The Pete Quiñones Show - Episode 1058: Rejecting Ideology and Building Aristocracy w/ Charlemagne
Episode Date: May 26, 202458 MinutesPG-13Charlemagne is a content creator on YouTube and Substack and a member of the Old Glory Club.Charlie joins Pete to talk about the usefulness of ideology in the modern world. They discuss... what they believe should eventually replace it.Charlemagne's Find my Frens PageVIP Summit 3-Truth To Freedom - Autonomy w/ Richard GroveSupport Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's Substack Pete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
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Those people who love going out shopping for Black Friday deals, they're mad, aren't they?
Like, proper mad.
Brenda wants a television and she's prepared to fight for it, if you ask me.
It's the fastest way to a meltdown.
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I want to welcome everyone back to the Pekignano show.
Charlemagne's back.
How you doing, Charlemagne?
Excellent.
I was actually just listening to your episode with Turnip Seed right before we started.
So always very interesting to hear his trials and tribulations.
That's for sure.
Right before we started, I was listening to him speak live with Oren on YouTube.
He was talking about the same subject.
Yeah, just trying to get as much from, learn as much from him because, you know, I see the same thing in churches all over the place. I've seen, started seeing that kind of stuff 20 years ago where you started seeing the infiltration of leftist ideology making, making its way in. And, I mean, I saw that. I noticed it in the Southern Baptist Convention 2001 and 2002. And, you know, pretty much since Vatican,
Vatican,
Vatican II, the Catholic Church has been fighting with this.
So, you know, both of the churches I went to on a pretty regular basis are suffering
the same kind of, same kind of issues everyone else is.
And, I mean, the Southern Baptist Convention has gone, you know, completely off the rails
in a lot of ways.
And Catholicism, well, all we can hope to, at this point, all we can hope to do is find a
home parish where the priest is, you know, older, old-fashioned.
And, you know, that's really about it.
And I think that's what a lot of people are doing as far as Protestants.
Everyone's doing.
It's like you find that one church and then you hope that the pastor, if you have a base pastor,
you hope he doesn't retire.
And then in comes, you know, Pastor Jim, who, you know, has as a goatee and long hair.
Yeah, I think I've been pretty lucky with this.
I haven't interrogated this subject, but I just estimate that, you know, after about
two years or so of attending mass here, the word Ukraine and Israel has not been mentioned once
by anyone, so I'm just going to assume that he's pretty based.
Well, shockingly, there's two Catholic churches I go to here on a regular basis, and, I mean,
we're in the South, we're in the Bible, you know, there's the Bible belt. I do notice that a lot
of the people who go to Catholic churches down here are transplants from elsewhere, or people
who may have found Catholicism in the military or something like that, if they are Southern,
if they are from around here. But yeah, lucky too, not hearing that at all. And if I did,
it would be, it would be sad because where I live, finding a Catholic church is like,
it's like going out and trying to find a, trying to find a, you know, bar of gold in one of the
local streams or something like that. All right. Let's talk a, I ask you to come on to talk about
ideology and something I've been thinking about lately and I'll just give you a short introduction of
where my thought was a simple way I'm thinking is that people on the people on the far right and I'm
not talking about far right like how you know people we know I'm talking about people who would
consider themselves to be on the far right but more normie like you know some of the mega people some of
the mega people who were even you know quoting Carl Schmidt now and putting out talking about
Franco or things like that. They're set in their ways. The progressives all the way to the other side
are set in their ways. So coming at them with an ideology that is counter to what they already believe
is probably a fool's errand. And then for the most part, I think the people in the middle who've
checked out or who are, you know, they vote for whoever they think is the coolest or something like
that, they're pretty much non-ideological. So when I look at like the political landscape in the
country, if you want to make inroads into politics now, if you want to be able to
get one of the existing parties to at least to listen to you, you're going to have to be
pretty much lined up with their ideology, maybe slightly, you know, maybe a slight difference.
but if it's too far out of the realm of possibility,
or if it's too far out of what they already believe,
they're not going to listen to you.
That's either side.
And then when you come at the center with ideology,
people who are non-ideological,
they just think you're some kind of bookworm, you know, lunatic,
and they kind of side-out you.
Am I seeing the American public, the American electorate,
if you want to call it that properly?
Yeah, I think so.
People are either strictly ideological,
or strictly non-ideological.
I've been thinking about ideology a bit myself lately
because it sort of relates to the subjects I've been researching and reading on
for my speech that I'm giving in two weeks or so at the Old Glory Club
where I'll be talking about political formulas primarily
and also our Constitution in the United States.
And I think, well, it's interesting researching the history of what we would now
call classical liberalism because this concept wouldn't really appear in people's thinking at the
time when that type of thinking would have been prevalent. Like if you look at English common law
and if you look at things like the Declaration of Independence, which our friend Christopher Sandbad,
just wrote a little piece on Twitter. And if you look at our Constitution, the way Anglo-American
law developed isn't really from an idealized.
basis so much as a normative basis that described like basically the circumstances
under which people were already accustomed to being ruled and you know documents like the
magna carda for example aren't really ideological documents so much as codifications of the
normative expectations of the english people same goes for our you know declaration and constitution
on all these famous documents they you know the founders you know get get maligned
by people on the right especially as like these classical liberals and of course Curtis
Yarvin you know sort of assaults them as as these big liberals in the face of right wing
absolute monarchy but this sort of ideological type of thinking didn't really come around until
mainly the 19th century and it wasn't really something that motivated people back then so it's a
pretty new phenomenon and I think we we often incorrectly project our modern ideological
thinking onto people in the past, and that leads to many incorrect assumptions about what we should or
shouldn't do based on the traditions of our ancestors. So I think ideological thinking is very
polluted by this phenomenon in general, because it goes a long way to actually obscure
our perspective of the past. Then again, people are ideological now, and we do have
to grapple with that. Before I say more, what do you think of anything I just said there?
