The NPR Politics Podcast - Full Control: Republicans To Control Congress & White House
Episode Date: November 14, 2024Republicans will control both chambers of Congress and the White House, giving President-elect Trump broad latitude to enact his agenda. But Congress has been largely ineffectual for years, making sta...te legislatures key to shaping the country's policy landscape.This episode: White House correspondent Deepa Shivaram, national political correspondent Sarah McCammon, and editor Ryland Barton.The podcast is produced by Jeongyoon Han, Casey Morell and Kelli Wessinger. Our editor is Eric McDaniel. Our executive producer is Muthoni Muturi.Listen to every episode of the NPR Politics Podcast sponsor-free, unlock access to bonus episodes with more from the NPR Politics team, and support public media when you sign up for The NPR Politics Podcast+ at plus.npr.org/politics.Learn more about sponsor message choices: podcastchoices.com/adchoicesNPR Privacy Policy
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Hey there, it's the NPR Politics Podcast.
I'm Deepa Sivaram.
I cover the White House. I'm Saraha Shivaram, I cover the White House.
I'm Sarah McKammon, I cover politics.
And NPR's Rylan Barton is here.
He covers many things, state legislatures among them.
Thanks for being here, Rylan.
Hey, glad to be here.
Okay, so we're gonna do a big breakdown
of all of Donald Trump's cabinet picks so far
and the role that people like Elon Musk will play
in the federal government.
That's all coming in our roundup episode tomorrow. We're holding off until we can get, you know, as full a
picture as possible. But today we know that Republicans have won 218 House seats, giving
president-elect Trump full control of the federal government. Sarah, this is good news
for his ability to push through a lot of the priorities he campaigned on. What are some
of those promises?
Right. I mean, let's not forget, conservatives dominate the Supreme Court, Trump
is going to be the president, and now Republicans will have control of Congress. So that is pretty
much a clean sweep. And it does mean that Trump will have a much easier time getting his agenda
through. You know, it's not clear yet exactly what his first priority will be. I think immigration
is very high on that list. We all heard him talk
about that a lot during this campaign cycle. One thing I'm curious about as someone who's covered
abortion for a long time is what will happen there. Trump has sent mixed messages about what he
intends to do, but he's under pressure from many people in his base to find ways to restrict
abortion, whether through federal agencies or through Congress. And, you know, whether it's immigration or economic policy
or abortion or whatever the case may be,
Republicans will still have to contend
with the filibuster in the Senate.
But let's not forget, you know, on that issue of abortion,
Vice President Harris just said in an interview in September
that the Senate, under Democratic control,
should do away with the filibuster
to pass abortion protections.
So the shoe's about to be on the other foot. Who knows what Republicans will do and what Trump will prioritize. But
bottom line, he'll have a much easier time getting his agenda through with control of
Congress.
Yeah, absolutely. And Ryland, one of the under discussed results of this election is the
control of state governments because that's been pretty significant too. Republicans will
control just over half of state legislatures. But based on what you've been reporting, they were maybe hoping for
more, is that right?
They were hoping for more. Also, Democrats were hoping for more. They invested so much
into this year's races. The Democratic campaign put about $60 million toward it compared to
$45 million for Republicans. But then Democrats also had these two big outside spenders, the
States Project, which put aside $70 million for it, and another group called Forward Majority had $45 million. So
it was like $170 million that were coming down on the Democratic side. And they were hoping to,
you know, win some legislatures, win more seats, at least. And there were some small successes for
them. But really, if anything, they just kind of held steady.
And this is part of a longer trend of Republicans
just being much more successful
at the state legislative level,
going back to at least 2010,
that's when they made a big blitz
to pick up a bunch of legislative seats.
And Democrats are still playing catch up,
but they are at least starting to spend a lot of money
trying to do it.
Yeah, you said some small wins there.
What did Democrats gain in terms of state legislatures?
The biggest one is that they broke apart the supermajority in North Carolina,
actually just in the House in North Carolina.
So that means that Republicans had enough seats there to override the governor's
veto there, even if it's a Democratic governor, which North Carolina has.
So now Democrats, now that that superma doesn't exist in the House, means incoming
Democratic governor Josh Stein can veto things and not worry about being overridden by the
legislature as long as Democrats can stick together.
They did just win it by one seat.
Another one is, you know, they had really ambitious goals of winning both chambers in
the Wisconsin legislature and that didn't happen.
There were new legislative maps there that were supposed to, you know, or thought to benefit Democrats and they won a few seats there.
Which their their county's as a success and and really, you know, this is a
multi-cycle project. I think of theirs to try and win back some of these legislatures in Wisconsin. It's one of those that they, okay, now they feel like they saw some success and they're
hoping to get more down the road.
And for Republicans, what gains did they make?
So they were able to break apart a couple Democratic trifectas.
That's where a party controls both chambers of the legislature and the governor's office.
So big ones in Michigan, they flipped the Michigan House.
So that means, you know, the Democratic trifecta there
under Governor Gretchen Whitmer had passed a whole raft
of progressive policies, you know,
in training abortion rights.
Also, you know, some pro-labor things,
like undoing the state's right to work law.
So then there's also in Minnesota,
that used to be a trifecta under Governor Tim Walz.
