The Pete Quiñones Show - Episode 1087: Operation Gladio - Part 1 - Introduction - w/ Thomas777
Episode Date: August 1, 2024104 MinutesPG -13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.Thomas begins a series explaining the NATO project known as Operation Gladio.Thomas' SubstackThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Boo...k "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
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I want to welcome everyone back to the Pekignano show.
How you doing, Thomas?
Doing well, man.
Thanks for hosting me, as always.
Of course.
I'm going to start something new here.
Don't really know, have an idea of how many episodes you have in mind for this,
but this is a pretty big topic and a requested topic.
So Operation Gladio.
Yeah, I suggest we play it by ear, figuratively and literally,
and see how long it takes us to cover the material
and not just what we consider a more than adequate capacity,
but that the subs like want to hear about.
Gladio is one of these misunderstood things.
You know, there's a great deal of brutality
of a particular sort.
I mean, the Cold War,
the Cold War was in condition of neither war nor peace.
So even behind the verbal lines of peace
in divided Europe,
you know, there was a certain callousness
that bled into
contemplation of what was not just necessary
but also reasonable.
You know, the
moral
uh
metric
shifted okay
I mean obviously in
in Southeast
Asia
what was very much late bear was that
you know okay
the face of modern warfare
very much reduces
attrition
to a
um
to
to a you know to
a subjective goal
you know, that must be
coded in the most
concrete terms possible
and studied as to
you know, the
impactfulness on
victory odds
you know that quite literally the manufacturer
of human corpses
facilitates or does
not facilitate. But again, too,
you know, there were
like peace didn't really rain
anywhere in the Cold War.
that was a contested battle space and obviously Europe proper you know the the
inter-german border west you know thank God that didn't become an active battle
space but I'm always citing like William Odom anyone who served anyone was
deployed there you know on either side
would relay that like these were not a peace condition that felt like being at war.
You know, it was not remotely like any other, you know, peace time posting.
And people look at something like Operation Gladio, they, it's a gross affront, I guess, you know, not just to their, not just that they're, they're kind of like moral, conceptual horizon.
Just in absolute terms.
but the idea that
this kind of thing will be carried out in our conditions
of peace is just like abominable to
abominable to them
and interestingly
it's lumped in with
the Phoenix program
which obviously did
what obviously was like
a you know
a MagVSog
operation
and MacVSog
was very adjacent CIA in those days
it was a
Mac we saw again and US civilian intelligence operation, you know, they constituted, you know, direct action, um, targeting of discrete personages who constituted the NLF infrastructure, you know, because of your fighting a non-state actor, obviously the human beings are the infrastructure of your ops, okay? But, you know, people discussed it, uh, during, obviously the, the, you know, people discussed it, uh, during, obviously the, the, the, um, the, you know, the, um,
the uh the gates committee hearings
they kind of gilded the CIA and people talk about it today
um
like oh this what what horrible overreach
it's it's unbelievable America and Americans could do something like this
which is really kind of preposterous man because that
by definition you know not just an asymmetrical war
but an ideological war in a Cold War
battle space you know whereby on
of everything else you know there's this kind of profound difference between
combatants you know culturally racially you know every other way okay I mean
if you come as no surprise anybody and I don't want to go too far afield but yes there
were instances of corruption within the Phoenix program you know some some army
the army of the Republic of Vietnam, like intelligence officer, like, got mad at some guy, like, carrying out with his wife, and this guy ended up on the list, and ended up getting whacked, and that's horrible, and it's indefensible.
But in absolute terms, you know, presuming a basic integrity of the officers and NCOs involved, and I believe it wasn't, exclusively officers and NCOs, and particularly in those days of special forces, that was a pretty rigidly maintained.
scheme
you know
um
had it been
where it was implemented
as intended
not only was it highly
effective in my opinion but
it was far far
far more justifiable
and moral terms
you know then deploying
arc light raids you know that dropped
500 pound bombs on
you know on
on women kids and old people
you know the middle of a
Bryce Patty. But
you know
so when people talk
about Gladio
as if they're discussing, you know,
something like a real life horror film,
you should look at it in those terms that is to have for
mentioned, you know, and
or you consider the same thing as people do
who suggest to like the Penachet regime, like
the distilled essence of evil.
It's become this kind of bogey man,
this conceptual bogey man
for whatever reason. I speculate
there's some seminal text, whether it's by Howard Zand or Chomsky, and I realize Chomsky's done some worthwhile things, but I think even his most ardent defenders, at least, you know, who are tuned into your content, would agree with me that, you know, his, his objectivity was compromised by these deeply, I argue, almost theologically felt conceptual bias.
but there's a number of things going on with Guadio, okay?
First of all, the Cold War was a totally abnormal conflict.
You know, I'm always making the point again and again.
One of the reasons it's completely foolhardy, you know, whether it's Lindsay Graham or whether it's, you know, the kind of pitiable, you know, soon to be former president of Biden.
Talking about, like, you know, Putin, not Russia, Putin, like, he's not going to start.
stopping Ukraine, he's gonna attack Poland.
Like this,
like this idea that
states, you know, like madman
just kind of somehow by accent of fate
or by
guile and ruthlessness,
you know, capture apparatus of space
and proceed to, like, capture land.
Like somehow, like, the more, like,
if you collect enough fertile women in soil,
they can grow, like, sorghum or something,
like you win.
Like, I even know what their notion is,
but even,
that was obsolescent
really even by
the Second World War
save for the fact of
the need of
for Germany or Japan
or one of the
disadvantaged con badens
when I say disadvantaged
I mean vis-vis their power potential to
you know become a true superpower
you know yes
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...is the basis of political and military challenges,
which becomes synonymous in discrete and totally unusual ways under such conditions,
but also like Laban's Rom, even if you to wholly reject outright,
you know, the kind of national socialist view of Blute and Ross and everything else.
