The Pete Quiñones Show - Episode 1078: The Baader–Meinhof Gang (Rote Armee Fraktion) - Part 3 - The Finale - w/ Thomas777
Episode Date: July 11, 202451 MinutesPG -13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.Thomas concludes a series in which he seeks to put into context the intention and activities of the Red Army Faction/Baader–...Meinhof Group. In this episode he discusses Horst Mahler and the remaining actions of the Baader-Meinhoff Gang.Thomas' SubstackThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'VIP Summit 3-Truth To Freedom - Autonomy w/ Richard GroveSupport Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
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I want to welcome everyone back to the Pete Cignonas show. Thomas is here.
and got to wrap up the
road army fraction, huh?
Yeah, that's what I was thinking.
All right, well, where are we going with this?
I wanted to drop a little bit of biographical information
about Horstamauer because I think he's kind of the key
to understanding, not just kind of like the post-war ideological culture
in divided Germany,
but he's sort of the key to understanding the German right as it exists today.
and
I'm very
I support alternative
for Deutschland
entirely
I think they're doing
great things
I'm not like putting shade
on them
but the fact is
if they continue
to gain ground
they're just gonna
they're just gonna be banned
okay
like any
any truly like
right wing tenancy
in the Bundes Republic
just
just gets unceremoniously banned
okay
so considering that
there was
there's a radical
just kind of intrinsic to any
to any kind of like right wing
tenancy
you know
during the Cold War as well as today
but during the Cold War
you know whether you were on the right of the left
there was there was situations
in places like Italy and to a lesser degree in France
where like a true like hard
right was tolerated
some of that owed
Operation
Gladiot type intrigues
which is a whole like other
topic that, you know, we could devote three episodes to. Part of that I go to the fact that some of these
EU states, what became EU states, I mean, then it was just, you know, the EC adjacent countries,
you know, they had to tread somewhat lightly. Like, you didn't want to come down too hard
on anti-communist elements, you know, lest you kind of offer the appearance of ingress of
of enemy dialectics
into
into the political discussion.
West Germany was in a strange
position. You know, like we talked
in the first episode, I think, about
why
Andres Bader
especially,
but
Elytie Meinhov
and some of the other
kind of core personality
of the first
Root Army fraction were so fixated
on Vietnam.
It's not just because
this was the
television era when
for the first time
the civilized world
was truly kind of plugged in
to like a common
visual experience.
But the Bundes Republic
it really was this like
occupied, you know,
client state of America
in a way that no other country was.
Like not even
Japan was, only the kind of the
cultural barriers there.
So,
you know, and when you consider
too that the Bundes Republic was literally
like the front line of the
Cold War, and
it was clear that
they were basically
going to absorb the
brunt of Warsaw Pact
assault, including nuclear weapons,
you know, if and when war came,
and in those days it seemed very
probable that war would arrive.
Like,
This is why, like, Vietnam was so much on their mind, okay?
Like, they weren't, they weren't just being, like, virtue signaling fools or something,
or they weren't just trying to score points with, you know, kind of the, um,
the international peace movement.
Like, they weren't on that tip at all, like, especially the road dummy fraction types.
They had almost, like, Sorrelian sort of enthusiasm for violence.
Okay, so that's important to understand.
Um, and secondly, you know, I, I'm not saying this to repeat myself for its own sake, but
the degree to which, um, any sort of radical or revolutionary or dynamic tendency,
especially, you know, in, among young people and youth cultures, you know, things like that,
tendencies like that, they're always kind of confined to, uh,
the zeitgeist, okay, and the spirit of the age, all right?
So it wasn't just that, it wasn't even that people, you know,
I mean, academic types would think this way, but it's not like,
it's not like guys and girls like prone to,
prone to radical direct action. It's not even like they were thinking like,
oh, you know, national socialism and fascism was a disaster and it's evil.
So we, we've got some moral obligation to kind of take up the red banner.
Yeah, there were some people who thought that way, but by and large, the only really conceivable modality of revolt or revolutionary activity was either, you know, Marxist, Leninist, or adjacent to that.
You know, like the degree to which, you know, an above board, if, you know, very much outside the law, you know, guerrilla tenancy.