No, it makes a lot of sense. You know, when you think about the Constitution, if you read the
Constitution, it doesn't take very long. It's not a long document. It's when you get rid of the
bill of rights, when you get down into the, you know, into how they're designing government,
what can you say in there is classically liberal? What can you say in there is in the
Enlighten, you know, is enlightenment thinking?
I don't know that there really is anything in there.
I mean, it leaves the door open for taxation.
I mean, you can, it leaves a door open for 100% taxation if, if need be.
So really, I mean, a lot of people will look at the constitution and have taken it apart.
People who are honest and said, you know, it's very easily can lead to tyranny.
It can be used for tyranny.
Yarvin makes the argument that you could basically use, you could make yourself a dictator just using the Constitution.
And I've read his argument at length, and it makes it makes 100% sense.
So, yeah, you know, this is one thing that when you start looking at dissonant thought,
when you start looking at the counter-enlightenment thinkers, you start to understand that ideology
or I will say constitutions, the Magna Carta.
Yeah, these aren't things that were put in place to control people.
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They're more looking at the Constitution or the Magna Carta or any kind of proto
proto document before the American Constitution.
you're looking at a people are putting down on paper a reflection of the values of the people
that this paper is the polity that this paper is dealing with and I don't think that that can be
argued I think it can definitely be argued that people say that the most totalitarian states
are the ones that have the most laws you have to keep
adding laws and adding laws and adding laws. And if you have to keep adding laws, if you have to
keep changing things, if you have to keep amending, then what the document was originally supposed
to reflect is gone. It doesn't reflect the people that it's not a picture of the people that
it's supposed to reflect in the first place. Now, you mentioned at the beginning there,
whether or not the Constitution itself is a liberal document or something like that.
You know, I have been reading Schmitz,
the crisis of parliamentary democracy lately,
which I think is his best book, to be honest.
I mean, one of the great things about Schmidt is that he spends a lot of time defining all these terms,
like liberalism and democracy and parliamentism and disambiguates them from one another.
Too often liberalism and democracy or treated as the same thing.
And they're not, you know, he makes the point that democracy can serve basically in the end.
It can be reactionary.
You can be liberal.
It can be socialist.
It can be really whatever you want.
This sort of ties into your original point that, you know, to the extent people are ideologically democratic.
And you can work that with a political formula that remains true to the idea of democracy and yet serve some entire.
different end than liberalism, right? If they're not strictly ideologically liberal, but they're
more ideologically concerned about having a democracy, which is what, you know, maybe you would say,
like the American right or conservatives or centrists are, they're not necessarily liberals, but they are
Democrats. That's a means by which you can sort of subvert the tying of liberalism and democracy
together. So I think it's important to have a grasp on what these terms actually mean and whether or not, you know, the foundation of this country is fundamentally liberal or not. And whether or not you can work the constitution if people care about that, which they do, to be more reactionary. This is something we have to address, you know, in terms of right-wing ideology, right, people have gotten very ideological about
republicanism and the constitution and there's this sort of reaction where it's like okay we just need
to throw out the constitution like that's our goal that doesn't really make any sense because it's a
very that's actually very anti-traditional perspective if you look at you know the history of the
english and american people you're basically talking about throwing out the type of government
system we've used to the last 500 years which is kind of a bizarre position for a right-winger to
take it's also you know just entirely impractors.
Like people, you know, Mosca,
Mosca talks about political formula, right?
You know, Mosca himself, interestingly enough,
regards, if you read the ruling class,
um,
representative government as,
as basically the,
the best form that Europe could be under,
at least when he was alive,
which is quite interesting, right?
Because he's sort of this, you know,
today people kind of throw around the idea of political formulas,
this is like cynical conception and it's just something the elites used to,
to govern us.
but, you know, Mosca seems to think there's something to a Republican form of government.
Anyway, you know, if people really care about the Constitution, right, and they do,
you can sort of argue to people that the Constitution is no longer, you know, like, really in force in the way it was when the country was created, right?
And that's a useful point that Aaron McIntyre makes.
It's like people have to have to like get over the Constitution.
right, like you can't just appeal to it as an argument at this point because, you know, your,
your opponents don't care anymore. That said, you know, taking that and trying to convince
people that, you know, we just need to throw out the Constitution because it's like fundamentally
liberal or something doesn't really make any sense either because that's very much against
American ideological sensibilities. So you're sort of like, you're working against yourself
when you try to do that. It's much better to try and argue, okay,
How could the, we actually, we're not anti-democracy.
What we're against is we're illiberals.
And what we want is, you know, a democratic society in which the people who are enfranchised
with the right to vote and the people who are citizens, maybe those aren't even the same thing,
are a limited set of people.
And this is a classically democratic by any conception.
And it can be completely reactionary.
So you don't have to, you know, lump all these ideas together.
