The Pete Quiñones Show - Episode 1043: Discussing 'Generation 68: The Elite Revolution and Its Legacy' w/ Adam from Myth20c and Lance Legion

Episode Date: April 21, 2024

94 MinutesPG-13Adam Smith is the host of the Myth of the 20th Century podcast, and Lance is the host of Lance's Legion. Adam and Lance join Pete to talk about the content of Kerry Bolton's latest book, "Generation '68: The Elite Revolution and Its Legacy." They discuss Bolton's assertion that the cultural revolution of the 1960s in the West was a top-down project by elites.Myth of the 20th Century website The American Sun SubstackLance's LinksDVX PublishingPete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.

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I want to welcome everyone back to the Picanuano show of the two gentlemen here from the 20th century. How are you doing, Adam? I'm doing great. And Lance is a recurring guest, but he has his own show. So I just want to make sure that Lance gets an opportunity to mention that. But I'm thankful that you had us both on. Thank you. How you doing, Lance?

I'm doing great. Thank you for having me. I'm a big fan, by the way. So thank you for having me on. Thank you. What show do you on your own? So I do Lance's Legion, and I do a bunch of military-related things, also political kind of analyses and stuff like that.

But it's more theory and just interesting military stuff. But I've been on an anti-communist bent from the Cold War era. And so this becomes salient to me. I'm very excited to be talking about the Revolution of 68 with you guys. Oh, man. If you're anti-communist stuff, I would love to hear what you think of Thomas's take on the Cold War. Yeah, I know. I know.

He did like 10 parts on that. I can't keep up. Yeah. It's funny. We spoke when Henry Kissinger passed away. It was actually very interesting. He had a lot of interesting things to say. Oh, you spoke to him?

Yeah, yeah, a while ago on the X spaces that there is. But yeah, absolutely. I don't want to take away from what's going on right here. But let's get into it. Sure. So the, I guess the reason we're getting together is that Carrie Bolton released a book called through Antelope Hill Press, Generation 68, the elite revolution and its legacy. I get to start with Adam and you guys can go back and forth.

I don't, you know, do what you do. What's the interest in Generation 68? What, you know, the 60s? what's the big deal? Aside from the media always portraying it as like the best era ever, I'm not even sure if it pales and compares in the World War II. I mean, the amount of media that Woodstock and the Heat Ashbury and the Hells Angels, all that stuff, it's so glamorized.

And my parents actually grew up in that sort of time and knows some of it from a personal level, not from partaking at it, but just having been caught up in it. And they can tell me, at least, that I was played up a lot. Now, a lot of it was obviously true, but it was definitely glamorized. And I think as a cultural point, just taken on its face, it's, you can't get away from it. Now, it has deeper implications as well, and those are more complicated. And I think the book does a good job tying it to some of the elite powers that were actually either co-opting it funding it directly, trying to steer it or trying to deflect it away from them because it was very much sort of a cultural revolution in the West in a time when communism seemed to be

in the East on the rise. And I think it was a very close to home experience for a lot of people and the implications are still, the waves are still being felt today in our generations. And a lot of the people in political power also grew up in that generation. I think a lot of that that mindset is still stuck in their heads. And you can call it the boomers or whatever. But, you know, these people, we just cannot get away from them. The boom set. No, absolutely. And I think, I think the follow on, interesting part is, of course, as time progresses, and we live in this kind of meta-organism of culture. We tend to misunderstand history that is extremely proximate to us. And the Cold War is really not something that's really over. We're feeling the secondary and tertiary effects of the

social subversion policies and general subversion, Soviet subversion of the United States. And a lot of it comes to its fruition during this time. Obviously, this is something that most Americans are aware about because most of the mythos and interest, it predates the revolution of 65 and 68, right? It focuses specifically on the paradigm of the Second World War. However, so much has changed since then that really the most salient aspects to be recognizing and analyzing is precisely this moment in history, this crux, this time paradigm shift, which is why I was so interested on it. And I'm so, I butted myself in on this conversation because it's absolutely necessary to be kind of reviewing and passing as time goes forward.

Well, one of the things he starts talking out about is the idea of the inclusive economy, which was heavily promoted by the Rockefeller Foundation. And when I look at that, I see obviously a planned economy, but I also. see the Civil Rights Era, the Civil Rights Act, and a plan to basically shape an economy around everyone, everyone's needs, and not to embrace my Austrian economics background, you know, that I question strongly. I loved your episode with Mike. actually on list. That was wonderful. Oh, thank you.

That was very edifying because I really need to read that book. I've studied. I've read everything about List except reading List at this point. And when I look at this, an economy, like they were trying to create, it just, it seems like it's a, it's just a straight reflection of the kind of society that they wanted to create. the kind of society they wanted to create was bound to, and we saw, it just became one of tension. I read Race War in High School by Saltzman on my show, the whole book, and we saw what integrating the schools did. And basically now you're looking to integrate the economy

in just about the same way. And to me, that just seems like an ultimate disaster. Yeah, there's a movie out there by one of these. documentary guys on the dissident right and it was by the title communism by the back door and i haven't watched it in a while but it's quite good and i really think that it sort of encapsulates what's going on here and it's it's easy to sort of label things maybe communism isn't the best descriptor but i think it's good enough and if i actually to compliment you uh pete i listened to one of your shows that you did with Yuri Maltsef, and if anybody hasn't heard him, Ock. You really were digging deep, aren't you?

Well, it was fantastic because he grew up in the Soviet Union. And he clarified what Marx defined communism as correctly. But colloquially, when we call communism, communism, we're actually talking about socialism. But communism was a government-free society that everybody was an angel and they did everything they're supposed to do. and you would go and get what you need and produce for other people without them asking. It's a fantasy, but it grabs hold of people who are probably missing out in their own society and they want something and they want the government or they want the ideology to provide for them. And I think that's really encapsulating what was going on in the 60s was there were these

opposition forces outside of the West that had alternative systems and the powers that be in the West. we're like, okay, we don't want to lose power and we don't want to necessarily hand it over to the Politburo, but we need like the Rockefellers in particular and the forwards get mentioned and other people, but the Rockefellers are recurring throughout this book. They, I think, and you could say the Rothschilds or anybody like that, they want to sort of keep their power, but do it in a hidden way through the back door so that it's not obvious that. they're pulling a lot of the strings. And David Rockefeller actually ran for,

he had, I think he had a presidential campaign, and he was the governor of New York, but that's as bad as political as they got. But a lot of their power was through the foundations they set up, the Museum of Modern Art, which had relationships with the CIA and stuff like that. And I think it's a very sophisticated model, actually. It's a diffuse way that actually works only

in a sort of quasi-democratic system where people have a sense that they, can elect those that represent them. And I've said this over and over on my show, but there was a very good academic research paper by two professors by the name of Gillens and Page. And they observed that the correlation between the opinions of the masses, the voters, basically, and what Congress does is almost zero. So in effect, your voting doesn't change anything in Congress. But But what does change Congress is the donor class. And these are the Rockefeller types.

And so I think this book documents how they go through the civil rights movement, setting up modern art, doing all these other things. And it's really kind of a secretive backdoor thing. And is it really communism? I don't know. It's maybe a form of corporatism. But it's basically an elite power system. And you can look at where Davos is.

And it's kind of a global version of that. But the Rockefeller's funded the UN. And they built that whole thing and they've donated the land. And you can start to see once you have that much power and wealth, you start thinking on a grander scale than just your community, obviously, and even your nation. And so I think it's an interesting evolution of thought that probably can be traced back to the end of the Second World War. And it really got going on the streets in the 60s. But yeah, the book, the book does a fantastic job. And I really commend you for having Mr. Malzof on,

because I thought he spoke from genuine authority giving that he lived in the Soviet Union, and he saw the horrors of it, and he saw how many people that system killed, not just in Russia, but in China and everywhere else it was tried. And he's banging the drum on, you know, as a professor, to his students who don't want to hear it, because they live in a nice society, and they're kind of spoiled, and they're kind of like the kids after World War II, where their parents fought in a war, and they had them and they didn't really have to struggle. And I don't know what it causes this, but it's interesting.