Like, it wasn't really conceivable for such a tendency on the right to emerge, okay?
It just wasn't.
You know, I can't emphasize that enough.
You know, I realize I'm, I realize I'm very much a Hegelian and some people disagree with that.
But I, but, you know, examples of this phenomenon are a legion, you know, not just in the Buddhist Republic of the Cold War.
But obviously, that's kind of the most striking.
pure like example of that.
And I come back to the person as of course
to Mahler again and again. I think he's an interesting
guy, but he's kind of
like the distilled essence of that
tendency.
It
in Maler's background, he was older than
his comrades.
He was born in 1936.
In
Salacio.
His father had been
a dentist and a dedicated national socialist.
He attended the Free University of Berlin,
and then he immediately joined a Thuringia Association,
which was an old school right-wing student fraternity.
You know, this is a kind of fraternity that guys like Caldrunner joined.
Okay, you know, but then immediately after graduation,
he um you know in his grad student
immediately after taking is you know
with the equivalent of his undergrad degree
he joined the member he joined the socialist student body
you know and he started participating in these protests
against you know nuclear weapons being based in
in the boonis republic you know now this led some people
to say like oh he was he was some sort of intelligent spook
I don't think that's the case at all and there's not really any evidence
to that. Like what Maller was doing was, you know, like I said, it's my belief the guy was always a
national socialist. He was looking at like what's possible, you know, within the political
culture that he was situated. Okay. And everybody on the real right wing in the, in the
Bundes Republic, you know, whether you're talking about Otto Riemer,
Or whether you're talking about Hans Rudel, you know, or any of these, or any of these guys who constituted the early, you know, like Socialist Reich Party, Socialist Reich Party, which became like the NPD later.
Like these guys all favored, like a demilitarized Germany for obvious reasons. Okay. You know, not just because that would spare Germany from destruction and event of, of war between the United States and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, you know,
Warsaw Pact, but also it would liberate the political culture from
from from these confiding parameters. You know, and as I'm sure people know, you know,
Stalin, the famous Stalin memo, which, you know, the American State Department
wouldn't even entertain, you know, Stalin proposed a totally demilitarized
Germany, you know, that, and a constitution that guaranteed, you know, absolute neutrality.
But of course, that would have allowed, if not facilitated, you know, complex interdependence
with the Soviet Union, you know, and the position has always been of the American regime,
that that's got to be prevented at all costs.
I mean, look at that that's in large part
what underlies like this, this war against Russia
with Ukraine as a proxy.
I mean, look at, look at the terrorist attack
on European energy infrastructure
and, you know, the destruction of the Nord Stream pipeline.
Okay, so I don't think,
I think if one understands kind of the variables
and the ideological tendencies
that, you know, underlie what one's
priorities are if they are a
national socialist
or any kind of
right-wing partisan in the Buddhist Republic
then is now. I think Mahler's
trajectory
is that conspiratorial.
In 1963,
Mahler, he
took his law degree.
He set up a legal practice in Berlin.
And his
specialty
was basically industrial
and labor law.
you know um and he was he was very successful with that okay it's um and he he continued to immerse himself
um and kind of student radicalism obviously because he was older now and a professional man
like in sort of like a sponsorship and mentoring capacity you know he began providing like legal
advice to a lot of these people um you know providing them funding that a lot of them desperately
needed because, you know, these these guys of NGOs, I mean, not just student organizations,
but any kind of NGOs, particularly in those days, that weren't adjacent, um, the bond
regime were, you know, always like start of cash and, um, and things of this sort. I mean,
that was, uh, you know, this was a consistent, um, activity that he was, uh, that he was immersed in.
And when we last left off,
and we were talking about how
the core of
the road army fraction,
you know, they ended up, after
after, uh,
Andreas Bader was sprung from jail,
you know,
uh, they,
they ended up, um,
they ended up traveling to the Middle East, you know,
through,
by way of East Berlin and, um,
you know,
owing to their contact on the ground,
Said who'd been a,
who was the son of a
of a political science professor of some prestige.