I mean, that, that's, there were, that was, um, the 20th century was, uh, you know, essentially it was, um, it was the grand clash of, uh, it was the grand clash of civilizations to determine, like, what globalism would be, okay?
So, once the Cold War said it in earnest, you know, your, you're, you were fighting your ops because they'd become the same.
standard bearers of an idea.
And America was always kind of returning the serve to the communists
because that, both that conceptual environment,
as well as, you know, what military imperatives were prioritized within that paradigm,
you know, that, it was the, it was the, it was the, it was the, it was the, it was the, it was the, it was the, it was the, it was the, it was the, it was the, and they were adjacent.
elements, you know, who are the ones
pursuing a revolutionary
imperative.
So, I mean, that was the problem.
And that was one of George Kennan's points,
you know, in the long memo
or whatever. You, it's not that, you know, we've got to
challenge the Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact for every inch of
ground. It's that we've got to put itself in a position. We're not
simply reacting and returning the serve.
You know,
now, how do you do that?
If, again, your
ops are the standard
bearers of an idea,
you know,
and really your victory metric to accomplish
global domination,
destroy all competing ideologies,
you know, assimilate people
into this world society.
essentially you know that was envisioned by the Nuremberg you know ideology but you
know obviously the Soviet Union was the Concord of the United States the
Soviet Union had totally fallen apart so any future victory scenario would
entail the United States basically inheriting the mantle of what was
envisioned you know by the Nuremberg ideology
program but the way that you know the way that you win that is by eradicating the
enemy idea and in under the Condition of the act of war that constitutes the
eradication of humans who are the standard bearers of you know the enemy
idea such that you know ongoing a variety of criteria or perhaps even
just one singular, distinctively resilient criteria that they can't be re-educated or somehow
like assimilated into a new paradigm.
Okay, obviously this has implications for, you know, the absolute enmity between the
Reich and European Jewry, such that European Jewel was a self-conscious, self-identified
political actor
um but i
that's a bit outside the scope of what we're
talking about but
there's complications that
were emergent here that
uh must be considered
within those realities
that is explicated
okay and this is very important
now
interestingly
and perhaps this won't
surprise anybody
you know really the pioneers
of political warfare as, you know, from the side of, you know, the colonialist power,
or kind of perspective of, you know, the more powerful combatant,
or, if you will, you know, the party combatant who, like America,
who was, you know, perpetually returning to serve when Opford decided to act,
You know, the United Kingdom really kind of perfected what became asymmetrical warfare doctrine and political warfare doctrine.
Okay.
We're talking about Operation Banner and how Frank Kitson, you know, in Northern Ireland, especially going to our viewing of resurrection, man.
Frank Kitson, one of his, I mean, basically the key takeaway from his kind of operational theory.
If it can be distilled down to one kind of core principle on how to wage war against an insurgency is you've got to create a counter gang, but you've got to do this in some way that's basically organic.
You know, you've got to work with what the Germans call the mention material that's on the ground.
You've got to sort of mold them and their political and military conceptual horizon around what's instinctively already presence, you know.
and you've got to sort of transform those energies into something that's you know
deadly or more efficient more military with a capital M you know and more workable in an
integrated command capacity you know then would just kind of be there you know like
autoconically or whatever um and of course kits in uh
you know despite the fact that uh he was only the commander on the ground in an operation
banner in northern ireland for about two or three years that um conflict model endured the
duration of hostilities and i made the point uh again and again um that uh you know when when the
provisional IRA and an adjacent Republican armed groupings and others would insist that
there was formal collusion underway between the British security element and loyalists.
That was true.
Okay.
Now, that doesn't mean that, you know, Frank Kitsen got together and hired some mercenary types and said,
okay, you're now the Ulster Volunteer Force.
You know, or you're now ready in commando.
It was nothing like that.
Like what they did was,
they looked at what, they looked at what was already developing on the ground.
You know, in, you know, the,
the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the sectarian war on the street
where, like, literal battle lines were being established between, you know,
sectarian living, like, between living spaces based on sectarian criteria.
And you had these militias, just spontaneously forming, you know,
So they began approaching, you know, guys like Gusty Spence, you know, who was indispensable in the recreation of the Ulster Volunteer Force in 1966.
Spence had served in combat in Greece with the British Army.
Okay.
The UVF was kind of the sphere-punct of loyalism.
You know, the UDA was this kind of like mass vigilante movement.
which wasn't outlaw until 92,
but UFF,
which was technically like
their direct action wing,
that was very,
very, very much cultivated by
British intelligence and military elements,
okay? And by
1993,
loyalists were outkilling the IRA.
You know, suddenly,
like, it just became very, very good
at targeting people who
were either, um,
you know,
provisional IRA
members or
you know
Sinn Féin representatives
or social democrats, they went a dead
for whatever reason. Like suddenly
loyalists became very, very good at what they did.
Okay, I mean, no means
saying like what they did was good, but
wasn't about a rationality.
You know, and that
Kitson's old point was, look,
you know, and he was
comparing impugitive terms where the British do
the Americans and the Germans.
He's like, you know, you don't,
you don't bring just more and more firepower to bear,
you know, against, uh,
against an insurgency.
You know, you're,
you're going to kill a whole lot of people.
You know, many of whom are, you know,
women, kids, old people and just, you know,
other people who are, you know,
clearly non-combatants.