And I think the end of the Cold War maybe reproduced that here, and it was another war that was over. And there's another generation that's going through this nonsense. But we'll maybe get to that later as to like how it's affecting today. You catch them in the corner of your eye. Distinctive by design. They move you. Even before you drive.

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Bolton pretty much concludes the chapter, the first chapter, by stating that he, in his opinion, the election of Biden is a resumption of the globalist agenda, along with the new left, which represents groups like Antifa. and that continues to agitate in the streets to make the country ungovernable. I know when we hear the term globalist, we immediately think of Alex Jones, but what was, what's your opinion on either one of you on Bolton's take there? Do you mind if I take this? Go for it.

So my understanding, especially when you delve into the kind of Marxian strata of the United States, especially, is that the origins and the roots of our leftists generally come from Gramshyite communism, which is a different brand than Marxist-Leninism or Maoism, and primarily focuses on cultural questions as the vehicle for social, societal, economic change downstream. And for those that you don't know, Antonio Gramsci is this guy who was an Italian communist who was imprisoned under Mussolini, who stayed in prison for 20 years, wrote this thing called the prison notebooks. And in them, he basically elucidated that the Marxian paradigm of seizing the material means of production by the worker for a proletariat state, ultimately do not harbor, first of all, it's not as an effective vehicle for revolution, nor is it efficacious in the long term.

Why is this? Because most people, as opposed to what we generally believe in the liberal Western society, Anglosphere, we are irrational. And to form irrational opinions and condition them into humans is a quite different vehicle than the economic considerations that we have, or especially Marx. And so the new left, or what is actually just rather the Gramsciite-Troskyite left focuses on locuses of cultural power. first and then through that while maintaining of course ties with capitalist power such as the Rockefellers and so on exude their cultural power out into wider society and condition a difference of revolution cultural revolution this has been a long thing coming especially since the terminus of the second world war but it really took an entire generation from world war two all the way down to the baby boomers and it found such a fertile ground precisely because the highest levels of governance as well as education were these, you know, ex-communist individuals who had exfiltrated from the ex-Soviet sphere or had close ties and so on and so forth. Figures that come to mind that we probably know is Francis Fukuyama, for instance, or a number of other different individuals. Now, this is important because I think especially when we talk to libertarians specifically, we consider the economics to be the nexus of political power. Where I think they have us hooked is the fact that they're able to change culture,

and then they can basically tap into the monetary power. But I think it's important to state that, especially in the second chapter of the book, where it talks about, for instance, women's liberation, this is why this is so important, because social questions figure preeminently over material questions and material questions come later. Did you notice that? I mean, maybe push back on me, but that's just my personal view of how things kind of shook out. Well, I think what Gramsci was able to figure out, which is something that actually libertarians don't have an answer for, is that Graham Shee could. figured out how to radicalize the private.

The whole idea of Marxism was you were going to take over, take over the state, and eventually it would win away, yada yada, I mean, there's a lot more in between. I can go through Lenin, too, but the Gramsci was like, well, let's radicalize private industry. You know, let's, when you see, when you see something like the inclusive, the economy, and once you grasp that concept, then you understand why DEI's here. You understand why ESG is here. You understand why there are trans people, you know, trans people in every, every third or fourth commercial. Precisely. All of this needs to be brought in. And this is, this is a direct result of Gramsci understanding that Sambart wrote a book, Werner Sambart

wrote, why is there no socialism in America? And basically because, I mean, simply, people like to own shit. And that's what he came down to. So once somebody like Gramsci figures that out, then he's like, okay, well, we've got to figure out a way around this. And radicalizing, figuring out how to radicalize the private, you know, which is something that then libertarians and civic nationalists have to basically defend that. Well, it's a private company, bro. They can do what they want. And they don't realize that the social engineers are at work.

And, you know, one of the reasons I stopped being a libertarian was I said, libertarianism has no answer for social engineers. And neither does. Neither does republicanism, conservatism, pretty much anybody except this progressive worldview. Precisely. Precisely. Well, when I'm hearing you both speak, I just hear this term cultural marks, pop up and it's funny I don't even know if the left uses that term I've only heard it

they know that's right that's why I don't use it yeah I don't know what it means but it just my rough understanding and maybe correct me here is that it's just an attempt at Marxism obviously I think at least by other means and it's not necessarily through getting people to voluntarily join this giant Globo Corp that owns everything and you own nothing, although Klaus Schwab would like that, but he's dying apparently. But they'll find somebody else, though. But I think I've heard in America in particular that a lot of these left type people observe that, as you just said, people like to own stuff. And so we need another way to get to Marxism. And maybe it's through culture. Maybe it's through race. And I think the race

relations are, I think, a key vector for that. I mean, the book talks about Black Panthers, nowadays it's blacks are such a minority frankly that it's more Hispanics and stuff like that but there's just a lot of different groups and using the different groups against each other to fracture the sort of remaining WASP elite I guess that is supposedly still there it doesn't seem to be there anymore but I think that's been a huge vector now call it what you want I don't know but I think there's some truth of that the interesting thing is it's the same dialectic however I'm probably saying something that you boys already know, but originally under Marx, it was, you know, the bourgeoisie or the proletary against the bourgeoisie, the same dialectic maintains except it's the oppressed versus the oppressor. And that paradigm can be grafted onto any kind of social conflict where anyone perceived to be the oppressed has the upper hand, the first principle, the societal inertia, if that makes sense.

And secondly, I don't mind us actually generating terminology and culture ourselves. That's precisely what we need to start doing is actually being self-confident in our own academic terms, our own type of language, because when you start using the frame of your adversary, you lose. So yes, it is good that we use terms such as cultural Marxism and other kinds of terminology that they don't use because it's advantageous to us. us because it advances our paradigm. So I'll just leave it there. But Pete, you have anything? Yeah, I was going to, I was going to say that the, you know, when you look at what Gramsci was teaching, well, Gramsci's writing from jail.

And even though he, well, you need a way to get this out there. You need a way to communicate this to the masses. You need a way for the masses to buy in. And even though he predates Gromte's, in his in his activity. I would say that probably, I don't know, you can push back on this,

that probably no one did more to help to push forward, at least the spirit of what Bromschie was talking about more than Edward Bernays. Absolutely. And that's who Bolton brings up in the second chapter. No, and you're precisely right. The reason why I bring Gramshy's because it provides, us Westerners who are unfamiliar, especially if you're not an autistic

drug such as myself researching all this kind of stuff, it gives people the starting block, right? And I'm really grateful for this book because it really goes into fleshing out and the later acolytes of Gramsci downstream because they are really effectual. I mean, look at society the world now. I mean, it's not just the United States. It's infected every aspect of the West. It's infected even Russia, for instance. and the PRC as well, or the People's Republic of China, by the way. So it's incredibly effective,

and the answer must be found. And I guess that's what we're doing here is trying to find it through this book. Ready for huge savings? We'll mark your calendars from November 28th to 30th because the Liddle Newbridge Warehouse sale is back. We're talking thousands of your favorite Liddle items all reduced to clear.