And you don't have to like,
insists that we need some sort of, you know, based monarchy or something like that,
which is just a ridiculous idea to, you know, pitch to Americans, right?
That doesn't make any sense.
No one's going to accept that.
And you, you know, you're basically trying to impose your sort of boutique ideology on people.
If you try to like, you know, comment normal Americans with like some idea of, of, you know,
Catholic monarchy or whatever kind of monarchy you have in mind or even fascism.
Like, this just doesn't appeal to people.
So you need to figure out how to work the existing, you know, political formula,
degenerated as it is in your favor using the concepts people expect, right?
Americans just expect that we're going to be governed by some sort of Republican system
that's federalized among many states.
There's no world in which you're going to like convince people that actually we need like a king or an emperor or something.
I kind of view that as
ridiculous and kind of productive.
So what do you think?
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Cinema's November 28th. Good luck! I love you! Well, one thing I wanted to bring up is, and I agree with you,
people are going to revolt if you, if they've bought into the civic religion and you try to take
the civic religion away from them, it's just basically the same thing as trying to take people's
religion away from them. They're going to revolt, no matter how much you may, how much you may not
like it. What I wanted to say was from reading Sam Francis and his reviewing of James Burnham,
he says, he's of the opinion, Francis, that what Burnham is saying is that ideology is for the
masses, that those in power don't really have an ideology other than power. These in the box
ideologies like republicanism, progressivism, you know, and some of these are, you know,
who knows, republicanism, you can nail down a little more.
Progressivism is whatever works at the time, just seems to be like a power kind of ideology,
or libertarianism, which is something like this completely in the box.
You know, there's libertarians who are like, we cannot allow anything in this box,
or we're not pure libertarians anymore.
That these are basically goods that are sold to the mass.
to keep them arguing amongst themselves, or it's something that is sold by elites to get them to come on their side.
And, you know, people vote for the, you know, the conservative.
And, you know, they never get a conservative.
They get, you know, most conservatives famously, I forget who said this, they run for office like libertarians.
And then they govern like Democrats.
So is
Is ideology even real when it comes down to it?
Or is it just something that is sold to the public to make them feel like they're a part of all of this and that they have a team and that there are people out here who are on your side?
And they're politicians, people with power.
Yeah, I think Burnham's probably a little too cynical in the way he views ideology.
but yeah i mean mostly and everything i just described like the way you you sort of sell
uh yourself to the masses like the the ideology or in a distilled form the political formula
isn't isn't the rules you follow right that's just how you sell uh you being in power or your
faction being in power to people but you don't have to be bound to that in terms of how you actually
govern. Like you can basically, you could set up sort of a sort of a, you know, you could set up a sort of
a pseudo-Christian nationalist like oligarchy behind the mantle of, you know, democratic
republicanism with federal government, you know, and everything I just described. Like those things,
we don't have to bind ourselves to strictly following some set of rules in terms of, you know,
how we would theoretically actually govern, you know, assuming any faction like that's sympathetic
to us actually comes to power.
I mean, I think elites, certainly some elites have ideologies that drive them.
I mean, I think if you look at someone like Thomas Jefferson, for example, to go back to the founders,
you know, he clearly, you know, he was president of the United States, for example.
Like, we can't, we certainly can't deny that he was among the ruling elite.
He was certainly much more ideological than, you know, his nemesis, for example, Alexander Hamilton,
who I think was much more Machiavelli and not that's,
necessarily bad. I think Hamilton's kind of based
actually, but that's kind of getting
off the subject. Like the elites,
some of them are
more ideological than others.
Ideology in general is kind of a poisonous word.
I mean, like you said, people treat it like a religion.
I think it's, for
us, I think it's more important
for us to be
as true to our, you know,
religious faith as much as possible
and assuming any of us were anywhere
near power, we would have to
be in the difficult situation of making whatever compromising is with that where we're necessary
because that's the reality of politics, right?
I think a lot of people on the sort of online right don't get that either.
You can't ever govern in this sort of idealized way.
There's always going to be deep compromises you have to make.
And ultimately, for better or worse, you do kind of have to end up being more concerned
with just maintaining your power than anything else.
you know, because people, people react strongly and can be provoked to react strongly by other opposing factions
if their, you know, material interests aren't met or, you know, as we see if they're deep-seated
ideological beliefs are violated, you know, be it a sacred democracy right now or, you know,
something, something, pootler, you know, that sort of thing. So I guess to answer your question,
I mean, I don't take the view, strictly speak, I don't take this deeply cynical view that elites just don't believe really anything other than power.
I think there's some, you know, I don't like to view elites just at this singular group either, as some people do.
There are some people who are more ideological.
You know, I think we can see that someone like Elon Musk certainly has certain ideological convictions.
I think he's less committed to free speech than he claims to be, right?
But he certainly has some real conviction there in regards to freedom of speech and that's sort of like this sort of libertarian thing he has.
I don't think, I think it would be kind of weird to deny that, you know, Musk himself doesn't have some sort of like genuine ideological belief.
Although his actions clearly, you know, demonstrate certain compromises specifically around, you know, the subject.
around the subject of, you know, Jews and Israel in order to to maintain his power.
Anyway, what do you think?
I think Musk is at the point now where he's just, I think he has goals that he hasn't shared
with anyone, which is good.
I mean, he doesn't have to.
And he's basically doing whatever he needs to do right now to achieve those goals.
And I'm not saying that those goals are benevolent or whatever.