You know,
like I said, like it's never been clear exactly
kind of like what Saeed's, like a resume is,
but he's been harassed by security forces
for decades. I believe he's still alive,
but
I believe that Horstamaller
like facilitated these
these sort of
contacts, okay?
And in those days, in those days, Fata was the dominant element of the PLO.
It's an imperfect analogy, but the PLO is a war.
I mean, they fought a war with each other about a decade ago.
But it was always a tense alliance between Hamas and Fata.
And Fata traditionally was a secularist.
you know, Marxist-Leninist-adjacent, non-state actor.
An imperfect analogy would be what became combined loyalist military command in Northern Ireland
between the UVF and the UDAUFF, okay?
But in those days, you know, Fata was definitely, like, the dominant element.
And their competitor was the popular.
Front for Liberation of Palestine,
which had been founded by
a Greek Orthodox Christian.
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the PFLP enjoyed a lot of support from the East Block and their tactical and strategic orientation were both how much oriented towards a global kind of military politic what I mean by that is they were very very active in Africa they were very very active in Europe you know they were very very active uh
in Indonesia for a time
you know
they're
they said that you know we've got a
we we've got to treat us as an
international struggle you know yes
the liberation of Palestine
obviously first and foremost is
you know it's got to be our
the kind of
of our
of our
military activity
but this has to be international and character
you know
and for those to remember,
those were students of Cold War history,
the bombing of the discotheque in West Berlin
that killed three American soldiers
and wounded a few dozen people,
you know, the LaBelle discotheque,
which was a known hangout for U.S. occupation forces.
There's the popular front for liberation
at Palestine General Command that pulled that off.
you know, very much hand in glove
with the Stasi.
Okay, but
Fata, PLO,
you know, they felt
they felt like they
had something to prove in this regard, okay?
They felt comparatively, like, very
provincial. You know, they felt like
they were kind of like losing the
propaganda battle
in the court of world opinion,
okay? So the guy, like,
I'm speculating here, but I think the facts
if one kind of reads me in the lines,
the man like Horstamaller
who by this time again he wasn't the kid
he was in his 30s
you know he was a he was a well-off attorney
you know with a
with a law practice in Berlin
I believe he spoke a few languages
you know him approaching
Fata and saying
you know I have these like young people
and they're very much committed to the revolution
and you know they
they want to learn
basically
they basically want to learn
like guerrilla warfare from you.
I think that would have been like very appealing to them.
You know.
Now this first
iteration of the Rottermy fraction, like as we've talked about it, had many
problems.
Bader himself,
Andre's Bader, I think, was something of a
crazy person. He was a
he was a
thrill seeker.
He was probably a
psychopath.
you know,
Gundraud and Slin
I think was actually very committed
and, you know,
men and women are different what we've talked about,
but female revolutionaries are important.
They serve an important role.
And people shouldn't be down on them
because many of them are very, very, very committed.
Okay, like, it's not, like, women aren't weaker than men.
Like, I mean, physically, obviously,
there's, you know, a disparity there.
But I think Gondren,
Encelain, especially going to her kind of pite his background, was, uh, was, was probably kind of like the most stable of, of that coterie. Um, oh, Riki, mine off, um, was kind of, uh, was kind of a cliche, you know, like, uh, middle class lady who, you know, you know, kind of was easily misled.
I believe, you know, this was not the best mentioned material around which to build a revolutionary coterie.
And later that changed, later iterations of the Root Army fraction, were incredibly effective.
And like, as we've talked about, and we'll talk about some more, I, by that, by the 1980s, the third iteration of the RAF had become very much like an implement of the Steyer.
you know they were the kind of ops they were pulling off then was they were trying to murder Alexander
Hague and things like this okay like this you're talking about an entirely caliber of
people and an entirely an entirely more ambitious operational sensibility but um when
the road army fraction arrived um in jordan uh horse
Horstumaller was already there.
And their hosts,
their PLO hosts
were originally pretty suspicious of them.
Like, not because they thought that they might be ops
who were, you know, they're
as double agents or something, but they just weren't convinced
they were serious.
So initially,
they kind of treated them like they were
tourists, you know,
basically, you know, took them around and kind of filled them with,
with political propaganda about, you know, Israeli atrocities, which were true.