And you're probably going to,
you're probably going to create more insurgents than you annihilate,
but also there's got to be a kind of like minuet like ridiculous as it sounds between forces under arms
you know for them to for once hostile conduct is made for them to remain engaged and actually
you know push for victory you know by by by you know by killing the enemy you know um if you if you
you sick your counter gang loose
unlike this gang of like Mao Mao rebels
if you lose like
the UVF on the PIRA
when they make
contact they're going to fight it out
and slaughter each other in a way that wouldn't happen
if you know
you
you know you you roll
cruceder tanks into the streets
when the IRA does anything you don't like
you know they'll disappear
literally into the ether
and then the like
lob a satchel charge into like the turret hatch, you know, like when one of your people like
pops his head out for smoke, you know, and there's something that's kind of understated,
needing to mirror what opt for is in order to annihilate him, um, and kind of like the post-conventional
Westphalian, uh, landscape. Now,
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Oh
What was Gladio and how does that have to do
with like anything I was just talking about.
Well, around
1952,
America and the UK,
this is when they became really, truly,
kind of like fully indexed
in military terms.
Not just at the operational
and kind of command and control level
and drilling with one another,
you know, like in the inter-German border,
you know,
be at the North German plains,
which is primarily the British
that Benelux.
state's responsibility
and like the foldy gap which is primarily
American armored cavalry's
area of operation
but they
like a conceptual indexing
like took a route and I believe a lot of this
owed to the fact that by January 52
um
obviously both you know
American forces as well as
you know the British army
had been engaged you know in a very
brutal conflict in Korea
okay
their learning curve was expanding
in all kinds of ways relating to the study of war
okay
they developed this need
within the minds of
you know military analyst types on the civilian side
and kind of like think tank whiz kids
who were ubiquitous in the Cold War as we've talked about
but also
you know
military officers
you know from from
from company level upward.
You know, like we need
we need to develop some kind of tactical
and strategic imperatives,
you know,
relating to asymmetrical warfare
that allows, you know, the,
the realization of, you know,
kind of like the full spectrum of our,
of our killing power.
But again, without,
um,
without allowing politics to creep into
decision making,
you know, in a way that, you know, it's kind of proven fatal in some key instances vis-à-vis the managerial state.
You know, like the experience of the Gaul and Algeria, like first and foremost.
I mean, I think DeGal was not a, I don't think highly of them, but just in purely objective terms.
I mean, that's one example.
But so in 1952, and especially after the experience of fighting the people's liberation army of China,
you know, and this, this kind of like endless ability of them to absorb casualties, you know,
and utilize combined arms with Soviet help, and there's a lot of Soviet pilots flying sorties over Korea.
And kind of horrifyingly, a number of American POWs ended up in the Soviet Union and never returned.
But be as it may, you know, it became clear that when war,
comes and mind you this was you know this was long before a strategic Perry existed
between the United States and Warsaw Pact but I mean it was also before the
it was also when like manned manned bombers were you know the the zenith of
kind of strategic nuclear platforms but um
The understanding was in basically every scenario game that, you know, the Warsaw Pact is going to overrun Europe.
They're going to smash.
That the National Volks Army, which emerged later, but in 1952, a combination of Volkspilat-Sai,
who were the East German Army and all but name and a group of Soviet forces in Germany,
were responsible for the operational sector I'm about to describe.
After 56, it became the National Vokes Army's domain.
They were going to smash through the inter-German border,
you know, which at the time the Berlin Wall wasn't there.
After the Berlin Wall was created, interestingly,
there were these weak points where, like, charges could, like, blow holes,
you know, so that the National Vox Army
could storm through with armor, but be as it may,
the understanding that was when war came,
the National Vox Army,
they're going to storm West Berlin
while, you know,
the Warsaw Pact,
overshoots,
uh,
Berlin, um,
assaults, uh,
across the North German plane,
smashed to the defaulted
gap, almost certainly utilizing chemical weapons and possibly tapping the nuclear weapons if necessary.
And NATO at best could hold out for 72 hours, you know, until the Soviet army reaches the Rhine.
And then even if NATO has the capacity to reconstitute, it's not going to have the forces in being in order to prevent,
you know a further
Soviet push, you know,
the Atlantic Ocean.
Okay, so you're looking at a situation
where, okay,
you know,
and in these days, mind you, the catalyst
changed for why
this
was considered in
terms
almost exclusively of conventional warfighting,
save again for, you know, the
tactical deployment of chemical and
nuclear weapons.
This endured
30 years later, but for very different
reasons, and we'll get into that. But
the fact is, in a basically
conventional fight,
NATO is going to be overrun
by the
massive superiority of
forces in being by Warsaw Pact.
Okay.
the only hope really of liberating the continent in these cases would be some sort of infrastructure
infrastructure in situ that can be activated you know in order to generate an insurgency
like a pre-existing insurgency basically and this had never really been attempted before unless you count
the Viet Cong, but it's kind of a different thing.
But,
um, you know,
the understanding was that,
uh,
men were selected,
who were designated, you know,
to be stay behind elements.
Um,
all the way up to, I believe,
battalion level.
Um,
arms cachets were hidden.
Escape routes were prepared.
Um,
politically loyal civilians were recruited who in turn developed their own um
like social infrastructure around what was to become the core mission
in event of a soviet conquest um
the truly clandestine truly clandestine cells were established who made contact with one another but didn't even make contact
with each other's respective handlers, you know, or with the above board but still highly secret
gladio designated elements.
And this was largely devised by the United Kingdom, which during World War II, what came to be called
the United Kingdom's Special Operations Executive.
Okay.
Gladio was largely created with the experience and involvement of former SOE officers.
I had the pleasure, a man who was a dear friend of my family and who was actually,
one of the reasons that I was going to Loyola University is because he taught there.
His name was Samo Sarkeesian.
As he might have gleaned, he was Armenian. His parents were Armenian immigrants.
Um, he was in the special forces.
He was in a heavy action in Korea in the infantry.
And he was one of the first true green berets, you know, to pass the Q-course and get the green array.
And why they recruit him, it wasn't just because he was an excellent combat soldier.
It's because he was Armenian.