They're his goals.
and they may include large sections of mankind.
It's, that's neither here nor there.
I mean, there is, right now he has, I mean, he has enough power to make, you know,
13 members of media matters get, and be fired and watch them crying on Twitter,
which is, you know, the Chadenfreude is terrible, but, you know, you got to love it.
I guess what I'm thinking is in our country, if we were to actually have order again,
if we were to actually have a country again, is you mentioned religion.
So one should be ideological about what they believe.
One should be ideological about how they treat family, how they treat kin, how they treat
people who are like-minded and share their values.
do you think the Constitution or the people at large and the people of the country would be okay with, I mean, to me, if you have a group that shares an ideology, the main goal of power should be to protect that ideology and make sure that it goes forward and make sure it's not subverted.
And that's why you use as much power as you need for that.
Economics, all that kind of stuff, that's in the background.
That's not as important as having a cohesive unit, a cohesive group of people that are not being subverted from the outside or within.
So if, in my opinion, people who share values, the state is to, has,
one goal and that's to protect them and to make sure that they can practice those values and that
those values aren't under attack and those values stay in you know stay in place it is that a realistic
goal for this country for I mean not even national but state or I mean I think it can work out
locally but state or national does that even seem like it's remotely remotely remote
what people who are, you know, love the Constitution would, you know, agree to.
Probably not in a direct way.
You know, one of the reasons we are no longer governed by the Constitution as a political formula.
Right now, it's sort of our current formula ties back to that, ultimately.
But now we just hope to say, now our political formula is more just like mass democracy and liberalism.
if you want to actually protect your ideology,
then you have to make sure the people themselves have to be fit for it, right?
Like one of the problems we have on the right is that the people, for the most part,
including many of us really, are no longer even fit to be governed in the ways we sort of harken back to.
Like we're not actually fit to maintain that.
So if you want to actually implement some sort of, you know, right-wing ideology, I guess, what the state should be doing to the extent that you as a right-winger have any influence over it at all, local, whatever is, is putting in policies that make the people more fit for the type of the type of people you want them to be, maybe the type of people you want them to be, maybe the
type of people they were or their ancestors were in the past.
I guess you could use the word, the German word, the mention material, right?
And I don't mean that in like the strictly biological sense.
Like, we don't actually have the mentioned material at this point in America to really be
governed by anything other than that liberal democracy.
So really the first goal starting from yourself at Family Outward is to actually even make
people fit to be governed by a different political formula that's not liberal democracy before
even really trying to convince them because there's no there's no way to have that be implemented
and accepted and stable if the people aren't fit to be governed by it because they're not
going to maintain it because you know ultimately as we say the masses do have to accept the
political formula that they're under to view their their government as legitimate at all and
And you can't really sell a highly reactionary mode of government to people who simply aren't fit for it.
So, yes, I think it is a reasonable goal to have whatever level of government is possible to try and protect an ideology if you want to put it that way.
But I would say the better way to phrase that is your goal should be to have your
government
improve the
you know
physical spiritual
health of the people
so that they are better fit
to be governed
more appropriately rather than try
and
I guess force it down people's
throats because then you're just going to get
expelled because people won't put up with you
so you kind of have to go about it
in this
I guess you could
you might call it like a long march right because
It takes a long time to get in shape, right?
If you want to boil this down to the idea of exercising yourself,
it takes a long time to make yourself physically fit.
Same thing for, you know, spiritual and mental fitness for a more Christian or traditional political formula.
The people are going to have to be massaged and worked into that over a very long period
because, you know, just everyone's a liberal now is really what it.
comes down to. So it's, it's never going to be realistic, I think, for us to have some sort
of hugely reactionary government in power at a federal level, because it's just going to take
far too long for changes to propagate that far. So I don't know. What do you think?
There's so much rugby on Sports Exeter from Sky. They've asked me to read the whole lot at the same
speed I usually use for the legal bit at the end. Here goes. This
Winter Sports Extra is jam-packed with rugby.
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plus action from the URC, the Challenge Cup, and much more.
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Hops and wild and hops.
The dream team.
They're back in Disney Zootropolis too.
Bunny, fox.
This is an amazing.
or break assignment.
In cinemas, November 28th.
No snake has set foot in Zootropolis in forever.
Don't miss the wildest adventure of the year.
There's a snake.
I want the fox and that rabbit.
All right, Gareth.
Any idea where you want to start?
Disney Zootropolis too in cinema's November 28th.
Good luck.
I would love for, you know, for us to have the goal of everybody becoming, you know,
like an uninsed younger type an anarch.
But I don't even know if that's how possible is that.
When you look at the last 100 years,
technology just seems to have beaten toughness out of people.
You know, the toughest people you're going to find in this country
are really people still working on farms,
still working manual labor, still breaking rocks,
still digging with their hands.
I think we've talked about Kaczynski before, you know,
and Shakalul as well.
I mean, I just don't know what it would take to be able to get,
you'd have to get basically every, you know,
the patriarch of every family or most families and the community leaders.
It would have to start at the most low,
I think it would have to start at the most local level and work its way out.
for that to become a thing. Yeah, and, you know, sure, the government talking up, talking up
programs of, you know, physical fitness and working with your head, doing things like that,
being able to basically take care of yourself and take care of the people around you. I'm, yeah,
I think, you're right. I just don't know how much of an insurmountable task that is at this point.