I mean, they weren't, you know, this wasn't being confagulated.
You know, they'd take them to their rifle range and things like this.
They'd, you know, they'd let them sit in on classes about, you know,
where they did study things like, you know, Mao's, a red book.
this soon caused a fair amount of hostility,
but when
Bader insisted on being treated
like any other
revolutionary cadre,
he started
he kind of started showing his
bourgeoisie colors.
Like, um,
he, uh,
he started, he refused to wear
BDUs and caps
you know he'd wear like
he'd wear like civilian pants
like jeans or like the kinds of like
velvet trousers that like hipster types
like in those days war
like even during like training maneuvers
you know
so you got this guy like
you know wriggling under barbed wire
um
like on the training ground like
you know wearing his like designer jeans
and stuff
um
the um
as I think I mentioned before
the
the
the fatta had no
um
they had no problem with
uh
they had no problem with like training women to fight
you know because they had to
you know in any revolutionary
circumstance
that's uh
essential
anyway
but um
you know they
obviously like sleeping quarters and stuff
were segregated as were
facilities and um
Bader and um
Meinhauf like refused
to accept this you know they
presented under the auspices of
you know
equality between the sexes
but you know
like for context
a lot of these young
a lot of these young
Arab fighters
you know were like little more than kids
like they never even seen like a naked woman before
You can imagine how disruptive this was.
And this
almost led to the
Camp Commandant, who was an Algerian.
You know, almost
the, almost
them, you know, like banning them from the
camp and, you know,
putting them on a plane back to
Berlin.
But Mahler was,
was able to, um,
kind of like finesse things, at least in the short term.
And like, apparently one of the,
uh, one of the student types who, um,
in the world term refraction, it brought along as a recruit,
um, like, uh,
asked why there was no Coca-Cola machines, like, in camp,
like, you know, like these people were completely,
completely, uh, disengaged from reality.
So this was not,
I, I emphasized this because, like,
was not like an auspicious start to the road downy fraction.
It's important to consider that because, like, again, a lot of what you'll read, particularly
in the era, I mean, really from the 80s, from like later Cold War, when the IRA, when
the third iteration of it was still active, like, we'll talk about it as if it was this
Stasi
the kind of squad of
terrorists that
you know from inception was
a sort of highly effective
you know
cadre element like it's not the case at all
it was a very spontaneous
development
it was very much an organic
development
of the
kind of Berliner
like student culture
like the fact that
the Stasi and in my opinion, specifically Marcus Wolf was able to, um, was able to, uh...
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You know, kind of molded into something highly effective is a credit to Stasi operational sophistication,
as well as, you know, the kind of like learning curve that emerged as these kind of asymmetrical conflicts,
of which, you know, like Vietnam, I mean, Vietnam was many things.
including like a very, very much a conventional war, but there was also an asymmetrical aspect to it.
But as these kinds of conflicts, you know, sort of jumped off in earnest, you know, people with partisan leaning,
became kind of like more and more habituated to the reality of these things.
But this, this was very early on in that kind of conflict cycle.
you know
and these
these Palestinians
I mean for years
you know they'd been
they'd been living on canned meat
you know like military rations
um
you know
stuff from
like canned
canned goods from
United Nations
relief organizations
you know they
uh
they uh
they you know
like
like fresh meat was
and um
and vegetables
and
fruit was, I mean, like,
a, you know, it was a luxury to them.
You know, so, I mean, this
spread a fair amount of resentment, too.
And there was a, uh, there's an anecdote of, uh,
apparently, uh,
O'Reaky Meinhoff, um,
on, uh, on the firing range.
Um, an instructor, uh,
handed her, uh, a Soviet grenade,
which were like, unlike the old Vermach potato masher grenades,
these are the ones that they look kind of egg-like,
you know, and you don't screw the cap to free up the ring,
you know, and then like you'd pull the ring to pull the pin.
So finally instructor showed Ulrichi how to like, you know,
to be the cap, you know, to liberate the ring.
And then she pulled it and, like, held it as, like, the grenade band of hairs and they asked, like, what do I do now?
And, uh, so I'm just going to throw it, throw it.
So, really, like, ran for cover.