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Ireland Limited. Subject to lending criteria. Terms and conditions apply. Volkswagen Financial Services Ireland Limited. Trading as Cooper Financial Services is regulated by the Central Bank of Ireland. Yeah, and one of the things he talks about in the book is that, you know, Bernays seeking to advise the CIA on its ideological offensive. against the USSR and that he was involved in in that and one of the things that he writes in there is that

the new left rather than being a Soviet a Soviet plot more had its origins in the in the Cold War which I think anybody who's looked at the the foundation of where of the Trotskyites in the United States and crossing over into neoconservatism and then just carrying on through the cold war that doesn't come as a surprise to many yeah and i mean to add on to that i think there is a lot of i mean if you read stalin's work for instance by sean mcmeacon it's he makes a compelling case to talk about the deep socialist integration with the american government in the 20s and 30s and obviously that bear fruit during World War II and our close association with Uncle Joe. But I don't think the, so you notice that a lot of these individuals that were moles or, you know,

actors for the Soviet Union during the war and a little bit after, their disassociation with the Soviet Union is probably genuine. I believe what happened was primarily America became a Pinko state with its own unique, brand of communism and it's basically two communist states, two communist ideologies with their own paradigms battling each other out. Very interesting kind of paradigm to see. And I think the, you know, you hear Yuri Besmanoff, everyone talks about him. I'm not really so sanguine on him, but he does make the point that a lot of KGBA officers felt that if the Cold War had permanence another 30 years, that they would have won. And I really doubt that. I think that what would have happened is just that America would have just gone a lot more crazy. You know, it just

continued to be what it is today. Well, just going back to the premise that the Soviets and the Americans are not that different, I think is kind of interesting and I don't completely agree, but I think the book does put forward the notion that after the end of the war, both sides wanted to be the rulers of the next step. And they kind of wanted the other. side to join them and because they didn't want to join each other or join the other as the leader they wanted to be the leader there was a huge rift that happened and that that's not really a controversial statement but the notion that america itself was actually kind of a globalist operation the u.n being in new york etc and wanting the russians to basically come into that maybe you can call

it neoliberalism i'm not really sure it was what to call it. That's more of a post-Cold War term that kind of took shape during globalization, perhaps. But I think that's an interesting way to explore it. Whether the Soviets would have defeated the United States or the United States would have morphed into what it is now, I don't know. I think my current premise is that what we're going through right now with like the trans rights stuff, I think it's because we quote unquote won the Cold War, we don't have a real enemy to, cause us to doubt what we're saying and maybe, you know, focus on bigger priorities. I think we just kind of are screwing around too much, but that's just my rough understanding of

what's going on. Well, finally coming forward to the 60s, he starts talking about critical theory and the critical theorists and brings up Marcuse. And his description of Marcuse, synthesizing Freudian psychoanalysis with Marxism to challenge Western culture and morality, is probably a good starting point and a probably good overall description of what was being promoted in the 60s in the counterculture. Definitely. So, yeah, and I mean, I've read Markoose's repressive tolerance on my, on my show before gone over it. And, yeah, he's, I mean, when you realize that he was Paul Gottfried's thesis advisor, you realize, wow, this guy was, this guy was in the United States, he was working, and he was working.

and he was working in my parents' lifetime, your parents' lifetime. So it's just watching that when you take into consideration, if you've studied Freud at all, if you've read Freud at all, and once you see exactly what was being promoted in the 60s, it's almost impossible not to see how Freudian psychoanalysis, analysis was influencing had an influence over so much of the propaganda and engineering that was being put out there of course yeah you mentioned bernets i mean he was uh Freud's cousin i think you know i have cousins too we don't all agree doesn't necessarily mean that you know that that's

like the the family strategy but it is interesting it's it's very interesting uh and i don't i don't know as much about this as you do, Pete, I think, but how related is that to the Frankfurt School and the studies of authoritarian personality? Because that's something I have looked at a little bit more. Well, it is. I mean, the Rockefeller Foundation, it was the American Jewish Committee that was responsible for the authoritarian personality. But I think the American Jewish Committee got money from the Rockefeller Foundation. I mean, the Rockefeller Foundation did, you know, the Rockefeller Foundation did fund Kinsey's sexology studies. I mean, he's basically like the American version

of Magnus Herscheld. But yeah, it definitely, this all ties together because at the end of the authoritarian personality, it says, well, how are we going to deal with these fascists? These people are just becoming fascists. They're on the roads of fascism, and it was eros. And then you look and it's like, well, what books did the Rockefeller Foundation put out and fund eros and civilization?

One-dimensional man. So, yeah. Sex drugs and rock and roll. It's interesting how the impulse had leaked into the wider, I mean, it even talks about it, you know, the wider cultural zeitgeist and the primacy of sex in a way that wasn't really present, present beforehand in history. And the emphasis, of course, especially now that there are a lot of like neurocognition studies that coming out about, you know, obviously dopamine and all that kind of stuff and conditioning. And of course, the most important part is the like, what's it called? It's the inability for, when you fry your dopamine receptors, there's like this cognitive situation. Yeah, it's not even dissonance.

It's about lack of self-discipline that basically causes erosion in the brain, lack of will, self-policing. And it's precisely what this entire ideology is predicated on, basically keeping people from actually having sovereignty, agency, by eroding them slowly over time. And there's a reason why, for instance, pornography is weaponized in the military operations. I mean, aside from lowering testosterone in populations, et cetera, but it also kind of breeds that apathetic type personality. You're not the first to notice this, but I think the way you just put it made me, no, no, I'm giving you a compliment here.

The fact that dopamine is actually a drug in a sense, if it's actually artificially stimulated, is something I hadn't considered. But that is one of the easiest ways to grab hold of people through entertainment, basically, and keep them hooked in whatever you're pushing, selling, marketing. I mean, it goes back to propaganda. I mean, it's like you glamorize it, you make it sexy. I mean, Bernays was famous for the craziest PR campaign I'd ever read about,

and you guys probably know about this. But, you know, women were considered too delicate and important, frankly, to be smokers back in the early 1900s. And it was during, I think, one of the World War I parades or something that Bernays suggested to a cigarette marketing agency to give beautiful women cigarettes to smoke at the parade. And this was done or described as torches of freedom. And just there's that stupid word again where everybody is just given these or, well-y-in concepts that don't necessarily mean what they actually are told you as. But, you know, I mean, think about smoking.

I mean, you know, I know people have had lung cancer from this shit. And it's like, you're telling the women that they're free and liberated now because they're, they're polluting their lungs. And so the beautiful women, of course, is the sex appeal. It encourages men, obviously, to want to partake. But it also encourages other women to emulate because they admire. are those women. And so it's, and pornography is obvious, you know, but, you know, even movies, watching, you know, the Academy Awards, you know, how much effort these actors and actresses

put into their, their outfits and trying to stimulate your senses. You know, it's almost satanic. I mean, if you're, if you're religious, it's, it's creepy, but it works. It's very powerful. But keeping it from a, to a secular paradigm, the most interesting thing about subversion is that it's always in the oblique, right? It's conflating terms that we understand with sustenance or the substance of that term and instantiating it with ideas which are foreign. And that is precisely what happens throughout this book that he writes is basically there are old terms such as freedom, liberty, et cetera, and they're conflated and injected with foreign abscesses, which become, of course, organic over time. Now, how do you push back on that?

it's almost impossible because either you're a square, which is where the original term came from, right? You're like a Christian, ultra prude or whatever. Or if you try to do the opposite, which is the Yuka Mishima type, you go into like the Celine doing drugs and you become no different from them. And in effect, they win simply because they tear down, you know, the nadir of society together because there's no way to outmaneuver drug addiction. I mean, unless you're like the Taliban where you have a totalitarian state and you're able to make discipline happen. But you can't do that in a democracy where people have personal freedom because all you've got to do is induce them with this kind of drug addiction, whether it's pornography or other kinds of dopaminergic tricks, if that makes sense. And you see this precisely with even TV shows in the 50, 60s, and 70s, which start to condition the populace to accept, for instance, the breakdown of the family, having single-parent homes, which was unheard of before,

and started glamorizing, making heroines out of these individuals. It's very interesting because a lot of the things that we take for granted, especially myself, I'm a younger generation, who has no experience of what it was like before, for them, it was something that was like a slow-moving collapse. I mean, isn't Gen X the latchkey kids? precisely from this nexus that we're talking about that originates it. It's scary.