Yeah, the way I would approach this is basically you need to turn your children into Superman pretty much.
Like that's kind of the way.
I mean, I think let's be honest, if you're like listening to podcasts on the internet,
you know, frankly, most people now are just total pussies compared to literally anyone who's ever lived in the past, right?
Like, that's just kind of our fallen state.
Like, we suck.
but when you have blank templates like children,
if you are able, and it might cost a lot of money,
if you're able to give them more classical education,
if you're able to make them far more intelligent
that their peers simply by homeschooling them at an accelerated rate
and things like that,
and teaching them the types of skills and abilities
that people just don't have anymore,
you know, there's the possibility that through their sheer standing in a future community and habit,
they will be able to, you know, they'll be natural elites, right?
I think there's potential in our various communities to sort of, you know, create natural elites by training our own children appropriately
and hopefully having large families all, you know, develop.
as such so that they can, you know, support one another and you don't have these single points of failure.
I think that's the only possibility.
I think like trying to convince other people to become patriarchs and other people to do this is just not going to happen.
You know, maybe through example in the future, you can, you can sort of, you know, help people understand how to do this.
But I think we, I think we really want to like try and almost recreate on purpose, you know, the type of person.
and that hasn't really been seen in the English-speaking world in at least over 100 years, right?
You know, and I mean like, you know, teaching your kids, Latin, teaching them how to play music, teaching them,
scripture, teaching manual labor skills. You know, there's really no reason why they shouldn't understand
fairly advanced mathematics, you know, as a teenager as opposed to, you know, waiting to your 20s like we do now.
you know, this sort of thing.
If you're able to actually develop an individual like that who is,
who has a mental, spiritual, physical capacity that's just way beyond all their peers,
you know, 20, 30 years from now, you know, these could be the type of person, you know,
maybe if things think go like more the way Mr. Charles Haywood sees them going, you know,
these are the kind of people who can reestablish order.
It's not going to happen because like, you know, our faction or something like somehow gets power in the government.
I think it's going to have to be far more bottom up in order for any sort of order to be imposed on any level.
So what do you think of that?
Everybody wants to name something, right?
It's like, well, what do you?
You know, somebody asked me the other day what I do for a living.
I still people ask me that.
I'm a podcaster.
You want to name something.
So what would that be?
What would that look like?
What would the, if you were to call that an ideology,
if you were to give it a name,
if you were to give it, it doesn't even have to have a name.
Maybe what is the spirit of it?
Natural aristocracy.
Natural aristocracy.
Yeah.
Or artificial aristocracy is maybe a better term because that's basically what I'm
recommended is, you know, try and manufacture.
aristocrats, which I think actually is eminently doable.
You know, a lot of, there are a lot of like aristobarpers, right?
I mean, most of us can't be aristocrats by constitution.
I have a lot of books, though, on how to be, on how aristocrats were trained at what they
were like.
You know, I'm confident that maybe, you know, maybe I can't be an aristocrat, but maybe I'm
good enough to produce someone in the future, you know, at officer.
spring who could be like that if I if I applied myself I think it would be extremely difficult
but it wouldn't be impossible right I could never ever turn myself into an aristocrat it can't happen
and I mean like in evelace conception here right not like having some stupid title or something
maybe I could produce a child that could be like that and if not at the very least perhaps
you know my grandchildren could could be aristocratic right that's that's the kind of
the time horizon I'm looking at.
So yeah, I would just call it natural aristocracy or just aristocracy is what I'm recommending.
And it's a, you know, it basically require like your entire life dedicated to the project if you're,
you know, if you're able to become like a family man, right?
But that is what that, to be clear, this isn't just something I'm coming up with.
Like this is what I and basically what I intend to do with my life.
That's partly why I moved to Montana, why I have a homestead.
Like this is, this is my life plan basically for the next trip.
years that I'm trying to figure out, you know, how to actualize. So I have every intention of
attempting to do this. Obviously, you know, I can't, I can't tell you how it's going to work out
because, you know, I'm only just getting started, basically. But that is what I intend to do
along the lines of, you know, what we're trying to achieve. Yeah, thanks for bringing up the fact
that you know, you had moved to Montana because that's where I wanted to go next is, you know,
I've been telling people since 2020 to get out of cities.
That's what I did.
I didn't live directly in Atlanta, but I was adjacent enough to be, you know, pretty much all my neighbors worked in Atlanta.
But, you know, and I catch crap for that because it's like, oh, you talk about how culture is important.
But then, you know, if your whole family's in a city and everything, I get that.
Believe me, believe me, it's a struggle.
And, you know, something I struggle with.
I struggle with my thoughts and my ideas all the time.
It's you know
It's something that we constantly have to be
Tweaking and thinking about
But how
Honestly can you see building
These natural aristocrats
Can you see doing that in a city setting in a suburban setting? I mean I'm just I'm trying to picture how that works in my mind
Considering yeah, there's just too much frankly no there's too much pollution
Like ideological pollution
it would not be possible.
You know, you would have to,
they would have to be sufficiently isolated
from the modern world in their formative years
where else the entire project would come to naught, right?
So like, you know, don't give them iPads
and unlimited internet access and all this garbage.
No, no modern films, you know, that sort of thing.
You know, similar, you know, frankly,
very similar to the type of childhood people,
used to have even probably some people who potentially could even listen to this podcast.
And you're never going to achieve that if you're in a city.