You know, he could stay behind and blend in.
you know and um the earliest um like special forces became something somewhat different or it included that mission as well as like many other adjacent uh ones as time went on but uh that really is the birth of special forces it's very much a cold war um creature
you know I'm not saying that's bad or something actually think I actually think I
actually know any special forces is in a lot better shape these days than I think so
kind of got a lot of problems but I don't want I don't want to upset that the our
friends who are military guys and they I mean like our little friends of ours like
I'm not talking like Randos and I I they don't mean they know I hold him in
tremendous respect but at the point being uh you know
it uh this was very much um you know it's taken very seriously and um not only was like
for example like my my mentor and family friend the Sarkeesian like not only was he of you
know Armenian immigrant stock but uh the dialectical inflection he could affect that
locals, you know, this was very, very sophisticated in operational terms, especially for the time.
Now, something interesting happened as all is developed.
And the center of Gladio, because of the gladio was Italy.
Okay, now, now why Italy?
you know Italy
I maintain that
the real
evidence of the Marshall plan
it wasn't it wasn't just
it wasn't what Stalin said
and just you know kind of bind
the Bundes Republic to American
debt or whatever like yeah I mean that was like an
added benefit but I mean the
Bundes Republic was done I mean they were
they were being more without planned out of
existence like Italy
in the other hand
just geostrategically
as well as in sheer economic terms for, you know, a European zone of commerce and industry.
You know, they were incredibly important.
Okay.
Italy had to be brought into NATO.
Italy also had to be repaired from the devastation it had suffered.
You know, and throughout the 50s and 60s, you know,
Italy ended up becoming, I think, for a time, you know, like the fifth largest economy in the world.
You know, Italy also, it never underwent a denotification process.
There was still a very active Communist Party there, you know, that didn't just participate in challenge for seats.
But they insinuated themselves into coalition governments regularly.
you know and on the other side
you had openly fascist
and national socialist parties
that
were rabidly
they weren't just rabble anti-communists they were
rabidly anti-soviet they still viewed
the Soviet Union like as their ops
okay and I maintain
you know the big
or maybe you don't know I mean you're a real-earned guy
but some of this stuff is trivia
you know,
Yaqui had a huge falling out with Mosley
and Mosley refused
the published Imperium
through the Union movement
brand
because Mosley was like an arch cold warrior
you know, like 110%.
And a lot of people are like,
well, he was trying to find his way back to
respectability in British political life.
I don't think that's the case. I think you really believe that.
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Well, anybody who knows,
anybody who knows what Mosley went through in the next,
you know, 15 to 20 years knows
that he,
he,
he knew he wasn't getting back into
the mainstream of politics.
Yeah,
I mean,
that's ridiculous.
He was saying,
I think he's going to go prime minister or something.
I mean,
like on the Firmule thinking,
what it's,
uh,
yeah,
there's video on YouTube of him in like,
1962 going into some British town to talk.
And there are people chasing him,
trying to beat him. Oh, yeah. It's a preposterous claim and like who's he trying to impress.
And it's like Mosley, even in the, even in the interwar years like, I mean,
Mosley did his own thing. He was, uh, he indexed very much with Hitler. But at the point,
he disagreed with Hitler on. He was like open about it. I mean, like any, yeah, he,
one of the reasons he's a hero of mine. He was very like free thinking man. But.
So, it will be.
being this back to
where we were
Italy being
Italy being Grand Jerville of Gladio again.
It wasn't just because the political, the internal political
situation, you know,
the need to bring Italy back into the
fold of Europe or into
its pernumbra, you know, what was then the
European coal and steel community,
you know, and to bring it up
the snuff as
as a real,
as a real, you know, like regional power into
itself. But also you had in Gladio,
was you had you had a whole lot of very fit very committed fascist men of military age who had experience
you know what I mean these this is nothing kind of duty that it's just regular guys are
going to sign on for you know even if they're basically patriotic and anti-communist like you
need uh like you need basically like like fascist jihadi for something like this okay um
you know and it's also too you know how do you how do you recruit men for for these roles do you
you know just like put an ad out you know and like the then equivalent of you know Craigslist or
something you know like as it wasn't 2006 you don't uh you know you don't just uh you know you
know you know we're building a stay behind fascist army you know would you look to be part of it
you know they they had like um you know NATO uh intelligence as well as uh you know like the NATO's kind of command
and control element um which would have been at that point um the supreme allied command in Europe
they had to basically which is why I brought up you know Kitsen and his point of countergangs
They basically had the index with, you know, the fascist resistance that still existed there and these national socialist guys who never changed their stripes and who were very, very active.
You know, you basically had to index with them when some kind of trust sell them on the merits of the mission and, you know, convince them to essentially start training for this, you know, what was then a very important.
very like real contingency and organize these people into cells you know um like a cell
stroke that's actually workable that allows them you know to become habituated to their
the command structure of uh of whatever um i don't know what the force levels would have meant
exactly but you know whatever arm element they were part of but also it it got them
habituated at drilling with one with another and all the all the kind of
psychosocial um imperatives that one needs to cultivate if you're gonna send you know a what is
called military sociology a primary group of men um you know into action but uh a lot of this you know a
lot of people didn't know about any of this i mean people like my dad did but like uh i'm not
my dad's so secret squirrel but he was in a position to know about certain things that other
people didn't. But the general public, it really didn't know about the scope, breath, and purpose
of Gladio until about October 1990, okay? And that was very interesting because basically
like right about a year after the Interimian border collapsed, a lot of these, a lot of these
a lot of these kinds of like deep, dark secrets of the Cold War, if we're going to way that way.
were just kind of like things that had been very eyes only
like suddenly came to light.
I think the people that were in control
of a lot of this data,
they knew that this was very rapidly,
you know,
going to be kind of censored and taken out of circulation,
which is exactly what happened.