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Yeah, the book doesn't touch upon feminism too too much, but obviously the Lashki phenomenon is effectively a result of that. And I kind of grew up as one. You know, my mother, I don't like to speak about my family publicly on this type of format. But, you know, just roughly, like she did have a few jobs. And so, and I don't resent it. But it just, it was more and more common. And I think that was unheard of not too far back.

And that's some of that is economic. But I think some of it is definitely by design. I think it was Aaron Russo. He talked about how the Rockefellers were pushing this stuff, basically to weaken the individual family, basically, to keep that power away from the people and keep it held by the elites. Well, yeah, the 60s really one of the big messages

was liberation from repression. And that goes to the free sex, that goes to feminism, that goes to everything. And they're just basically trying to undermine traditional morality and create a society that's fractured of traditional bonds. And when you take into consideration, like the post-1945, what we call it, what a bunch of us called the Nuremberg regime, the liberal international order, it requires a fluidity and all things. And that helps them to maximize profit, production, and consumption.

But it's also a control mechanism. Yeah, that great term divide in a peria, you know. The individual, when you make atomic individuals, you have granulated everyone. You have completely dominated them to the individual level. And I agree with you. And I think the greater, the most malicious thing is this aversion to paint, right? because what they call oppression or whatever really implied between the lines is this aversion to paint, self-sacrifice, probably taking opportunity costs of yourself, your personal development, for instance, women, right? You forego a career to have a family.

Well, that's what this technology, this societal technology does, is it dissolves the cultural structures, which reinforce teamwork. and induces them to do what they've done since then, and obviously it has deleterious fertility effects, it has deleterious societal effects, and we're starting to see that now, of course, as like the age pyramids are getting older and all these kind of issues that are arising, but we are only starting to see the terminus of this cancer,

the ugly head of this cancer come true, because it's going to start affecting not just the Western populace, but also even those people from originally third world countries and populations. So it'll be interesting to see how this plays out. But returning to the book, I guess I wanted to ask you, your opinion, specifically on McCarthy and the interplay between what was going on in the 60s with McCarthy, and if you had any thoughts on that, through the 60s you mean anti-continued anti-communist uh yeah sorry McCarthyism sorry

Joseph McCarthy well he was what the 50s I think but yeah that's right yeah talking about after his legacy he pretty he pretty much I think the problem with McCarthy is is that he discredited himself he would constantly change numbers he was he was drunk a lot and yeah I think what he did he pointed at he made great points and he you know people try to connect him to huac and it's like well he's a senator the best thing he did was inspire huac and also just basically have a he really gave the right it's real last win like real win i mean able to take out some take out some communist take out a couple literally yeah and um yeah nixon was sort of floating around during that era i can't remember if he worked with mccarthy directly but he definitely

put on some of those same people on on the stand uh some of the Hollywood types and he obviously got taken out when he got into power but um well they were talking him even before that in the early in the early 60s i mean the when he ran against Kennedy. Most of the vitriol he got from the press has been attributed now to his associations to McCarthy. McCarthyism. I guess the reason why I bring it up is because whenever you denounce the enemy as commies or whatever, they have so completely conditioned society to discourage any kind of criticism because that's the red scare. That's McCarthyism. That's you know, illiberalism, whatever it is. But he was onto something. I mean, he was spot on. And I think

the most interesting thing is just a small aside here. Just recently in 2017, I think it was 2019, excuse me, 2020 documents regarding Senator McCarthy when he was going through, of course, purging communists from the army and the military in general, then he started working into the federal government. He had a lot of personal communicates with the CIA before then, right? And then finally he was inching closer to the CIA and he's starting to open up inquiries into the CIA and then guess what happened? His whole career got shut down. So it's very interesting to see because we start to understand who has the locus of power. Who is the one that has truly the power in that kind of political paradigm, if that makes sense?

And the reason why I bring it up is because a lot of people, they disreference, regard anyone who criticizes the CIA because they believe that it's just tinfoil hat type situation. But there is increasing evidence, mounting evidence, to show that the criticism of the 1947 Security Act, the National Defense Act or whatever, was definitely a big problem and the origin of those, of course, the Pinko OSS. And it's very interesting because of, you know, I read this book and I just start seeing the connections between the OSS, the oligarchs, for instance, the Rockefeller Foundation, so on, and the people on the ground, like the hippies and whatever. And it's very weird because the FBI, ironically enough, was the last vestige of anti-communist action well into the 60s.

It was only after, of course, Martin Luther King, that whole situation, did they start becoming part of the, I guess, how do you say, you know, state aligned, if that makes sense. The deep state. Yeah, it's scary, you know. Well, they were in effect part of the deep state, but it just wasn't oriented towards the goals that it seems to be oriented towards today. I mean, it was genuinely more anti-communist during Hoover's era, obviously at the FBI. That was one of his big things.

but afterwards, I think they just got, I don't know, it may be closer to the CIA almost. It's like how the CIA doesn't necessarily view communism as a good thing. But whatever this emerging alternative globalist neoliberal, I mean, we really need to figure out what it should be called, but it's something else. I think neoliberalism to me is probably the most accurate way of putting it. but there are so many groups here. Maybe we should go back to where the book guides us to keep it focused. Sorry. I apologize.

No, it's all right. You brought up neoliberalism, which leads me into my next point, was bringing up the march through the institutions and how the Fabian Society in Britain was such an influence among the intelligentsia through the London School of Economics and Political Science and how students of 1968 in the London School of Economics became establishment figures who helped shape new labor in the 1990s,

which basically brought in and champion global capitalism and neoliberalism. And, yeah, it seems like that this was a, again, top-down, This wasn't something that those hippies were pushing in the streets, but it was something that a Fabian society, who, I mean, we know names that are associated with them in the past, that we're able to do to bring in this global capitalism, neoliberalism, which I think we can agree when we look at it now, it's basically a function of helping transform lifestyles and democratizing society, reform the institutions, and just basically break with any kind of true right-wing legacy.

Well, let's, for my edification at the very least, let's review the Fabian school as opposed to maybe the Leninist or Marxist or Soviet approach to socialists. My rough recollection is that it was sort of, let's use the velvet glove to persuade as opposed to coerce instead of using the iron fist. Is that roughly right? Or clarify for me, if you could. Sure. Yeah. I mean, the Fabian Society, they founded the London School of Economics in 1895.

That is, you know, we're not talking about people who are like, well, we need to go out into the streets. We need to arm the proletariat. You catch them in the corner of your eye. Distinctive, by design, they move you even before you drive. The new Cooper plugin hybrid range for Mentor, Leon and Terramar. Now with flexible PCP finance and trade-in boosters of up to 2,000 euro, search Coopera and discover our latest offers. Coopera, design that moves.

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Lidl, more to value We're talking about people who are like we're going to take over people's minds Yeah, so yeah, this was truly the march through the institution Well, the London School of Economics I gosh, there should be

a book out there that covers that place, but I have noticed just anecdotally how many key figures there are that have done a circuit through that place and I've into London only a couple times and I've never been inside that school but I would only imagine the types of discussions they're having and it seems to be one of those feathers in a lot of

world leaders caps or sort of the anglosphere at least to sort of say well I went to Harvard but then I got my graduate degree at London School of Economics it seems to be a pattern I've noticed yeah to say the least I think Edward Luthfalk went too so I mean I'm not even sure I wouldn't go I mean like Why not? It doesn't mean you have to agree with them, but you'll learn something. No, don't get me wrong. And don't get me wrong. I'm not conflating just because someone went there.

It doesn't mean that they are a partisan of that situation. I mean, we know a lot of guys in our sphere that have gone to, you know, Ivy Leaks, you know, and, you know, they remain unscathed. You know, they made it through. You know, you talk about the march to the institutions. I mean, that's what the left did. So why shouldn't the right do the same thing? You know, to sort of this notion that we have to stand aside from all the elite institutions and just let them burn. I mean, that's that's one approach.