You're just, you're not going to be able to protect your family from these things.
If you're, you know, basically in the very den of it.
This is very contrary to, you know, the type of, frankly, garbage people like Yarford
will put out in the terms of like, you know, what they kind of view as an aristocrat, which, you know,
are just these like degenerate liberal elites right that's that's no aristocrat um i totally reject this
view it's impossible to have a person you know you can produce power in cities but power and aristocracy
are not the same thing right and you know some people conflate these two but they're not the same
and i don't i do not think the suburbs or the cities uh are or the places we we can ever hope to
produce such people.
And by the way, I mean, this isn't just like a purely ideological, you know,
a thing to like pursue in terms of raising a family.
Like I think it's the most moral way to raise children like this at this point is to,
is to protect them from the modern world as much as possible,
even if you're not trying to, you know, embark on this sort of strange project that I'm proposing here.
It's just like, why the hell would you want to expose?
children to to the way the world is right now. I would just, it would just seem like evil to me,
right? But Charlie didn't you know that like Italian neighborhoods, you know, if somebody was
messing around, if some black guy came in there, they used to beat the crap out of them and kick
them out. All we have to do is bring that back and we can get the cities back. I was literally
told this on a Twitter space I was on that we have to take that. We have to take that. We have to take
back the cities. And I'm like, I don't, I'm not even 100% sure that human beings are designed to be in
cities. Well, maybe one group, one group of people is designed to be cosmopolitan. Maybe they've
evolved into that. But I mean, I'm, I'm 100% convinced, you know, it's, I've lived in two big cities.
I grew up in New York City. I grew up and I spent a lot of time in Atlanta, over a decade in
Atlanta, been around a lot of black people, a lot of violent black people. You go out to the country
where I live and you meet a black person and usually they're the nicest person. You know, is yes, ma'am,
yes, sir, everything. I think one of the biggest problems they have is they're in the cities. And I think
it's another problem we have. Anyone who's ever been to New York City and walked through New York City
or maybe went in the subway, smile at somebody. Smile at a New Yorker and see what reaction you get.
people go there and they become completely dehumanized.
It's dehumanizing.
You can't do.
We are not designed to be in cities.
And I will fight people over that.
Yeah, well, as Thomas 7.7 has pointed out on this podcast, I think, is that, you know, cities are kind of antiquated in America where, you know, they were originally sort of these mass worker barracks like Detroit, for example.
and that mode of economic organization doesn't exist anymore.
Others will argue, I've seen them argue that, like, well, you have to be in cities because that's where the power is, which I already mentioned.
I'm not even disputing that.
But to me, it's like, do you want power or do you or do you want aristocracy?
You can't really have both at the same time the way the world is currently organized.
You know, I'm in the middle of the nowhere.
You know, you're pretty remote now too.
Plenty people are.
You simply don't need to be in a city anymore to get things done.
and to be honest, America is developed enough at this point where if you do need to go to a city,
it's like two hours drive away at most.
I don't even think there's anywhere in the entire country you could live.
That would put you more than three hours drive from the nearest city of 100,000 or more people.
So, you know, it doesn't, the whole idea that, like, you're going to be living like the Amish or something.
It doesn't make any sense.
Like, look, you have a car and things are developed enough in this country to where you can go to the city if you want.
You don't have to live there.
Now, of course, granted, you know, if you live in the city, you're going to develop these connections.
But like I said, you can have power or you can have, you know, what I'm recommending, you can't have both.
The city, there's simply, it's too degenerate and we don't need to be there.
There's literally no, you don't take over a city by like living in it or something because we're, you know, we don't have the numbers for that.
There's, I don't understand like how we're going to take back the cities.
Just let them rot.
We don't need them.
a lot of American cities don't even have some grand historical value or something like that,
you know, like a place like Paris or Rome, right?
I mean, you know, especially on the West Coast, it's not like there's some deep centuries-long
tradition of, you know, European men living in these places like, you know, some place like San
Francisco, L.A., like it's sad what's happened to these places, but, you know, to hell with them.
We don't need this.
We can do our own thing without it.
I don't get it.
I get it if like your family's been there forever and you have family there and you don't want to leave your family.
Believe me, I get all that.
But I mean, if your goal is to, you know, live a life where you're, it's harder for somebody to reach out and touch you or, you know, you just want to build something that is classic, is something that is more historical.
I think, you know, Thomas talks about living historically.
I think it's a lot easier to live historically, you know, on an acre of land in a little house where you can actually grow food and maybe even have some chickens,
then it is in an apartment that you're renting, you know, in some neighborhood where, you know, if you, if the power goes out for a week, you're screwed, or if Hurricane Sandy comes through, you're,
your food supply is completely cut off.
It just, I'm, I'm not getting the arguments for, for that other than from people who
live in the city and just don't want to leave, don't think that they could get along and
are, you know, just, you know, basically accepted cosmopolitanism.
You know, Thomas says he's a city guy.
He, he, he doesn't want to leave.
You never, you never hear him complaining about the city, though.
Yeah, exactly.
These are people, yeah, these are people, you know, who are like,
man you know it's like we got to take this but you're not taking it back you're not taking it back
the best thing we could do if we had if we had power was to wall it off and let people let them meet each
other yeah i mean if you if you are a city person like i'm not saying everyone has to move out of
the city right if you if you thrive in the city and that's where you want to be you know
that's totally fine you know live wherever you want but the idea that like we need to take back the
cities it's like i'm not taking back cities dude i'm gonna do i'm gonna live where i'm comfortable
where I could feel I can live my life in the appropriate way, right?