So, yeah, it's a sense of like it's now or never.
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Now, so in October 1990,
I'm going to butcher this name and I'm so sorry.
Julio Andrade
He issued four of this series of revelations
Relating to the internal situation
Like of the Western bloc
Like pretty much from, you know, the emergence in NATO
And especially
Kind of the starting point was, you know, mid-Korean war
Like when Gladiol first became kind of
you know, became more than just sort of, you know, like an abstract, you know, model bandied about it among like war college types.
Giulio Andrade, I think it was something of like an Italian adan hour, man, but not quite.
I think he was far more of a compelling person
I don't mean that negatively
but my point is that he wasn't
even considering the Italian situation
he was unusual for a post
for a European executive
Andrade he was the 41st
Prime Minister of Italy
he served in seven governments
72
73, 76, 79, 1992.
He was really,
and he was the leader and the primary organizer
of the Christian Democrats from the earliest days.
And here's something people don't understand.
The Christian Democrats in Europe,
they're not just like the Republicans or the Tories.
They were basically the Vatican Party
in Italy, to a lesser degree in Europe.
Germany, like after World War II.
Okay, they were genuinely conservative.
They were socially right-wing.
They had a very strong identification with the Catholic Church and Catholic,
what Alistair Magendar, I guess we'd call virtue ethics,
although I'm sure they had, I'm not Catholic and I'm no read Italian.
I'm sure they had different sources to draw upon.
But my point being the Christian Democrats, they,
their their heritage probably had more to do
with
you know the kind of political culture one had in Austria in the interwar years
than it did with with somebody like
like
you know like
like a aden hour okay for example much as like I said there
there were some basic similarities and um andradi had an interesting uh perspective as any he's
viewed these days as probably the most powerful and prominent like political like executive
political figure of uh of the italian first republic you know since you know since 1945 basically
okay
um
and i'm going so deep into his
biography because it's essential
to understanding gladio okay
and you'll see why or like what i mean
in a minute
um
he begins a protege of a man named
el cede de gisperi
um
Gasperi became a member of the parliament
of
Trinino,
which was a
part of the Austrian
Reichstadt.
It was one of these
Italian territories
that was
semi-autonomous, but was under the
sovereignty of the Habsburg Empire.
Okay?
Because
Sperry
began the first world
war is politically neutral.
He sympathized very,
very strongly with Pope Benedict
and said
basically, like, you know, if you're a good
Catholic and, you know, like a good Italian,
you know, you're going to abide, you know, Pope Benedict's
ultimately, ultimately, honestly, what we're ultimately
unsuccessful, you know, like, but
very well-intentioned, very sincere
efforts towards peace.
Carl the 1st of Austria
was another figure very much
kind of like indexed with this perspective
who
who
who
who
you know who
Gasperi saw
you know
eye to eye with
but Gasparion
someone on became somewhat radicalized
okay
um
in 1919
he was one of the founders
of what became the Italian People's Party
along with Luigi
Sturzo
he served as a deputy in the Italian
Parliament for a few years
from 21 to 24
which is obviously
you know the fascist decency
was 1922
he was
enthusiastic about support
of his party
the PPI and the first government around the first
cabinet around Mussolini because the way he viewed it was that you know this is
this this is what we need the standing as a Bolshevism because Bolshevism is
going to destroy the Catholic Church and they're already you know it's like
they're doing to the Orthodox Church and he wasn't wrong you know and Mussolini's
um Muslim relations with Catholicism was complicated it was kind of like Charles
Maras, okay?
And it's hard for, like, first
of all, I don't believe Musa was an atheist
even though he wasn't, you know,
God-fearing in the sense we're talking about,
but it's, when it's really much put
themselves in,
you know, kind of of a 20th century
modernist perspective,
especially when shaped by the Great War
and, you know, the kind of
certain dehumanizing paradigms
like they're in, all of which seem to mirror
each other and some sort of
like grand constellation
tailored to
rob
man of his ability to live
both they historically and is a
discreet personality
on it's not as like Marxist
Pavlin or something
it's um
you know they're very
very much the core
of the European right like the true right
like thought in these terms
um
um
but uh
as uh as musuline's grip kind of became absolute and unlike Hitler who you know was a huge uh or a tremendous aspect of his assency
owed uh you know strategic use of plebiscites you know Mussolini was much more
there was only a call the personality on Mussolini and there
there definitely wasn't a
you know
from the
from
from the center right to the
to the truly fascist
you know
Musilini had a very strong
mandate for a
20th century
executive
but
he was prone to
almost like quasi
Leninist
you know, sort of
utterances
that
henceforth just became the law.
You know,
he
mostly fundamentally
fundamentally
altered
the structural balance of power
between
the executive
and
and, um,
and
um,
and, um,
and the power
and
and the electoral system itself, as well as the parliament,
which is largely becoming someone gilded anyway,
by the acerbo law, which basically guaranteed,
like, the National Fascist Party, you know,
like a certain percentage of cabinet seats, okay?
So it essentially became a one-party state
without, you know, something like the enabling,
act to finesse it.
And for the record, too, and this is a
subject for a different series or episode,
but
you know, Hitler didn't
take the oath of
office as Consler.
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You know, and then, or even later, after the Enabling Act, you know, when he became a consular and fear of the German Reich,
he didn't suddenly declare that, like, you know, now, like, you know, Oregon of the States,
are all, you know, are all apparatus of the party.
You know, and the internal police apparatus
was very directly co-opted by national socialists
and became an organ of the party,
which is interesting kind of itself.