But I would also say infiltrate and study is another one and do what you can add to the best of your ability. You know, I would say I would even go on further. I would say that's incredibly important. However, the thing that communists have that we don't is that they understand. what they're here for. They get what the end state is. They have an end state. They understand what the end goal is. And we can't agree on what the end goal is. Therefore, we're not able to plan downwards. You know, we can't, we don't even have the strategic self-understanding. How can we have operations or even tactical level efficacious moves, if that makes sense? And so what would we be

marching through for? What would we be espousing? What would be, you know, championing? And that is the thing that we have to answer, which we can probably deduce by the oblique from learning from the new left, from the Gramshite left. When they talk about, for instance, societal values that they want to condition, maybe we should be able to self-reflect and induce within ourselves or precipitate within ourselves the core values that we have. And then we champion those. And then, of course, we create something organic ourselves, and then we can counterthrust and do the same thing as well. I think that's where I'm kind of, I'm still masticating this idea myself. I'm still processing and trying to figure out myself.

And I'm assuming that's why we're meeting here, you and I and Pete as well. We're trying to find that answer like a Knights on the Holy Grail. What is, what is it that we truly live for? What is our 1,0001 goals, as Nietzsche would say? And ultimately, that's a, it's a quest that we're all on. And I feel that we're coming upon it, especially, it means say what you want about Dugan. I don't really like the guy, but what I can see is the tendrils of something new over the horizon and an overcoming of the paradigm of 68, right? And I think that's precisely why we should reflect on what they're doing precisely because even they, they're defined by mythos of their enemy, right?

So for instance, in 68, the whole, you know, World War II Germany framing themselves as a never again what to do the opposite of the, that. I mean, why can't we do the same? Why can't we figure out a organic response to the Revolution of 68, 68 America? Why can't we see, take what was good from them and and discard the bad and put something new that we have to offer? Well, can we come back to that? Yeah. You please direct this. This is your show. But I wanted to capture that idea a little bit and use the book as sort of a guideline to kind of cover the book and then also try to take some lessons from it to apply it to what Lance is talking about. I think one of the interesting things that the book does do is it covers some of the responses to what was going on in that generation. So the right

responding to the left basically, the reactionaries effectively. And perhaps we need to stop being reactionaries and start being the leaders in effect. But what I I found interesting was the discussion of Goldwater in particular because that was a little bit closer to that time. And then I thought, well, what else would happen? I think Nixon also, but also obviously the Reagan thing in the 80s was a big response to this as well. And also Reagan was in California during this time with all the student protests at Berkeley and in other campuses. And he passed legislation in effect to take guns away. I think Pete, you covered this in one of your shows from the Black Panther.

who were running around Oakland and stuff like that. So what can we learn from that? I mean, the civil rights movement was... You catch them in the corner of your eye. Distinctive. By design. They move you. Even before you drive. The new Cooper plugin hybrid range.

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Terms and conditions apply. Volkswagen Financial Services Ireland Limited. Trading as Cooper Financial Services is regulated by the Central Bank of Ireland. I think a big section of the book because it was a big part of that time. And so it goes into Martin Luther King. It goes into the Black Panthers. And some of the elite backing, that's kind of the thesis of the book that how a lot of these people were supported, how that happened.

Martin Luther King, for example, one of the quotes from the book was he was too slow a thinker to be trusted to speak without a script in front of him. I find that fascinating. And actually, in recollection, I don't recall too many interviews he gave. It was usually just talking at a podium. I read his PhD thesis on Mithra, and I doubt that he wrote that. Did he write it? I mean, exactly.

No, he didn't write. Yeah, I think it's been proven that he didn't write that. I think it's been proven that says that he didn't write that. It was actually a decent thesis, but I just don't think it sounds like the same syntax he uses. You know, and say what you will about Obama. I mean, I don't think he was stupid. He could give an interview, but I never heard King say anything in response to her question. I mean, so yeah, it's one thing to have a church voice and read from a book. I'm sorry, that just doesn't equate to too much in my. But beyond that, that whole civil rights act and does the book talk about Lyndon Johnson at all?

Because I just think he's one of the worst presidents this country's ever had. And during that time, he effectively, again, it's sort of like an elite response to what the street is burning stuff down about. And you can also say that the riots may have been an op in effect or stoked to create the conditions, maybe like what COVID was, to create. a larger state apparatus. But I think the welfare state was effectively a huge response to what was going on and the complaining and all the sort of burning of things.

And then public housing was built. And Huac, not Huac, HUD, excuse me, housing and urban development group. All that stuff was a big expansion of Washington's power. and sort of like they took the opportunity to grow and sort of like the war and terror. I mean, just all these things, it just keeps making, it seems like it keeps making things worse with these solutions that keep coming up with. But ultimately, and if you guys have details you want to go into on the Civil Rights Movement, I think some of the 70s and 80s was a response to that.

I mean, the silent majority. what can we learn from that Nixon did get into power he was taken out I think I would argue but he was able to capture a certain portion of the populace's minds share in heart hearts and minds to win those elections and then ultimately you could say the CIA or the deep state of the time had to correct the people but it was it was something that did happen it seemed to be somewhat of a successful response. And I think the 80s as well were a response as well that did seem to do something in to combat what was going on from this generation 68.

So I guess my question to you guys is what lessons can we learn from that, if any, that we can apply to maybe our generation? Well, I think one of the easiest things to see in what happened was, is they, So they were able to take people's eye off of the ball of what's important and what's important as culture. So when we talk about the 1990s and growing global capitalism and neoliberalism, I think San Francis said once that in the 60s, white Americans were talking about black people. In the 70s, they were talking about busing. And in the 90s, they were talking about taxes.

Contract with America. Yes. Very different. You're right. You're right. Yeah. So the, the growth, the, Yaki wrote about this in Imperium. He said that what he saw, what was going to happen was that man was going to become economized. Man was going to be forced into economics. He was going to be forced into a field that he should,

you should only be thinking about when you're, you know, writing a check or paying a bill and that now economics was going to become such an important part of man's life that he actually used the term man is going to become economized and not like you know there he's going to pair everything now no he's going to become an economic machine he is going to become somebody who walks around as if they're a like an annuity like a freaking bug some people of all that homo-economicus, like homo-homacus. Yeah.

Yeah. Yeah. So, yeah, the one thing that I just see that it's so easy to get us to take our eye off the ball when it comes to finance. And, you know, one of the, and then what's funny is if you look at 2008 and the housing crisis and you come forward to, occupy Wall Street or you come forward to the Tea Party, well, they just reversed it. They're like, don't pay attention to economics anymore. No, we're going to put, we're going to shove woke down your throat. I think the term racism, like did a hockey stick at that point. So they're, they're very easy at making us take our eye off the ball. And I think our eyes, when it comes to

percentages, we should be looking at culture in the biggest, highest percentage possible, and not allow them to distract us from that, because that's what happened. We were distracted from culture. Culture was broken, and then you get into the 90s, and everybody's like, well, it's all about tax policy. I think you're right. I think definitely the 90s were, you could say, the hangover from the 80s, and then the 70s were the hangover from the 60s. And during, I think, the 70s and 80s, I think there was somewhat of a revival in perhaps the religious parts of the country.

I forget what was called, 800 Club or something like that. There was a television program where a lot of these evangelicals and people like that would sort of, there seemed to be somewhat of a groundswell against this. and there was the satanic panic and people were scared of kind of the things that they were seeing. And there did seem to be somewhat of a cultural or religious response in addition to the economics. But that did seem to die down by the 90s.

I think you're right. And perhaps some of the stuff today. I mean, I would say, and it always takes different forms. Can I interrupt you for a second? You might if I insert you for a second? And I think it's very interesting that people like James Lindsay and basically these nominal, these classical, quote unquote classical liberals, they all want to go back to the 90s. And when you look and it's like, well, what is what is everybody?

