation.
We're all supposed to believe in America and love America.
But if you said that at your office, you'd be brought into HR, say, you can't bring politics
into the office.
But if people are inviting you to a gay pride parade, you almost have to go.
It's almost mandatory.
I would stand firm, not do it.
But then you've got to accept the consequences.
I've had professional consequences for standing up for things if you're unwilling or unable
to make those sacrifices or hold the risk of those sacrifices, then you're in a tough spot.
From Valentino, oh knowledgeable, former future press secretary, Michael Knowles,
in regard to the flag burning amendment, I've been on Team Knowles until I thought about the
conflict it will have with the First Amendment. Given the proposed amendment, what would be the
constitutionality of flag burning in a film? Would love to have your thoughts on this, Valentino.
Hashtag came for Ben, stayed for future former press secretary Knowles. Thank you.
There's this proposal from Steve Daines to create an amendment to the Constitution to make it unlawful to burn a flag, the American flag, to desecrate the American flag.
Right now, the First Amendment protects flag of desecration. So if you pass an amendment, you no longer have that constitutional issue.
I think I'm the only conservative commentator who supports the idea of this amendment, of this flag-burning amendment.
All the rest are saying, no, free speech, the founders would have loved to burn American flags.
I see no evidence of that at all.
But you bring up a great objection, which is, what if you're making a work of art where you have to burn a flag?
Well, how about rape?
Rape is illegal, as it should be.
and yet there are rape scenes in movies.
How do they do the rape scenes?
They fake it.
So you could easily fake burning a flag in a movie.
With CGI, you could easily do it.
Most times people light things on fire in movies.
They do it by CGI anyway.
That's one way to fake it.
Now, another way to fake it,
because an objection to that, I guess, would be
if you're even faking it,
you are desecrating the flag.
You are burning the flag.
I don't think that's really true.
You can, if you draw an image of a flag on fire, that's not the same thing as setting a flag on fire.
If you have a film that shows a flag on fire, that's not the same thing as when you were filming it,
actually setting the flag on fire. But moreover, you could fake it in other ways. You could be missing
one star. You could be missing one stripe. You could have the colors a little off or something.
You could fake it that way. So you're actually burning something, but it's only got 49 stars.
You might say this is really trivial.
This is a distinction without a difference.
No, it's not.
You are, you want to, first of all, when you act, when you make a film or you do a play, you are pretending.
You're not really, you know, there's that great clip of Ian McKellum on extras.
How do you act so well?
And I, well, what I do is I say my lines that they write down in the script.
And then I walk to the place where they tell me to be.
When I'm Gandalf, I'm not really Gandalf.
I'm Sir Ian, but I'm pretending to be Gandalf the wizard. That's the same thing. You could pretend
to burn an American flag, which is quite different. That would be a distinction that I think
wouldn't affect the quality of art at all and also would maintain the sacred, which is the purpose
of the flag burning amendment. For a nation to thrive and have some coherence and cohesion,
you need to have some sense of the sacred, some sanctity around the nation itself.
And that is the purpose of an anti-flag burning or anti-flag desecration amendment.
You would still be able to preserve that if you faked the burning in other ways.
The other aspect of this for film is back when we had limits on what you could film,
we had committees deciding what could be censored, what could be shown, what couldn't be shown.
The movies were better.
You had some of the greatest movies ever made.
while there was censorship.
Gone with the wind, Wizard of Oz,
Wuthering Heights,
all that. I mean, you could go on and on and on.
Why is that?
It's because constraints breed creativity.
What the postmodern, wacky people think
is that you only get creativity
when you get rid of constraints,
but that's not true.
It's why spoken word poetry
is the death of art, slam poetry,
while Shakespeare,
who's writing with a ton of constraints,
I mean, meter constraints,
length constraints, the constraints of the sonnet, is writing the greatest poetry in the history of the English language.
The constraints breed the creativity. This happened in film already. And if we have this one particular
constraint on film, which would be you can't actually set a flag on fire while you burn it.
I don't see any reason why the principal wouldn't hold there too. From Noah. Hello. Me and a friend
were having an argument about college debt forgiveness. I told him college education was not a right. And the
government's job is to protect civil liberties and defend individual freedom. He said that inalienable
rights only exist because some people came up with them and they can therefore be added to.