So if you're a city person, you know, fair enough.
And, you know, I also had to deal with, you know, it's hard to move.
It's not good, right?
I mean, really, you know, my family, you know, sailed on a boat from France in about 1650, right?
My family's been in New Orleans, Louisiana since 1650, roughly.
and I had to move and that was a hard choice to make.
Most of my family had moved away already, so it was a lot easier.
I still had to leave a lot of friends behind, which made it difficult.
So it's a difficult choice and it's, you know, it sucks to make the choice.
But, you know, it is a choice that's available.
And if you're in a position where you can make that choice, you know, I wouldn't discount it.
You don't, like, lose, you don't somehow become irrelevant by being in rural
America.
Like, we have Starlink and things like that now.
This weird, you know, again, right-wingers tend to have a hard time keeping up, I guess, with the modern world.
And it's gotten to the point where we've actually progressed past the need to even organize ourselves in this classical conception of a city at this point.
Like, you do not, you don't need to be in these places necessarily.
in order to achieve your goals, or at least not all of us do.
Yeah.
I mean, if you want to be there, I mean, have that.
I mean, can you imagine like trying to, like getting a hundred of your friends to move into like a neighborhood in New York City and it's like, okay, we're going to change the politics in New York City?
What?
I mean, what?
What do you talk about? How do you come to the weather underground? You'll start blowing stuff up.
I mean, you can't do it. It's impossible. It's completely captured. I just don't get it.
You know, if you want to live there, don't, you know, don't complain about it. And I won't, yeah, and I'm not going to judge you if you want to, if you want to live there.
But, you know, don't judge me when I'm telling people get the hell out of cities.
Because it's best, you know, it's what's best for you.
I talk to people all the time.
I have people who contact me all the time who live in cities.
And for,
if it,
you know,
maybe it's their spouse or something like that,
they can't,
their job,
their,
this,
that,
and everything.
It's like,
I mean,
I get it.
Just don't complain about it.
You know,
if you're going to complain about it,
at least have a plan to get out.
It took me a good,
like four or five years of planning,
you know,
to get where,
to get where I am.
And some stops and starts.
You know,
some,
Some starts where I was like, all right, I'm out.
I'm back in.
Oh, crap.
All right.
But, I mean, my life is better for it now.
And people can say, well, what are you, you know, what are you doing to change where you live?
Part of the thing is, I don't really have to change anything here.
This is pretty comfortable.
This is, I mean, if you live someplace where you, you know, where the politics,
is insane, the taxes are insane, you know, you're constantly coming under attack for your beliefs.
There are places you can go.
There are already, you will be happy.
You'll be 10 times more aligned with the people around you, and you'll be like,
I don't know, maybe we should be planning ahead because, you know, something could happen.
You know, 10 buses full of Haitians could show up and drop, you know, drop off.
dropping them off in the center of town or something like that.
But there are places you can go right now where you
really won't have a complaint in the world unless you're, you know,
a complete, you're just so,
everything has to be so perfect.
And you're, you know, you're just going to purity test everything around you.
I mean, you can't, you're never going to have perfect.
So, you know, give that up.
Yeah, it's definitely really hard to move as well.
And if you're also, if you're concerned about your future security, well, if that's, you know, you have all these rank order concerns, right?
You have proximity to family and grandparents and friends and that you have security.
I mean, you have to figure out what is your concern.
If you're, I would tell you flat out, if you're, if you're top concern is your security, absolutely get the hell out of the cities.
I mean, these are just dangerous places for any number of reasons at this point.
You know, they're, they're not safe to live in at all.
So if that's your concern, get out of there.
I mean, you know, I do like monthly cost code runs, right?
If I logged off the internet, there could literally be, and I'm not even exaggerating,
there could be a global nuclear apocalypse, and I would not know about it for a month, right?
If I just logged off the internet and had my like monthly, if I had just completed like my monthly,
you know, food run, I wouldn't even notice if there was a global nuclear war that wiped out 90% of the human population,
wouldn't even notice, right?
So that's what you can achieve
You know, it only you know
I don't know took you four or so years
You can achieve that sort of thing if you really want to
It's totally doable
It's a big commitment but you know
You have to kind of figure out what your priorities are
But yeah I think this this whole idea of again
Taking back the cities
It's just a silly idea
You know if you have to figure out
What are your primary concerns?
You know
What does the future look like in this place?
in the city just flat out it doesn't look good in any city anywhere i don't care what city you're in
the future is only down right and maybe maybe you're the kind of person that like just you you just
have to be in the city right i mean i think like you know i mentioned sandbatch earlier he just
loves new orleans right if that's where you have to live no matter like how bad it gets and you
still love it you know fair enough right it's this is sort of a this this question is on an individual by
individual basis and just sort of turning it into like this movement wide question of like do we need
to be in the cities or not it's just totally the wrong way to think about it yeah and you know you ask
what's most important and you mentioned safety and really i think at this point if you are
somebody who thinks big who thinks historically who thinks for the future you know you you understand that
you know, you're planting trees that you'll never enjoy the shade of.
I mean, survival.
Survival is your number one.
And I mean, 2020, we don't know that 2020 Kenosha isn't just the, you know, that was just a,
that was just practice for something to come in the future.
