The NPR Politics Podcast - Is This The Biggest Bill Of Your Lifetime?
Episode Date: July 15, 2021In his April address to Congress, President Joe Biden said he hoped to prove that democracy and the federal government were still capable of delivering for the American people. This week, Senate Democ...rats unveiled Biden's chief effort to meet that promise: a $3.5 trillion dollar plan that would — among other things — dramatically expand access to child and health care, as well as overhaul the energy sector to curb climate change. The proposal faces a difficult road to passage and could see considerable revisions.This episode: White House correspondent Asma Khalid, White House correspondent Tamara Keith, and congressional correspondent Susan Davis.Connect:Subscribe to the NPR Politics Podcast here.Email the show at nprpolitics@npr.orgJoin the NPR Politics Podcast Facebook Group.Listen to our playlist The NPR Politics Daily Workout.Subscribe to the NPR Politics Newsletter.Find and support your local public radio station.Learn more about sponsor message choices: podcastchoices.com/adchoicesNPR Privacy Policy
Transcript
Discussion (0)
Hi, I'm Kirby, and I've just set up camp outside of Shepherdstown, West Virginia,
while I bike the 330 miles from Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania to Washington, D.C.
This podcast was recorded at 1.21 p.m. Eastern Time on Thursday, July 15th.
Now, like life itself and the trail conditions, things may have changed by the time you hear this.
All right, here's the show.
I have cousins who did that ride. It's amazing.
I support the ride. I question the timing of doing it in late July.
Seems like spring or fall might be a more pleasant weather temperature-wise to do that kind of exercise.
Seriously.
Well, hey there. It's the NPR Politics Podcast. I'm Asma Khalid. I cover the White House.
I'm Tamara Keith. I also cover the White House.
And I'm Susan Davis. I cover Congress.
So President Biden is trying to push his economic agenda through Congress in two parts. One is a
bipartisan infrastructure plan that we have talked a lot about on this show. Frank,
you're all probably tired of hearing about it. But Sue, there is another part. Just begin by
describing what is this other part of his agenda? You know, this budget and spending plan, if
enacted, would be the largest expansion of the federal government in our lifetimes and maybe for the rest of our lives.
It would be truly historic legislation. And Democrats would be the first people to tell
you this. Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer was on the floor of the Senate this morning
speaking exactly about this. It will allow us to pass the most significant legislation
to expand support for American families since the era of the New Deal and
the Great Society.
If not quite Rooseveltian scope, it is certainly near Rooseveltian.
Budget Chairman Bernie Sanders has talked about this a lot, too.
I mean, for months he's been saying what they intend to do with this legislation is
remake the way the country views its relationship to the federal government
and redirect wealth from the wealthiest and from corporations more towards programs and
direct cash assistance to help the poor and working class.
And this is $3.5 trillion, not a small amount of money. It is actually-
A huge sum of money, right? I mean, I feel like we haven't seen such a large sum of money ever, frankly, at least in my lifetime.
I think we've all become sort of dulled to these sums of money, especially in the era of the
pandemic, where Congress has just been passing trillions and trillions and trillions to keep
the country afloat, that we've been desensitized to the idea that three and a half trillion.
But we should pause and point out $3.5 trillion is an unprecedented
amount of money. It's an almost unfathomable amount of money politically. If we had been
talking about this a couple years ago, I could never even have believed that we could be having
the Democratic Party, you know, have a reasonable chance of advancing something of this scope.
And just to go through some of the things that it does, would do, and
at this point, it is still a framework. It is bullet points, sometimes one word bullet points,
but a lot of them. But it would include changes to Medicare to cover dental, vision, and hearing
aids. That would be a huge change for older Americans. It would include universal pre-K
for three and four-year-olds. It would include two years of community college. It would include
a lot of changes to the energy economy as relates to climate change. It is a very big,
massive thing with a long list of longtime Democratic priorities.