But, um, you know, this is the kind of stuff, uh,
this is the kind of stuff they were dealing with, um, the Palestinians, I mean, like, uh,
kind of a, kind of a crazy man.
Um,
and the person of
of Bader and
most of the others
a lot of
a lot of balls
and no common sense
whatsoever
I do
but it would however
something that did do I think those
who
including
Andre's Bader himself
the experience in Jordan
none of these
none of these people
except
Ulrichi
Minov had been a little kid
during the war years
and so
had Mahler
although Mahler was obviously
as you know
we just discussed
had kind of a more sophisticated
sensibility in all kinds of ways
but the rest of them
had no experience of war
or combat
um
the
uh
and in this
in this
Fetian camp where they were training
um
you know
Israeli bombers were regularly
circled the sky
um
Jordanian troops were
uh
had established the main line of resistance
only a few kilometers away from the camp
um
everybody was
issued live ammunition at all times
because at any time you know
the IDF could assault
you know so whatever
however however
cringe some of these antics might have been
um
it did uh
it did prepare
these people for
for real combat situations
you know in a way that
ordinary
training could not
um
and I think that that
is significant too because
uh
this
uh
this this this
this training um
Lark is a lot of court historians write about it.
It was just a sort of like fiasco and kind of like comedy of errors.
But, you know, I disagree, man.
Like, yeah, there was that aspect of it.
But, yeah, if you situate anybody in a combat zone like that, you know,
while they're undergoing an intense kind of regiment of, you know,
it's only just like very basic, you know, kind of like imagery skills and things and, like,
you know, how to read a map and a compass.
and, you know, how to keep your clashedick off clean and how to, you know, how to load it,
and how to, you know, use iron sights and things, you know, that, um,
learning these practical skills when you're quite literally in a combat zone,
um, even if you're not taking hostile fire every day or something.
And I, I, I think that that,
I think that confers a certain, um, benefit that,
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But also too, because Palestine was very much, it wasn't just the front line of the Arab and Islamic struggle against Israel.
But the Algerian war was still friends.
still fresh in everybody's mind and it was still underway in some ways.
You know, the, there was a certain prestige factor to, to making contact with the camp commandant
and other personages around him, like Abu Hassan, who the Palestinians were on very good
terms with and you know the fact that um the fact that um these raf recruits and a particular
horse to maillers again like i said he was he was and is basically a political animal you know um
the generated enduring um um channels and communication you know and like i said i
Von Von Wiener's as well as some other third-right personages,
who quite literally during the Cold War joined the Arab camp.
You know, Von Leer himself, he converted to Islam,
took the name Omar Amin, served in the court of Nasser.
You know, he viewed Islam as the dialectical antithesis of Judaism,
and thus, you know, the perfect sort of principle, like, rallying principle in order to defeat, in order to defeat what he perceived as a then-triumphant Jewish dialectic in the zeitgeist.
Okay.
I'm not saying that, like, Maller was, you know, was thinking these sorts of things like, Von Wiener.
years was, but instinctively, I think that he very much was within that, um, you know, like engaged
in that paradigm psychologically. So I said it was to the, uh, really kind of the, the zenith
of, uh, of, um, for the first, uh, the first iteration of the RIAF was the hijacking of Lufth
flight
181.
This was after
most of the key personages
of the Root Army fraction,
the Bader Meinhaw Federation of it,
had been killed or captured,
you know, arrested.
The
security elements
of the
Bundes Republic had gotten a tremendous
um
boom.
Um,
owing to, you know, these terrorist activities that were underway.
And specifically, you know, the Munich situation in 1972,
where the Israeli athletes were slaughtered.
But Leufthansa Flight 181 on October 13th, 1977.
In the summer of 77,
and colloquially
became known as the German autumn
owing to an epidemic of political violence
and this is considered to be kind of one of the most
one of the most brazen
instances of it
for
operators from the popular front of liberation
of Palestine
hijacked
Livedons of Flight 181.
And
their specific
objective
was to secure the release
of the imprisoned
Root Army faction.
Okay.
And again, I
this is what I was getting at
when I
was talking about
Horstamaller.
And what I believe is, is
you know,
rather profound ability to index
with other revolutionary elements.