I mean, we're in a culture war. Everything is about culture. They, someone like him, and I just thought of this now, I haven't put this. before wants to go back to when it was all about economics right that nobody was arguing over culture that you know everybody I mean I remember I remember the 90s I was in a band it was it was wild it was fun I mean I mean the 90s was a lot of fun and people want to go back to that but the reason he wants to go back to it is people are he's he equates his worldview of classical liberalism all with economics if we

can just have that good economics again where everything is so good that nobody cares about this cultural stuff when really it's all about the cultural it's all about the cultural isn't it funny that man will choke on silver but he'll live off of breadcrumbs with spirit with a religious spirit it's interesting you know i i hope i don't interrupt but if you guys don't mind me i actually might have my own thing that i have been working on myself it's it's a little bit of a a minute here, so I apologize. Don't try to be for a second. But Adam's probably going to lose his goddamn mind again because he's the Apollonian

to my Dionysin. But I think what we're trying to figure out or what we're actually hovering over at the target is we have to address the irrational. I mean, the human man, the person with the soul is irrational. And that fundamentally economics and well-being and no matter how much food you have in your belly and how happy you are with your material possessions, there needs to be something higher, right? Like there needs to be a certain calling.

And you see this in the Middle East, for instance, you know, most people don't know this, but the Middle East wasn't like always such a shithole. I mean, there were secular governments that were progressive, that offered people secular, how do you say, solutions to their problems, as opposed to the religious ones that figures largely now in the Middle East and what we understand them to be. And of course, like, for instance, Osama bin Laden was a son of a billionaire, and he forsook all his fortune to seek, you know, his religious, you know, convictions. I'm not saying that. I'm not Islamic or anything like that, but it should provide you a metric of understanding of humans, that we have this irrational need for things.

And the left, what they do is they leverage the gravity of their beliefs because man constantly wants to be lazy. He constantly wants to feel pleasure. He does not want to feel discipline. He doesn't want to feel to be encumbered. He doesn't want to feel like, you know, basically the discipline of life, whether it's in family, whether it's, you know, civic service, X, Y, or Z. I think the truth or the origin of where we can start solving our problems is just like you said, talking about culture. Rather, what does that mean the spirit? And what really kind of is the engine of that spirit is the family?

It's religion. And I'm not religious myself. I'm pretty secular guy. But I think the truth is that really like when you start leveraging that irrational agency in man, you start overcoming petty pleasures, when you start giving them a vision for something to suffer and die for, they start ignoring and making sacrifices of things that the left leverages. So for instance, you know, drugs, sex and rock and roll and personal gratification in your career, people forsake that if you can give them a vision of something that's beyond simply material well-being.

And I know that sounds kind of, like I said, it's not Apollonia, you can't put numbers on that. It's not very, you can't put it on a map. It's very ephemeral. It's very psychological. But if we can start offering people that impetus, that meaning in life, If we give them a mission, some spirit and thumas in their chest, we can make them be beautiful again. And I think that's what was lacking in the West is fundamentally the destruction of Christianity. I'm not Christian myself, so I say this unbiased.

I think that precisely because Christianity became a waning psychological force in the West, that the engine of Western civilization came to a halt. Hence why the left is ascendant, because they basically break down. this carcass. So I don't think the solution is to go back into Christianity. I think whatever spirituality that overcomes liberalism will be the future. However, I think this is what we're facing is this question of overcoming this obstacle through irrational means, through appealing to the soul. And Fight Club is a great example. I'm sure that you guys are aware of Fight Club, but it's a great encapsulation of man's disgust with the 1990s material well-being in favor of personal achievement in

something that's kind of transcendental something that appeals to the soul something that you can give yourself towards and i think that's what we're here to discuss is provide people with that vision and if that makes sense i don't know if i'm off left kilter here how you guys are feeling so give me some pushback here peep well no i mean i think it points towards like the spanglerian and Yaqui High Culture, where that's what a society needs in order to move forward in order to progress, in order to be cohesive as opposed to science, technology, techniques, things like that, where that immediately when you have, machinery introduced, you basically start to realize, well, I can create, I can become like God, and I can create all of these things, and it has a tendency to drive you away from that high

culture, from that spiritual. And, you know, I think we see that now. I think we see that the, you know, if the regime in charge, if the spirit of this age, which I, you know, I think is the Nuremberg, regime, the New Deal regime, um, is one thing. It's to, uh, destroy that, destroy any kind of, um, any kind of cohesiveness, any kind of, uh, of, uh, of a culture, any kind of race, any kind of homogeneity, uh, any kind of order. As long as there's chaos, as long as people are in chaos, spiritually and the spirit the spirit of the age is in chaos the high culture is gone then anyone who has seized power and is willing to use it can wield control over everything even if as we see it fall apart due to incompetency overproduction of the elites whatever you however you want to

explain it yeah no and and i think you're absolutely right i think these are material manifestations of something that's happening psychologically on a psychological basis. And I completely agree with you, Pete. And I think that Adam and I are in accordance with this as well. And I think what we need to give to people who are lost, who are in this chaos, is a mission, a city on the hill to go and fight for and with people that are brave enough to be irrational in that pursuit. Because if you notice, especially with like backwards preachers, the effusiveness and the spiritual self-assuredness is what people crave. You see this in leadership in the military, but you see this at large in leadership in political people. There's a reason why they tear down political operatives or statesmen who kind of have that gravitas.

And it's precisely because they want you to be divided from a mission. They want you to be not part of something greater than yourself. They want you to have nothing aside from your self-interest. And that's precisely what we've got to change. And I think that's something that we have to overcome in liberalism itself. And Adam, I see you're going to add something here. Yeah, I got to jump in just because I don't disagree with what you guys are saying. I hope you don't think I'm all about neoliberalism and trading stock office.

options all day and that's all that matters. I was just listening to something today from one of these channels that covers people that I like and I get crap for talking about Elon Musk all the time. But I think he's an interesting example of what we're talking about because just like Generation 68, what about Generation 69 where you had a 69 Camero, which is probably one the most beautiful American-made cars ever made, but also the country landed on the moon. And I have gone back and forth as to whether I even believe that that's a true thing. But I'm just, I'm just going to make a statement here that I think it's more likely than not.

And even if it wasn't true, the fact that they did all that they did is still impressive. I mean, they built those rockets. Those rockets were real. And what was that? that was the Faustian spirit. I mean, that was the, we're going to do, I mean, I love the Kennedy speech where he talks about this where he said, we do things not because they're easy, it is because they are hard. And I love that. And I know people that want to do things that are easy. And I don't like them. I don't hang out with people like that. And I have people very close to

me that I have to hear that from sometimes. And it just, it just kills me. But, you know, Musk was talking about how they're basically going to SpaceX is, it's funny because NASA and Neil Armstrong, particularly said, and Elon was asked about this because it hurt his feelings, but what do you think about Neil Armstrong statements that SpaceX has no business doing what NASA has done? And Elon said, you know, that's really disappointing to me. I mean, he's been a hero of mine. And I think it's sad when people like crabs in a bucket have to pull down those that are actually achieving things. I don't understand what Armstrong was thinking with that.

And it's very disappointed to me as well. But I think SpaceX is actually literally trying to build the infrastructure that the U.S. government and all the other stupid governments have been so incompetent and accomplishing. He's actually building infrastructure to make this species, as he puts it. But let's face it, who's working at SpaceX? it's the types that worked at NASA back in the late 60s. That's right. Make this group, a multi-planetary group. And I think that is such a great, crazy mission.

And everything he's done with the Twitter acquisition with Tesla has just been the same spirit of just taking on really hard, important projects and kicking their ass. And I just am so excited by that. And I've not seen that come out of any politician's mouth in decades. I've not seen any of that come out of the IRS, happy tax day, by the way. I have not seen any of that come out of most of our quote-unquote leaders in such a long time. And we need more of that. And I'm sympathetic to religious arguments as well, like, you know, not putting yourself above God.