Because I think people look at that and they think, oh, that can never happen again.
No.
That be, I, I, are you kidding?
Are you kidding me?
That cities couldn't burn again, that they wouldn't, especially now where you, where certain groups do not get arrested and the only people who do get in trouble are the people who protect themselves against these groups?
Survival, first and foremost of you, if it's just you, your wife, if it's just two of you, your family, if it's all of you, that should be the most important thing.
and to think that like survival is something that if survival is number one to you and you're in a city
that exit plan should have been you should have been formulating that a long time ago yeah and
there's still plenty of time too i mean one of the things people i don't know one of the things i
see too is like thomas shits on this all the time which is this whole like prepper thing it's
like if you're if you're like one of these preppers and you're living in a city like this is just
retarded. You're not
there's no like prepping your way
out of it. So sort of get rid
of that fantasy out of your head, right? Like if you're
going to live in a city, you need to accept
what the future is going to look like and you need to have
associates or like a way of
carrying yourself and
you know, moving your family around
that's going to work for you. But this
whole idea of like prepping or whatever
that's just some sort of like
weird a delusional fantasy.
Yeah.
I mean, you can have
if you live in the country, you can have storehouses of food, you can be growing food.
Sure, sure, they can drone you.
Do you find it as amusing as I do that like people who, when people who live in cities or
close to cities when you talk about, you know, why don't you move out further and, you know,
start a garden, maybe grow some food, get some chickens, you know, maybe store some stuff up,
do some canning, stuff like that.
they like become obsessed with being droned.
Yeah, it's like, who's going to drone me?
Like, what, what possible situation are we going to be in where like that's a thing?
I guess people are imagining some sort of a civil war, but it's like, if there's a civil war,
it's like, yeah, if you're fighting at it, you're going to get hit by drones like we see in
the Ukraine.
But if I'm just like at home farming, it's like with the U.S. government is just going to
like randomly bomb people who are like farming in the woods who are noncombatants.
Like, it doesn't even make any sense.
It's just it's this weird highly personalized point of view like the government's after me specifically and they're going to like send send like air force units at me specifically to like take me out.
That's just never going to happen.
That's some like bizarre fantasy from watching too many movies or something.
So yeah, you have to get all that stuff out of your head.
I mean, I don't the whole collapse scenario either.
You know, I don't really see the whole Civil War thing.
I don't really see, you know, that might even be less painful.
to live through the sort of, you know, long, long struggle we have to go through, you know,
be it material or spiritual.
Like it's going to be a tough century for whoever is, you know, living to the 2100s.
But it's not going to be like, I don't, you know, I don't think there's going to be like hunter killer drones from the government, like trying to hunt you down in the woods or something.
Like, what scenario would that happen?
And it doesn't make any sense.
they just they don't care about you enough like they don't care about you enough to even bother with that
you know yeah they'll just bring up brandy weaver or waco and stuff like that and it's like look
if i mean if you think you're that special okay i mean you're you think you're a special boy
and you know that they're gonna they're gonna come for you sure it's happened in the past
but it's the exception not the rule yeah i mean the reason we talk about that
is because it's so, it happens so rarely that something like that happens.
Yeah, sure, there are swat raids, things like that, yada, yada.
You know where there aren't swat raids?
At where I live, there's no swat raids out here.
It's like you, if basically the police out here, if they think, if the police out here, like,
got a call, like, to swat, like, someone was trying to swat you.
or something like that, they're gonna, they'll call you first. They'll call you. I live in a town where
the, where I tell them that I'm waiting for something in the post office and people in the
post office call me. Hey, it came in. You're not going to get that in a city. You're not going to get that
in a suburb. Okay. I mean, it's just, I don't know how people just, you know, people want to
live, people want to talk about high trust, want to live in a high trust society, a lot of
them already exist.
Go find one.
That's my message.
I mean, go find one.
They're here.
Yeah, definitely.
I mean, where I live, people won't even like lock their doors necessarily.
You know, I do, so don't try anything because you'll get blown away.
But, you know, that's the kind of place it is, right?
It's like there's zero chance of anyone doing crime to other community members.
It simply won't happen.
Yeah.
All right.
Well, let's wrap this up.
What do you got to plug?
Well, I mean, I guess we should definitely be plugging the event.
What do we have like four or five rooms left for the event?
Yeah.
We actually do only have four rooms left, which can accommodate up to eight people, you know,
depending on whether people buy the single or double tickets.
So, you know, it's by the time you even hear the podcast, they could have all been purchased already.
So if you still want to come to the conference, you know, you can check it out at the old glory club.com slash tickets.
And you have your list of speakers there, notably, you know, Jeff Dice and Aaron McIntyre and John Doyle, as well as numerous other people.
You know, we're going to have a blast there.
So definitely, you know, come to that.
For me, I've just got, you know, my substack is mainly where I produce stuff right now.
which is charlemaine.slipstack.com or neoreactor as I call it right now I'm actually doing some deep
research on the Suez crisis I have like seven read books or something like that on on suez that I'm
interrogating and I'm gonna publish my next book review on on several of those and I don't know
maybe two weeks or more because I'm a little slow on them with the you know with everything going on and also with preparing for my speech right but that'll be coming
out and that's a little different from what I've been doing. But yeah, that's my plugs.
All right, Charlie. Thank you. Until the next time.