But other than that, that's one of the reasons
there was this kind of agonistic pluralism in the Third Reich
where in some ways people didn't,
couldn't quite grasp like where you know sort of like the state bureaucracy stops and the party bureaucracy began or you had you had um orleans of government that literally had like an identical mandate you know but one was you know like a branch of the SD which was the counteral of the SS like another was you know um
like an internal security department that was um you know tied to the ab there you know
which had absolutely no like accountability to the same chain of command but um the uh what ultimately
happened was uh these kinds of these kinds of like reform is by the by bully pulpit flex
like figuratively and literally um this led to this led a great deal of turmoil in the early years of the
national fascist party and its and its single party rule um there's a great deal of violence
against other parties which refuse to accept uh you know the assertible law and it's kind of refuse to accept
you know
El Duce's
sort of self
appointed mandate
um
this caused the PPI to
fracture
um
digusbury
became
uh
he remained on
as a
secretary of
uh
of the anti-fascist
faction
that remained
um
Until November 20th, until November, November, until November, until November, 2006, you know, in a true climate, it kind of overviolence and intimidation became the norm.
You know, the, the PPI was, was formally dissolved.
You know, Gisperi himself was arrested in March of 27.
he did four years in prison
the Vatican negotiated
his release you know which again
um
the indexing
um and the relationship between the Vatican
and uh
the Christian Democrats and their precursors
um that's really
important you know to understanding
the politics the inner warriors in the early Cold War
but um
you know he was
he was
after his release
in 1928 he was basically
unpersoned you know he had
difficulty finding employment he was in
serious financial difficulties
um
his
some of his church contacts
you know secured him a job
as a cataloger in the Vatican
library which probably saved his life
and after he spent the next
the next
14 years until
the collapse of the
of the kingdom of Italy
I mean the rum state in 43
I mean the rum state of the Salo Republic
endured
but
you know it's
the big contribution
of Gaspari
one of the major
international
one of the major international
newspapers
in those days a political newspaper and new a political newspaper having international
circulation was a big deal he wrote a column where uh this was in nine this was in
nine thirty four i mean when he had absolutely no love for the national fascist party but uh he uh
he celebrated the defeat the the social democrats and uh
in Austria, we claimed were, you know, on a mission of de-Christianizing Austria and, you know, that they were covert allies of the Bolsheviks.
And he declared to know uncertain terms that the German church, that we, you know, in Italy, we should follow an example of the German Catholic Church, you know, and we should prefer known certain terms, you know, national socialism to Bolshev,
Bolshevism. You know, like, Bolshevism is the mortal enemy of Christ and of the Catholic Church.
So this is, you know, these alliances are more complicated than people will allow. You know, it's, um, during, uh, during World War II, um, this is one disparity has to formally established the, the Christian Democrats.
I think it was clear to me you saw the writing on the wall that, you know, the actions were going to lose the war.
He published and deliberately limited circulation to what appears to be, you know, like a handful of cadres who he trusted.
the essay amounted to a program for the new Christian Democrat Party
and it was titled quite literally
ideas for reconstruction okay
Gasparry from that point on
he was like the undisputed kind of
hansho not as the Christian Democrats which were a new
to the constellation of
of political values
contained in one
you know, pretty
pretty autocratic and
well-managed party.
But they ended up dominating parliament for decades.
You know, and they were basically right-wing.
I mean, I don't mean that in 20th century terms.
I mean, they were very much like a nationalist,
Catholic, you know, very,
you know very pro very very very patriotic you know uh like racialism didn't feature into their equation
to the same degree that it did and does some continental tendencies but this was a genuine like
right-wing tendency okay um and uh when southern italy was conquered by the allies
Gospherry became basically
like the main representatives
of the Christian Democrats
and what became known
to the National Liberation Community
or the National Liberation Committee
like dissident elements that
you know we're all kind of jockeying
for you know
patronage by the Allies
and you know
who would give them the
mandate
and uh
you know security element in order to in order to insinuate themselves as you know the
prominent prominent like cadre or party like ruling the country um it uh
gisbury first uh became a minister without portfolio and a government led by
Ivan Benomi
um
later
um
in Ferritio Perry's cabinet
he became with the Minister of Foreign Affairs
and that's kind of when
that's kind of one these ideas
he's been cultivating like got
wide
sort of circulation
you know and in my opinion
he was always a more kind of
thoughtful individual than
ad an hour I think of Adonauer
is kind of like a great
peruvial horse trader
and
like literally like an incredibly
like skilled politician
but I
there was there was no real vision there
like good or bad I mean there's
I Han Trudeau had something to say
about Edna hour but I'm not
gonna repeat it less like YouTube
Fires or something
but I
look to be fair
I
compared to some possibilities
he's like I had an hour looks pretty good and
Gasperi I think was positively hero I'm considering a lot of
a lot of um you know the challenges he was facing um
quite literally not just uh you know his his soul and sanity but his life and
limb um finally uh Gasperi from 45 to 53 he was prime
He was prime minister of a successive Christian Democrat-led governments.
Now, if you know anything about Italian politics, that's, that's like absurd longevity.
Okay, that's like, that's, that's basically a British prime minister, like, ruling for like, you know, like 18 years, okay?
Like, like, I'm not making for the Italian, this is like a fact, but, uh, this, uh, you know, this,
I only was declared a republic.
immediately.
They signed
a peace treaty,
like a phone piece tree with the
algorithm 47.
They were one of the
original NATO members in 49.
You know, and again,
Gaspari
and the Christian Democrat delegation,
they actively courted the United States.
You know, and again, I don't
buy into the
mythology of like, oh, the
Marshall Plan just created magic money
and made Europe like rich again.