But I know a lot of religious people who also like what Elon's doing. And I think there's no discord there. I think, you know, we should work together on that. You know, the most evil thing that Hannah Ardron ever wrote about liberalism is the idea that the abolition of great missions and to be content with, you know, your personal life and being happy with, I don't know, being an interior designer or something. And there's something deeply disgusting about that. I mean, it's one thing if you're in a corporate society where we're all one team, everyone has a function. And no matter how small or big you are, you're defined. by the greater mission. The evil liberalism is it destroyed all greats. It makes everyone

temptable and small. And that is the beautiful thing that Elon Musk is doing is making man and woman great again. They're going to places that man hasn't gone before. It's a self-overcoming mission. And the paradigm of today is not between left or right. It's between up or down. It's between people that want to slink to slums or people who want to conquer the stars. And I'm grateful to say and proud to say, I'm part of the latter, not the former. And I think that everyone here feels the same way as I do. I think so. I don't want to put words in Pete's mouth, but I definitely have a feeling he's a self-overcoming fallopian man, right? Yeah. And here's the thing. I was interviewed by a friend of mine today for almost two hours and we were going over a bunch

of stuff. And one of the first things he asked me was he's like, okay, you know, you were a libertarian at one point you came out you you know I didn't coin the term post-libertarian but I started using it people started using it started and immediately started using it as pejorative against me but he asked me so what are you now what and I said I'm a problem solver I said that's what that's what the world needs I said Buckelly in El Salvador was when he ran for mayor 100% Salvador. He was in the left. He ran in the far left party for Sanso.

When he started running for president, he ran in the far left party. They kicked them out. Went to another party. He had to jump through hoops just to get elected president. And what did he do? The first thing, he's like, we're the murder capital of the world. This is going to stop. And he solved a problem.

And he didn't give a fuck what anybody thought about it. Sorry, I curse sometimes in the show. And he he cleaned that place. I mean, he turned it into a place where I'm like, I'm, you know, my wife and I aren't talking, maybe we're going to go for, you know, four or five days, you know, in the next couple months. Yeah, I'd be curious to see it. Well, it's still cheap. You know, while it's still cheap, if you look at you, you're like, holy crap, you can really,

the dollar goes pretty far down there. But he went in there. He solved the problem. The other thing he did was, and I don't know if I agree with this, but he's like, well, there's a money problem. I'm going to adopt Bitcoin. Yeah. And okay, so what is he? Okay, all right, the Bitcoin bro's want to call him a libertarian, but he obviously doesn't care anything about civil rights. He was just basically arresting anybody

with a face tattoo. Is he, you know, the, the authoritarian's are like, well, he also is adopted Bitcoin. I don't care what his ideology is. He solves problems. Give me someone who can solve problems. Ideology is bullshit. Sam Francis pointed this out. James Burnham pointed this out. You create ideologies created in a lab. As soon as it's introduced to the public, holes are shot in it. It doesn't exist. Solve problems. Become a problem solver. If you cannot solve every, the only politician that you should even take seriously is somebody who's like, this is a problem, this is our biggest problem. This is how I'm going to solve. let me do it. That's the kind of person you take seriously. Now, in this, we know in our system

how difficult that is, well, I'm going to solve the immigration problem. You know that you're going to have arrows and even bullets might be coming at you from all directions if you want to do it. But what you, if you're not talking about solving, solve the first problem, then go to the second problem, then go to the third problem, but figure out what the biggest one is first. That's what someone's ideology should be. And that is a Faustian spirit. And then you can, and after you solve the problems, then you can be like, okay, what do I do? Oh, I want to, let's inhabit Mars.

Yeah. Yeah, what's next? Great, you know. Yeah, what's next? But until you solve that first problem, you have to be able to solve that first problem. If you don't solve that first problem, if you don't focus in on one thing and fix it, you're just you're just playing the game of politics as it's been played since 1933. Yes.

Yes. Yes. Pete. Holy shit. Yes. I'm sorry. I'm like just getting pumped from hearing you say that because it's precisely that there's this weird paradigm.

People are stuck in the mythos of the Second World War. And it's like, dude, that is like dead and guard. What is now? What's happening now? Like the considerations of our time are not an echo lapse. It's a, And those issues stem from precisely what you're saying, the problems of the soul, of seeking out great challenges and building a team around it, building a vision. No one's doing that aside from tearing everyone else down so that way they can aggrandize themselves.

Let's build everyone else up. Let's make a team effort. And I love hearing you say that, Pete, because that's exactly, especially Buckele is such a great example because it shows that, yes, you can. you can fix your shithole country and make it like a paradise in America and make it a paradise it's only a matter of willpower and vision

I think we can give that especially if we can we stand true to our principles and I think one of the great things about Elon Musk in his interview is that he stands great risk all the time I mean the government is constantly now litigating him under specious

charges bullshit charges but that's what it's going to take and that's part of life is that people want to tear you down and you have to conquer them for their own good to build them up and one of the greatest things Buckele does did was crack down on the lowest and most detrimental segments of society and rebuild from what was good upwards and I completely agree with you Pee I want to go down there myself and like help him however I can you know in my small way I think the lessons that we can draw from these two individuals and

other people that have risen to power is that it's a long game. You know, Elon didn't show up. I mean, he's been doing this for three, four decades. Buckele, as I don't know as much about him, but, and he's a younger man as well. And it's a smaller country. And so perhaps there's a quicker path to things like that. But from what Pete has described, it sounds like he had to go through some trials to get to where he is. He had to go through the left, which is an interesting angle. But it worked. It works. So good for him. Hats off. Whatever works. And that's

something I think a lot of people, whether they're entrepreneurs or leaders or builders or whatever, I think they, maybe they take the Hollywood montage, two minutes of the guy who goes from rags to riches, the scarface,

you know, like from boat off of Cuba and now he's got to the mansion. Push it to the limit. Yeah, that's not real. It takes a little longer than two minutes. And you just got to be a grinder. And I think, you know, there's something to be said for charisma, of course. But you also got to tell yourself, you know, that this is going to happen and tell others as well and keep that positive mindset.

And if you fall into that negativity trap, it just destroys you. It destroys your team. And I think real leaders have to do better than that. And I think something that Thomas 777 says is we're not Jehovah Witnesses. We're a vanguard. We don't need, we're not looking for numbers. We're looking for people who, you know, like the PayPal Mafia. Take that.

I mean, the PayPal Mafia is a perfect example. It's just a small group that gets stuff done basically controls, control Silicon Valley or controlled Silicon Valley. and the ankle biters, you have to dismiss these people. You don't need these people. The people who, when I say something about Buckelly, go, well, you know, he kissed a wall one time and his wife is probably,

and his wife is half Sephardic. I don't get, I'm judging him by what he's doing. Yeah. I'm judging him by. What is the other guy got? I mean, like, if you're saying he's so bad, show me something better. And I'm not going to, I'm not going to like,

you know, look back 100 years for what your model is. Like, we need to get. going now show me some progress i mean how are you how are you waiting for you know and this is what i tell people all the time too is i mean you have to be insulating yourself you have to be doing things for yourself you know i mean we're we moved to where we did because it's um yeah it's very quiet um it's not it's not insanely remote but it's remote um we can grow food here we have We have friends who have chicken houses and all sorts of stuff. We can take care of ourselves.