And they also want to pay for it by raising taxes, right? They've said that they intend to
roll back some portion of the Trump tax cuts on corporations, on the wealthiest of Americans,
although the Biden plan has also made clear that they will not touch tax rates for families that
make less than $400,000 a year,
which is frankly the vast majority of American households. And they also pledged that they won't
touch taxes for family farms and small businesses. So I feel like the next step in understanding
just what is the hypothetical future of this legislation depends on whether or not all
Democrats in the Senate are on board. And I feel like we've talked
about this a lot. But, you know, the Democratic range in the Senate can go from someone like
Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders to Joe Manchin of West Virginia. Is everyone and everyone in between
happy with the product at this point? Well, Bernie Sanders has endorsed it. He is the budget
chairman, and he was one of the 11 Democrats on the committee that stood side by side with Chuck Schumer this week and put their support behind it.
So progressives, you know, honestly, not always ever going to be fully happy. A lot of progressives
wanted something closer to $6 to $10 trillion. But if Bernie Sanders is on board with it, it's
kind of hard for progressives to be too much against it. And part of why that Medicare expansion is in this bill, and Schumer's been very
upfront about it, was because that was a red line for Bernie Sanders. So they had to put that in to
get him on board. Getting Bernie Sanders on board certainly helps get the progressive wing on board.
Joe Manchin hasn't indicated whether he's on board, but he hasn't ruled it out. There's a
lot of programs in this bill he likes, but he has said he is, like many moderate Democrats, worried about whether this kind of spending that also requires
tax heights could not be exactly what the economy needs right now. But don't underestimate the
pressure that moderate Democrats or all Democrats are going to be under to deliver here. This is
the top priority for their president. They control Congress right now.
And these are initiatives that the Democratic Party has been promising for years and years,
if not decades and decades. And the political need to deliver something is going to be very great.
And I think the pressure is going to be immense on Democrats from Sanders to Manchin to deliver. This is a remarkable effort in that you have
a president of the United States and his party. His party has very tenuous control over Congress,
and they are essentially saying we are going to do almost the entirety of the president's
economic agenda in one bill. I would say the last time something was this big
of stakes legislation was probably the Affordable Care Act more than a decade ago. And Democrats
were able to get that through. Why I think this is even harder now is this is bigger,
it's more ambitious, and they have less of a margin to lose, right? They cannot lose a single
Democrat in the Senate, because we know Republicans aren't going to support this.
And in the House, Pelosi back during the ACA, you know, she had a couple dozen votes to play with.
Here I can count on one hand the Democrats she can lose and still get this bill through the House. So the lack of room for error, considering the scope of what they're trying to do,
is one of the trickiest political acts I think I will probably ever cover. And I
don't know if they will succeed. But if they do, it will be a testament to the leadership of Joe
Biden, Pelosi and Chuck Schumer, if they can get this through Washington, considering the narrow
power, the narrow balance of power that they have. All right, let's take a quick break. And when we get back, we'll talk more about the politics of
this legislation. Investigations into police use of force and misconduct were secret in California
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and KQED. And we're back. So this big $3.5 trillion spending plan, I just want to keep
saying that number because it is so large, it is not meant to win over Republicans. But I am curious, Sue, as to how they're reacting to it.
Well, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell has already said as recently as today that it will
generate, in his words, zero Republican support. And I think that's a pretty safe bet. I mean,
look, Democrats are using a process from the get-go that is intended to not need Republican support.
They're going to use special budget rules that will allow them to get around a potential filibuster threat.
It will also tie their hands a bit on what exactly can go into this bill and how ambitious it can be.
But they know from the beginning that the chances of getting Republicans on board for a bill that largely requires rolling back Donald Trump's tax cuts, one of his
biggest domestic achievements, is not something that Republicans are going to go for. So
they are not wasting time trying to find Republican support for a bill that they know
they're not going to get. And I think Republicans are very quickly and clearly lining up to vote
against it. And Republicans knew that they weren't going to like this. Like even the
ones that were involved in the bipartisan talks at the White House knew that there was something
moving along in tandem that was not designed to get their votes, that was designed to be passed
with Democratic votes alone. And in some ways, I think those Republicans were betting on the idea
that Democrats may not be able to fully come together.