That's complete nonsense. But there were infrastructural
needs and there was
a need for capital in key
sectors in order for Europe
to be able to like
realize its great power
potential. And the Marshall
Plan
when
it's
when it's capital
inflows we're
truly targeted in a way that indexed with necessary developmental schemes it was highly
effective and he he lobbied very very hard for a for participation in the Marshall Plan
the Marshall Plan I get it really did in the case of Italy I don't get a
term you know like economic miracle like the Spanish miracle or the South Korean
miracle um you know because it's it's just another everybody kind of like
conscious or not to like a make economics this like obscure thing but I act like
like it's literally some kind of magic and it doesn't owe to you know the the
human ability to um you know to truly like build equity you know from uh from the
raw stuff of of capital again quite
literally and um you know the uh the the marshal plan itself did not revive europe but at the same
time again um the european coal and steel community was essential um and um you know
disparities
like
like pushing to make this
you know a policy priority
and you know
making it an unconditional
imperative
you know for his government
was essential
um
when uh
hops and wild
wild and hops
the dream team they're back
in Disney Zootropolis too
Funny fox.
This is a make or break assignment.
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When he did take...
When he did is become Prime Minister of that first time.
succeeding
Frutio Perry
he inherited a coalition that included both
Italian Communist Party
and Italian Socialist Party
delegates
along with
other
smaller parties that
were nominally independent
or had names
like the
liberal Republican Party or the action party
but you know some of which
had very much you know were
were communists adjacent, if not, you know, I would know, proxies.
To Gisbury's credit,
his deputy prime minister,
Palmyro Togliotti,
did cooperate in
Gospers' attempts to soften the terms of
the impending Allied peace treaty.
with Italy, you know, again, you know, seeing very much what was being done to Germany.
This was, this, this is, you know, him lobbying so heavily and so very publicly
for relief through and cooperation therein the European Recovery Program, you know,
which was the tangling for the Marshall Plan.
You know, this was opposed vociferously by the communists.
But Gisbury did manage to hold this, you know,
initial prime ministership together, despite all odds,
especially when you consider, you know,
the fact that he was dealing with the cabinet has very much stopped,
but that was very much stocked.
by ops.
The
it was under Gospherry's
watch that Italy would, you know,
the one significant
referendum on his watch
posed a question as to whether
Italy was to remain a monarchy or become a
republic.
You know, and again that, I believe very much
was
was
Gasperi's like
Machiavellian streak.
You know, like I said,
like he,
um,
like Franco's regime,
um,
post-war,
though Gasperi obviously was a far more
edible figure.
Um,
one of the ways that,
uh,
they were able to,
you know,
kind of bring the Vatican into the fold.
Um,
and not just,
administrative capacities and in terms of insinuating a kind of moral
legitimacy which you know carried a lot of cachet still in those days but also
it allowed it allowed for a certain freedom of movement in global
politic vis-vis what you know other countries would respond to
that they wouldn't have, you know, if Italy was merely, you know, a client regime in the United States with all the trappings there in, including, you know, the stripping away of the Roman church from, you know, not just authority in government and administration, but also in national life.
that
he was chief of the Italian
delegation at the World War II Peace
Conference
in Paris
you know
he remained
harshly critical of the sanctions
that remained on
imposed on Italy
only to various
intrigues and some
which were just kind of born a vengeance driven sensibilities,
especially considering that, you know,
Italian leadership was not going to be placed on trial or, you know,
or certain of these kinds of show trial homicides under auspices of, you know,
justice.
But he did gain very strong concessions from the allies that guaranteed Italian sovereignty.
particularly as
regarded the Balkans.
Some of the eastern border territory was lost Yugoslavia,
but the free territory of Trees was divided between the two states.
And obviously, you know, NATO,
meaning at that point, just America,
like, you know, signed on as the guarantor of these borders.
Now back to Andrade again this is important to understand and I will not boring way it does
but um you figure out what I am I get my senior moments back to Andrade um andrade had achieved a cabinet rank at a very young age
and by the time
by the end of his
tenure he'd
he occupied virtually every major office
of the post-war
Italian state
and he again was seen as quite literally
like the unofficial liaison with the Vatican
you know
in foreign policy terms
Andrade
you know very much the prologie
Gasperi, you know, he guided the European unions, like Italy within kind of the, what, the
East Union, the E.C., the EU, Andrade guided Italy's integration into it. And fascinating
to me, if you know what my kind of research interests are, and if you kind of understand the
nuances of what Gladio was to the men who staffed it, which was something very different than the men who conceived of it, that wanted to utilize it for strategic purposes, you know, that were fairly transparent.
Andrade pursued close relations with the Arab world.
you know and he uh he had a strong strong following not just in Italy but uh especially through Catholic Europe
but also like you know throughout the utility throughout the totality of what was becoming
you know the burgeoning um EC EU um he'd substantially mediated corruption
He always seen the transformation of the country from, you know, a basically rural country into literally the world's fifth largest economy.
That's totally insane.
That's only comparable, I think, to, like, South Korea went from having an economic profile comparable to a Burkina fossil to, like, being, like, the number nine world economy.
Like, granted, there was, like, massive subsidies and infrastructural aid, you know, that was kind of like the reward for, you know,
contributing so very much in not just in um not just in in treasure but in blood you
know to the Vietnam War but um it's truly remarkable um to consider especially when
it's something that just seems like impossible today to me man you know like um
under current historical conditions but um the uh
his uh he was a huge uh androddy's um ops claim that he was a neoliberal that's kind of like the catch
that's kind of like the the favored uh sort of slander you know of um of these kinds of postwar um
european politicians you know who rejected kind of like the Keynesian model and um you know began to realize that
this over regulation and state planning was was was quite literally crushing what
were made in national industry but it also it was you know it was um it was actually
like you know enslaving Europe to the dollar like even more than a you know
even even even more than today I mean by like a wide mile it's not even close but
um I he was only a supply cider but he you know
like I said I think I you know I I don't think seriously especially people who aren't
really learned in economics you know when he band you this uh like oh he was a neoliberal
and like God's in the right do that too that that means that you have no like credibility or
something as a right winger it's like I don't I you know the the political was the economic
and I mean that that's that's a liberal conceit man that's not the way you should think of
things anyway um but uh you know andradi again is also is a his two other kind of big commitments
were um you know staunchy supporting and indexing with the Vatican and um you know a strong
hostility towards um the italian communist party and the soviet union
now
remember how we're talking about
the English, the British
rather, is funny of Scots
and the
Ulsterman
among the ranks of those vasterds
and how
they really were the pioneers of
asymmetrical warfare
well
around
around the 1970s
very late 70s.