It's a small group, a very small town. Very manageable. Very manageable politically. Everybody knows everyone. Everyone knows the police. Until we can get that, you know, have those people put that vanguard together. Even if you're not part of the vanguard, even if you're just a thought, you know, somebody who's there to help with ideas, somebody who has.

money somebody who can I mean I mean some of these assholes like Steven Crowder who was like crying because Daily Wire was gonna pay him what 50 50 million dollars for four years what could we do with 50 million dollars that's a great question actually we should probably figure that out because those are you know again I'll shut up about Elon Musk someday but I'm always finding new things I like that he's taught me and he one of the earliest things. There's a hilarious clip of him when he like didn't get his hair implants. Like after he sold like X.com or whatever it was to PayPal, he got his first millions and he bought

up McLaren and they're lowering it to like his suburban house. And he's still married to his first wife. But he's sitting there and he's like giving this really dorky interview. And he's like, you know, it's really easy like in Silicon Valley. If I just want to go raise 10 million at the capitals right there. And I'm like, wow, what a mindset. Like, you know, if you actually have, the idea and the team and the leadership and the capability, you don't have to get that yourself. You just raise the money, you know? And that's how actually true movers and shakers think. They use other people's money.

There's like books about this. But I think that's a great question. What would we do with 50 million? I don't know because I actually haven't adopted that mindset in the practical sense, but until we start thinking big, we're not going to achieve big things. Well, I started small. I read Peter Thiel zero to one on my podcast. I read the whole thing over, I think it was seven episodes.

And it's just a way to get into the mind of people who think way differently than we do. I think he said in one of the chapters, he said that all the people who started PayPal, he said, I think the five people who started PayPal, four of them as teenagers had independently of each other built bombs. Okay. So what does that mean? It means these are You're thinking outside the box. These are way outside the box thinkers, you know? And what he talks about in that book is he's like, everybody, we've been conditioned to believe that competition. Competition is what the world is all about, the world of business is all about. He's like, no. He's like, no. Monopoly. is what the world is all about.

The monopoly is the only way that you get innovation. He goes, we don't want monopoly, and he downplays just a whole way through the book. We don't want to have the kind of monopoly that is like cronyism where you're lobbying the government to be the only one in existence.

No, you want to create something that is so groundbreaking, that's so outside the box, that you make billions off of it. But in the process of making billions off of it, you've changed humanity. You've improved humanity. That's where the breakout occurs.

It's when you've created that new, it's what the title of the book is. It's zero to one as opposed to one to a million or something. I mean, anything times zero is zero. So if you could like, you know, the primordial Big Bang or God creating the universe, that's what he's talking about, doing something that groundbreaking.

There's another book called, I think it's Blue Ocean Strategy. I haven't actually read it, but it seemed like a really simple idea, so I didn't bother. But the concept was, so there's these big tidal blooms that happen in the ocean. And it's basically a bunch of plankton and stuff whales eat that they go nuts. They breed like crazy. And they choke off all the oxygen to the point where everything is just, it just dies at a certain point. they kind of reach that Malthusian limit and everything just starts collapsing. But you don't want to be in the middle of that if you want to stand out.

You want to go where the water is blue. That's kind of the thesis of the book. So you kind of want to think tangentially. They will all want you to kind of go to London School of Economics or Harvard or whatever and play by the stupid rules that are kind of rigged against you. You're not going to get really far with you. You might become a millionaire or something, but you're never going to become a billionaire by,

sort of getting good grades. You have to, I mean, most of these guys dropped out of school. So I think that's, that's, it's a big lesson. It's like, okay, you can do okay. But if you really want to change the world, forget the quote, but it's sort of like nothing, nothing ever, I think it was like a feminist quote. It's like nothing ever changed by like reasonable women or something.

So all the, all the changes like unreasonable women. You could say the same thing about men. It's like you have to, you have to think. kind of tangentially, almost irrationally, that these crazy things are possible. And I would just say, you know, make sure that, you know, you're honest with yourself about what you're accomplishing. And if it's not working, try something else. But, you know, there is, to me at least, some value in being realistic. But you need to team and you need to inspire people. And I think that's, that's a big lesson here. It's like you need to have

something really, really impressive and exciting. I want to apologize to Lance. I was on a different screen, and he dropped out, and he was out of there for a while. So, um, thank you there, Lance. Yeah, they just attacked me, dude. They attacked me. It's okay. I'm back.

Do you have anything to add to that? I don't know you've been listening. I think, you know, like, I think you guys are spot on. And it doesn't just extend to the world of, I guess, of course, innovation. It extends in many different directions. Everyone has their specific skill set. I think the most important thing that you guys pointed out is to seek opportunities wherever they may be and making the most of it, exploiting it. And I think you're absolutely right.

I think Adam is absolutely right. I think the PayPal Mafia is incredibly inspiring precisely because they were able to outmaneuver the crony cap establishment as it had been before with just something completely out of the box, as you'd say. and they have real world effects. I mean, look at Elon Musk. He owns X, major social media network. He owns Tesla. He's going to Mars. He's doing multiple things.

And that's because he pursued, I mean, do you think he had fun with PayPal? Do you think that's interesting to him? No. I think he understood that it is a stepping stone to something greater to going to Mars. And I'm absolutely sure that's how he feels about Tesla and everything else. So it's absolutely great. And it's a great example for our own stuff. to set for our own selves, for our own success.

And more importantly, probably more. All right, Lance, you're roboting like crazy. I wasn't sure it was me. No, you're robotting like crazy. But, all right, let's wrap this up because I've been sitting on my butt in front of this screen for going on in a little over three hours today. So I'll give you guys a floor to say something.

And hopefully Lance can, Yeah, not sound like he's a space Odyssey. But Adam, go ahead first. Well, just glibly, I want all the listeners to know that any support you give to Pete will be going towards this purchase of a standing desk. I think that's a great thing as we all reach our middle age. We need to be getting good posture. So hope you're not sitting too much today. But in any case, yeah, I think the team is absolutely critical.

I think that's sort of what Lance was trying to hit upon. another Musk thing and I hopefully we'll stop but he's interesting also because he has the guts and Pete we actually talked about this when you came on our show a couple episodes ago where Musk is willing to fire people and lay off people and that that's that's hard I mean it's really hard it's not something I'm comfortable doing you know I have I've had to do it actually but it really sucks but it's a skill because you need to know what what your culture, we're talking about culture, right? I mean, a company culture or government culture or a nation's culture,

you need to know what that culture stands for. And if you have people to come in that actually are problematic, they need to go. And you need to be fair about it. And you need to set performance goals and measurements that can be objective. But you can quickly murder a company with bad culture. You don't have to look any further than Boeing and what's going on with that place. They have a bad culture.

and I think Musk recognizes that and what he did at X, Twitter, when he bought it, the first thing he did was he laid off 80% of the employees. And guess what? The company did fine. It's actually doing better now. So do the same thing for the U.S. government.

And I forgot what the thing was called, Pete, Project 2025. There you go. Yeah. That is a good idea. And it was sort of what VVEC, Ramoswamy was pushing in that we need to get rid of most of these people because frankly they're useless and secondly they're actually worse than useless they're problematic and they're obstructionist they're counter-revolutionary in the communist terminology so I think that's that's a big lesson

that I think if we ever get in positions of power we need to take it seriously and takes culture seriously and take our team seriously and reward those that do take it seriously and do do a good job and get rid of the people that are not doing that because in effect you are you are poisoning the well for those that are instrumental and caring for that mission by keeping the people that are negative are problematic are not willing to learn are not willing to be come part of that project they they are extremely detrimental and I think that's another lesson. Lance.

Well, I just want to say thank you for having me on, Pete. I don't want to carry on too long because I don't want to lose connection again, but I just want to say thank you and thank you, Adam. Of course. Do your plug, tell people where they can find your work, Lance. Just go ahead and you can find me on Twitter, Lance DeLegian, and you can also go to DVX Publishing Company.com. You can find all my information there.

I just wrote a book, check it out. But again, thank you so much. No problem at all. Adam, plug. Myth20C.com. Same thing on Twitter. Also our writing companion site is the American sun. Substack.com. We just moved over there, so it's on substack, but the American son is Hank, my co-hosts

project. And Ryan Landry actually used to do a lot there. He's still involved as well. But it's a growing site and yeah, check us out on. on Myth 20C or the American Sun. I appreciate it, gentlemen. Thank you very much. Thank you.