So I actually want to ask you about that.
I mean, we talked about this at the outset, that there's two big pieces of this economic
agenda that the White House is trying to get through, the Democrats are trying to get through,
right?
And one of them is this bipartisan infrastructure bill that we have been talking about.
This other piece that we are
talking about all throughout today's show is separate. But I'm curious if the big $3.5 trillion
plan at all imperils the bipartisan infrastructure deal. Like are Republicans who were on board with
it now just taking a moment and hesitating because they're not sure that they're okay with these two things
being tied together to move forward. Yeah, I mean, some are. You've already seen Republicans
who have come out in support of the $1.2 trillion infrastructure bill, and that's
sort of the more traditional roads and bridges, bipartisan stuff that can get through Congress,
say that they might walk away from their support from it because they see their support of the
bipartisan bill as support of the bipartisan
bill as sort of the gateway drug to Democrats being able to enact this other big Democratic
priority.
It's going to be tricky, right?
I think that Republicans politically, even if they like what's in the infrastructure
bill, politically, they're sensitive to this idea that they would be giving the president
a big bipartisan win that would then open the door for an even bigger political win, as Democrats see it, to expand the federal
government. Also, here's the tricky part for Republicans in this reconciliation bill. They
don't like the top lines. It's familiar talking points, socialism, big government, they don't like
those things. But a lot of policies in this bill are really popular. I mean, you want to expand
Medicaid to make it easier for seniors to get their hearing aids and their glasses and their dental work done. That's a pretty popular idea. So I don't know how they sort of attack the bill. But yet a lot of them probably would be supportive of some of the actual policies if enacted, and certainly a lot of traditional Republican constituencies, older voters,
older white voters, you know, these are bills that are going to help their lives if they're
enacted. And that's a tricky line to walk to, right? How do you go against this agenda,
even if the policies are going to help people that are your voters, and your voters might
actually really like them? Of course, one of the questions is whether or not people always
vote with their economic interests in mind, right? I feel like people all the time vote
against their own economic interests. And so I guess it'll be interesting to see ahead of 22,
if this legislation actually gets through, as to whether or not it actually pays off for one party
or the other. But that leads me to a question about the timeline of this legislation. You know,
Sue, it feels like we have been talking for weeks, months about negotiations. Are we still just in a
negotiation phase? I mean, has anything moved forward? What are the next steps? Well, Asma,
I hate to break it to you, but I think we're going to be talking about these negotiations
probably throughout the end of 2021. But Majority Leader Chuck Schumer has set up at least an
important test vote for next week. And he's trying to move the ball forward in the Senate. He's
set up a test vote for next Wednesday to try to get the Senate to move forward on the bipartisan
infrastructure bill. He has also said at the same time, he wants at least internal agreement among
Democrats that all 50 of them are on board for the budget resolution to
advance that through the Senate. So we're going to have a sense next week of how this is going to go.
Is it going to be more confrontation or is the Senate going to be able to advance this stuff
on this rather tight timeline? Schumer wants the Senate to act or at least advance the ball on both
of them before they adjourn for the August recess. And just an indication that this is not a done
deal on the Democratic side.
President Biden was up at the Capitol yesterday for the Senate Democratic lunch. Now, of course, I'm sure he loves having lunch with his old colleagues from the Senate. But the reality is
that he was there to lobby for this legislation and to sort of be there trying to rally Democrats
around it, including progressives who wish it
was more and moderate and more conservative Democrats who are maybe a little scared by the
top line number. So, you know, if the votes were there, as the press secretary said yesterday,
they'd vote on it and it would be done. But it's not done. All right. Well, let's leave it there
for today. As Sue suggested, this will certainly not be the last time we talk about this.
I'm Asma Khalid.
I cover the White House.
I'm Tamara Keith.
I also cover the White House.
And I'm Susan Davis.
I cover Congress.
And thank you all, as always, for listening to the NPR Politics Podcast.