The state house there is now a tie.
I believe there are still some recounts going on there right now, but it's looking like
it's going to be a tie, which breaks apart the trifecta, it forces that chamber to go
into kind of a power sharing agreement.
And same deal, they'd passed all these progressive policies there in recent years.
And then across the country,
Republicans just added to their majorities
in a lot of places.
They now have super majorities in South Carolina, in Iowa.
They were also able to break apart
some Democratic super majorities in New York,
actually in New York State, also Vermont.
And then they fended off Democrats in a couple places
where Democrats were trying to get a super majority,
in Nevada and then Kansas.
So Republicans did very well across the board, just as they did at the top of the ticket.
But I think overall Democrats still feel like they didn't do as poorly as things could have
been.
Is it fair to say that like the pace of winning or the pace of growth, I guess, in terms of
democratic gains in these state legislatures, has it just generally been slower for Democrats
here than Republicans?
I mean, Republicans have been strategic for really more than a decade now, a couple of
decades almost, at targeting all levels of government to achieve their policy objectives.
I mean, this is how Roe v. Wade got overturned.
Republicans understood that they needed conservative senators in order to approve conservative
Supreme Court picks and they succeeded there.
And then they also understood that at the state legislative level, they needed to have
the policies in place that would restrict abortion or carry out their policies on a
variety of issues.
And we're seeing the fruit of that now.
And as Ryland just said, I think Democrats have come to understand that they need to
focus on these state legislatures as well, but they're playing catch up.
Yeah. And just going back to your previous question, it is a very slow process. It takes
a long time to kind of one, just partly because so few people pay attention to these legislative
elections, but also that these legislatures are so polarized right now. There's way more
of one party than the other,
and it's gonna be really hard to do the work
of going about flipping any of those.
And when we're talking about how powerful legislatures are
in this moment when the US Supreme Court
has kind of like empowered them,
and also Congress is largely gridlocked or has been,
legislatures have kind of stepped up,
and it's just all
the more important and all the more difficult to move the needle on that.
Yeah, absolutely. All right, we're going to take a quick break here and we'll be back
with more. And we're back. And Sarah, as we talk about these state houses and legislatures
shifting and moving around, they'll also play a big role in either supporting or opposing
Donald Trump's key priorities. We talked about immigration and you mentioned abortion as
well. How do those state legislatures play into what could be the President-elect's agenda?
You know, we've seen both to some extent during the first Trump administration, and I think
we will see more of this now, the reality that with Republicans fully in control of the federal government, the states will
be one place where people who disagree with those policies have some power to push back.
So again, we saw this with the overturning of Roe v. Wade, the way that the red state,
blue state divide became very important.
And you see very different policies from state to state, depending on who's in control of
the legislatures.
A number of state lawmakers and also democratic governors have passed protections for abortion
rights.
For example, Illinois passed protections for abortion providers as well as patients to
avoid prosecution in other states.
Governors of New York, California, and Massachusetts, for example, have stockpiled abortion pills because those were under threat. And so we might see similar moves with other
types of policies. That said, of course, federal policy on many issues trumps state policy.
So it's unclear exactly how much states will be able to do.
Yeah. Ryland, I want to bring you back in here too, because we were talking about these
big investments that Democrats have tried to make winning over more seats in state legislatures
I mean that was in response to something right and so with
With so much control that Republicans have in the federal government right now total control we could argue
Do you anticipate there to be like a response to that in terms of like more fundraising more of a push to try to win
More, you know seats the next time around?
I think there could be.
I mean, if there's any trend that we're seeing, it does seem like Democrats are
investing more than they have in the past.
They were really at an all time low, say like around 2016 or so.
And now they're a lot more active and in places that they
hadn't really been before.
I mean, this year I'm thinking about there's some races in North Carolina that had long been Republican controlled and Democrats
were you know actually trying to show up and have competitive candidates and whatnot versus
in years and past where they just wouldn't field anybody. I don't know if we can draw a direct
connection between that and them winning a few more seats this year. But I think that that's, you know, that is how Republicans did it back in 2010.
They just started fielding candidates in as many districts as they could.
And you know, anybody who's looked at legislative maps in a conservative state just knows Democrats
are not really finding as many candidates in a lot of these places.
A lot of lot of these races
are just going uncontested. So yeah, I think that there's an attempt to do that, but it's
going to be a long road ahead for them. When Republicans did this ahead of 2010, it was
really a concerted effort to instead of say losing $ hundred million dollars in a Massachusetts US Senate
race they could spread that hundred million dollars across the country and
in lots of legislative races and that's what it takes it takes that concerted
effort and I think that Democrats are starting to show that again with those
fundraising numbers that we saw this year it just takes a really long time to
kind of you know rebuild the brand that has gotten so unpopular
in a lot of places, especially rural places.
That's a multi-year effort.
It's been part of that is changing what it means to be a Democrat in some of these places.
All right.
We're going to leave it there for today.
NPR's Rylan Barton, thanks so much for joining us.
Thank you.
I'm Deepa Sivaram.
I cover the White House.
And I'm Sarah McCammon.
I cover politics.
And thank you for listening to the NPR Politics Podcast.