And like we talked about before,
the Popular Front for Liberation of Palestine,
part of their whole grand strategy
was to demonstrate an ability to project power globally.
You know, and this endured
until the end of the Cold War.
Interestingly, the Popular Fronts Liberation of Palestine
still exists.
I don't know to what to guess.
agree, they still abide a Marxist-Leninist program, but they fought on the side of Assad against ISIS.
And I believe that they're active in the Yemen Civil War.
And there's a militia also under arms in Yemen.
that calls itself
something like the
the armed grouping of
South Yemen or something like that.
Now South Yemen
was a course
was a Soviet client state.
It no longer exists, but it was the only
Marxist-Leninist Arab state.
So it was kind of like a feather in the cap of Warsaw Pact.
But I speculated very strongly
that the sudden emergence of these
guys like fighting under the
banner of South Yemen
and clicking up with the PFLP
they are very much
in a Russian patronage. I think that
should be clear. I find that kind of fascinating.
But
be as it may
there's this
spectacular
raid
to free
the hostages
on flight
Loofedons of Flight 181
The plane ultimately landed in Mogadishu, Somalia
and the Somali Army
They provided a distraction
They detonated this ordinance
On the runway
In front of the nose of the aircraft
So the hijackers rushed to the front
the sea was underway and then
these these commandos
from GSG 9 you know which is
the
Bundesfez
like special operations element
and these British SAS guys
you know they've been
they've been blew open
um the passenger door
um
and uh
and um
and took out the terrorists
but um
it's
pretty much immediately
after
like after the
like I'm talking like you know
days after the
the incident
the
a bunch of the imprisoned
REF members
died
supposedly by suicide
including
Andre's Bader
Goudroon
Inslin
John Carl Rasp
and
Ingrid Moller
who
supposedly attempted suicide
but survived her injuries
but
the claim of Maller
as well as others was that
you know these
these people were murdered by
the guards
and
it was in the
immediate aftermath, Helmut Schmidt, who was the consular of the Buddhist Republic.
He was hailed as a hero in the Western world for his decision to storm the aircraft and
refused to negotiate.
And, you know, he...
And interestingly, West Germany and Somalia, like, became very tight after this, like,
going to their operational integration
militarily.
And obviously, like Somalia,
you know, having a substantial
Muslim population,
this was like good PR, but
it, it was believed
again by people
like Korsmaller and others.
Like some sympathetic
to the Ruth Army fraction, some not
that, you know,
that
you know, Schmit's
people like had
had these
road to army fraction prisoners murdered as part
of their, you know, basically they're saying like,
look, like you're not, no
nobody's going to, nobody's going to
hijack our planes and hurt our people like to try
and, you know, spring motherfuckers like this.
We're just going to, we're just not,
we're going to kill them.
I think that's, I mean,
that's, that kind of thing probably seems like
unthinkable today, not because of brutality or
something, but, I mean, within the Cold War,
the context stuff.
but I mean it was um
like certain things
like certain things were acceptable
um but they just like weren't discussed
you know there was kind of like a hush-hush wink wink like aspect to it
and I think that's I think that's
I think that's pretty clearly what happened also too it's
you know the um
something that would would change to in the later iterations
of the butter of the road
Army fraction.
First of all, they became very adept at,
at striking, you know,
like prestige targets, you know,
like businessmen, industrialists,
bank presidents.
You know, like I said, what was going to be kind of like
the feather in the cap, I, I,
I'm not trying to be crass by,
you know, discussing
an attempted homicide and flipping terms.
But, um, kind of like their big,
uh, their big coup was
going to be, you know, blowing up
General L. Hague
when he was
Supreme Commander of NATO,
it,
uh,
like, your operational
focus very much
shifted towards,
you know,
kind of proceeding as
the vanguard of an occupied
country. And that was
very different than what
the Bader-Mindhoff Federation
of the Roald Army fraction was
doing.