How do I better explain the difference between commodities, luxuries, and rights guaranteed by the
government? I think I understand, but come off as condescending. Thank you for everything your crew does.
Great question. You're both wrong. Government does much more than just protect natural rights.
We know this, right? Government tells 90s.
year olds that they can't buy a pack of cigarettes. Government forces me to buy only cars that have
a certain fuel efficiency standard. I might object to those sort of things, but it is certainly the
case that the government can and does do much more than just protect natural rights. Now, this doesn't
mean that we can't derive a sense of rights from the natural law. It doesn't mean that we just
totally lose our sense of the dignity of the human person. But you kind of both have a point here.
I always go back to Edmund Burke on this. Edmund Burke is the MacDady godfather of modern
conservative thought. He said, what is the use of discussing man's abstract right to food or medicine?
The question is upon the method of procuring and administering them.
There's no natural right to modern health care, right? If that were the case, then every human being for all of history was denied their human rights until about 100 years ago.
So what does it even mean then for it to be a human right if statistically all the humans who ever live didn't have it?
It is also the case that the government could create a program to give out medical care.
It could.
Government does a zillion things.
It could create another welfare program for medical care.
Government takes over aspects of the economy.
It could take over a sixth of the economy by taking over health care.
Loan forgiveness.
The government's already involved in loan forgiveness.
The government's already involved in subsidizing loans.
It's already involved in, it created this bubble in the first place, actually.
And this is where you get to the real argument.
The better argument for your friend is that the student loan forgiveness proposal is colossally stupid.
One, the reason that we have this huge bubble is because the government was subsidizing loans in the first place.
And two, we rely on debt and credit.
What is debt?
Why do people go into debt?
They go into debt because they think that having money now is better than waiting for the money they're going to have later.
They're borrowing against their future earnings potential.
And in the case of college, even as expensive as it is, college graduates, the median college graduate, make 75% more per year than the median high school graduate without a college degree.
So guys saying, oh, if I can make 75% more per year, I'll take out $50,000 worth of loans because I'll make it back, pay it off.
That's how debt works.
It's great that we have a system of credit.
We use credit all the time.
We use credit to buy cars.
We go into debt.
We go into debt to buy a house.
And it's how modern economies work.
It's how economies grow.
The minute that you forgive everyone's student debt,
$1.6 trillion over 45 million people,
the minute you do it,
it's not just that you tinker with that system.
You get it a little bit messed up.
You completely destroy that system of credit.
what creditor could lend out money at that point?
No one has any incentive ever to pay off that debt.
When I know the government's just going to come in randomly and pay off all the debt,
I'm never going to make a student loan payment.
The reason all those people were making student loan payments is because they didn't
think the government was going to bail them out.
They thought they had to take care of it.
So you now have a system where the individual is never going to make their loan payments,
so it's going to be much harder to get that credit in the first.
place. The government does few things efficiently and whenever the government intervenes and the
more it intervenes, the crazier, the unexpected secondary effects are. The more egregious, the
more harmful those effects can be. And if you're forgiving 45 million loans for $1.6 trillion,
when you're intervening in that education industry, the method of education, then you are giving
the government control over education itself. You're destroying the instrument by which it's currently
funded and you're giving government control over that means, which means he who pays the piper
calls the tune. When the government gets involved, how do things turn out? When the government
gets involved in education, how do things turn out? Not very well. It's a major threat to education.
It's a major power grab. That's why they want it. All right. That's our show. We've got more
to get to, but we'll do it next time. In the meantime, I'm Michael Knowles.
This is the Michael Knolls Show. Enjoy El Secondo Debato Tonighto. We'll have some commentary on that on Monday. See you then.
The Michael Knowles Show is produced by Rebecca Dobkowitz and directed by Mike Joyner, executive producer Jeremy Boring, senior producer Jonathan Hay.
Our supervising producer is Mathis Glover, and our technical producer is Austin Stevens.
Edited by Danny Domeco. Audio is mixed by Dylan Case. Hair and makeup is by Jesua Ulvera.
And our production assistant is Nick Sheehan.
Michael Knowles show is a Daily Wire production.
Copyright Daily Wire 2019.
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