Not only was the initial
organization
kind of scattershot on their priorities,
but they were very much trying to index
with
kind of like the global
proletarian revolution liberation movement,
you know. And like I said,
I, Horace de Maller
had an outsized impact
on
the strategic and operational
priorities and him
kind of viewing Israel as like the primary adversary
of a revolutionary German armed grouping
made perfect sense
but the fact that later
you know the legacy
what was the self an unfight like legacy
organizations or success organizations
you know their targets became you know
the economic
like the high financial
economic infrastructure, the Buddhist Republic
and NATO.
You know, I mean, and that's very
I think that very much indexes
with an understanding of
them being, you know,
a DDR client
regime. Like the Stasi's
notion always
was, and this was proper if your
ambition
is to discredit
the Bundes Republic
was to
you know
for its last and always
portray the bond regime
as this
militaristic
like an American client regime
that had no real legitimacy
and had no
um real support from the body
politic you know
and that um
in and of it, like the, whose existence itself preserved, you know, an elevated state of, uh, arousal, for lack of a better term, of armed forces in theater, because its very existence was dangerously provocative, you know, um, and don't get me wrong. Like, Warsaw-Pag definitely was at war with Israel.
They were literally actively at war with Israel.
But, you know, a West German non-state actor element that Warsaw Pact was aiding and abetting and, you know, providing operational priorities to
the way
like it makes perfect sense
that you know their
their targets would be
NATO officers
and um
and um
and um
and key personages in
the West German
infrastructure
um
we can uh
that's about all I got
on like the Bader Meinhof
iteration we can get into the
subsequent
um
manifestations
of this phenomenon
if you want to, or if you want
to change direction and get in a different topic,
we can come back to it, but it's
a huge topic.
I've got, like, I'm powering my way through
and refresh my recollection.
Like, these two
volumes on, like, the entire history
R.EF, and it felt like halfway
through.
But I don't,
I don't want to spend too much time on one
discrete topic, though I will
you want to but that's um something we can come back to if we have a uh a one-off episode we want
to do we're already doing that one we're already planning a one-off episode coming up later this
week um and then i figure we just probably after that just start on a new topic yeah no that's great
and yeah also as we get into um yeah when it was when it's topically appropriate um
like to get into like evil archer era cold war
I'll come back to it but
I don't want people
I mean people are free to criticize me like whoever they want
but I mean like I don't want people thinking like okay what the hell
like you didn't you know you're only covering you know like basically like one
third of the subject it's like
um and it's not because I'm like lacking or because I don't realize
that there's like a lot more to cover and also I think for
at least for our purposes
For my purposes, rather, like I said, I think the person of Horace Mahler is very important.
And he's presented as some kind of crank or some kind of opportunist or some people accuse him of being, you know, some sort of intelligence agents who, you know, simply took on the role of a term coat because, you know, his agency's ops became, you know, like neo-Nazis in lieu of communists.
that's that's complete nonsense um and i don't i don't see how people the man that k is going to
the man went to prison for like five years you know for um for uh quote unquote holocaust denial
but yeah i hope uh i hope people this series is been getting a lot of praise and i'm very
honored and humbled by that i i hope people uh continue to get a lot out of this um series
with this episode.
So I'm very, I'm very fortunate
you're willing to invite me on
to cover these topics, man.
And I want to thank everybody
very much for their kind
words and constructive feedback.
Of course.
Do quick plugs and we'll get out of here.
Yes, sir. Oh, yeah, too. We got, we also
got to get back to our Mystery Science
Fear 3,000 series. Yeah,
we'll do that next week. Yeah, man.
The best place to find,
like the kind of the one-stop
site for like all my content
is my website. It's Thomas 777.com.
Number 7-HMS-777.com. You can find
everything there.
My substack, that's where I do
long form stuff. That's where the podcast is at.
It's real Thomas-777.7.com.
You can find me on X, formerly Twitter.
um at a real capital r e a l underscore number seven h m as 7777 um i'm on a t gram it's a mind phaser is my tgram it's named after the pod but if you just if you just look for thomas seven seven seven seven seven and tgram like you'll find it um i'm not i'm i i'm active on there every couple days i'm not super active because i'm
not a big fan of tgram back in the days when i like literally could not like get a social media
account without it being nuked in minutes i relied heavily on it but i am on there um
and yeah that's on instagram and yeah see can each you'll find all right thomas until the next time
thank you