Well, here,
General Sir John Hackett,
he was former commander-in-chief
of the British Army on the Rhine,
which was, again,
they were the primary
British Army element on the inter-German
border. Okay.
They were
kind of the equivalent of
of 12th black horse the folding gap.
Okay.
He confirmed over a series of interviews and, like,
talks, you know, at various, you know,
war college-type venues.
This was on November 16th, 1990s.
So, again, you know, right on the heels of these
earlier disclosures about Gladio.
Well, Hackett,
like I said
of no in certain terms
that a contingency
plan
involving quote
stay behind and resistance in depth
was drawn up after
1995 and was
absolutely essential
okay
a protege of his
Anthony
Farr Hockley
a former commander in chief
of NATO forces in northern Europe, which would have been area operation would have been
Norway, Denmark, the North, the Scandinavian, the North Sea.
He reiterated to the Guardian magazine that, yes, what,
General Hackett that suggested was absolutely true.
Now, the British were big on public diplomacy,
in a way America wasn't.
You know, I think a couple of years back,
it's before there was as many options available on Twitter to,
you know, do spaces and things.
And I don't believe I've ever done on pot about it,
but I've posted many images,
of the Soviet military power
magazine
that you could purchase in any post office
and it was released
every year from
I believe 81 until
1990
it was put out by the Defense Intelligence Agency
it was full of this incredible artwork
because obviously a lot of these weapons platforms
NATO didn't have actual photographs of them, but, you know, they knew they existed.
But this was obviously an effort at, you know, true public diplomacy, like, educates the public
on a question of policy significance or political goings on, you know, that, you know, they wouldn't,
they wouldn't ordinarily be availed to, you know, a body of work that could sort of explain such colleagues matters in concise terms.
And it seems to be quaint, like in the Internet era, but Britain was always big on this.
America was less big on this.
You know, but in the Cold War, there were a few kind of...
very striking examples and soviet military power was one of them well what the british did was
and um my dad had these books on his bookshelf as when i was a little kid and i they completely blew my
fucking mind but um this head sir general sir john hackett he wrote a book in 1978 and it was marketed as a novel um
in America. I don't believe it was marketed as such in the UK.
And in the UK, it had a different epilogue, and we'll get into that in a minute.
But it was called the Third World War August 1985.
It was a fictionalized account that reads kind of like threads.
I know threads, you know, was a movie.
But, you know, it doesn't have a traditional, like, fiction,
structure you know it'll jump to some you know like Warsaw Pact like early
warning post you know um and uh East Germany you know and it'll like jump to
you know some Soviet missile base in Kazakhstan and they'll like jump to like you know
the president's like situation room but uh what it basically is is it's it describes
a scenario okay um that
being that in August 1885
the Soviet Army in Warsaw Pact to
assault West Germany
the
there's a follow-up in
1982 called the Third World War
the untold story
which elaborated
on the original with
some details of this
counterfactual universe but also
again like it it is
it added a kind of, what I think was an alibi for
American audiences. It's fascinating.
But for context,
some of the heck it believed in,
you know, this was a,
the final really critical phase of the Cold War, you know, like 78, 79, like 85.
This was for Able Archer era.
You know, it was a foreon conclusion.
to a lot of these
a lot of these general
law officers
that there was going to be a war
in Europe, okay?
And
basically their job
was not just to protect, you know,
the people of the United
Kingdom or the people of the United States
or, you know, the people of Italy,
you know, depending on the
executive we're talking about
to the fullest of their abilities and also to, you know, to do everything they can to fight and win a nuclear war.
Farrar Hockley, who is Hackett's protégate, I mentioned a minute ago, during this time, he started advocating strongly for the creation of a new home guard.
and anticipation of a potential Soviet assault.
You know, the home guard of World War II was like lampooned and stuff like Dad's Army.
I don't know if you ever seen that.
But Farahawgley and Haggit were serious about having able-bodied young men,
you know, like basically take on the role of a gladio element
in event of Warsaw Pact assault of the island.
Okay.
So in the books, or in the book, we'll start with kind of I think is the primary source,
which is the first edition.
In the Third World War, the Untold Story,
they describe
basically
the political situation
as it stood then in terms of
you know alliances
allegiances
then active battle spaces
there was some speculation
about space-based weapons platforms
but otherwise it was all
based on like forces and being
you know at that next extent force levels
and weapons systems that actually existed
and could expect it to be performed,
could expect it to perform an action as described in the narrative.
But the novel starts.
The 1984 presidential election,
Walter Mondale, who's the Democratic nominee,
loses the former Governor Thompson of South Carolina,
who's obviously supposed to be Ronald Reagan.
Okay.
Most of what's going on as, you know, in the world situation, as it's perceived and witnessed by, like, Reagan in his cabinet, is detailed by, you know, President Thompson's advisors, you know, who are briefing him on the international situation, like, from the time he takes office, you know, until, and then beyond the outside of hostilities.
you know so the answer the book
as a uh...
becoming a real powerhouse
uh...
they've increasingly
with the exception of North Korea and Vietnam
liberalize their economies
and
sort of
you know
ease back from
any kind of political
interdependence with the Soviet Union
from a strategic and military perspective
um
China has a as like a dang type figure
at the helm
it was like not like a reformer kind of in like the
Western you know like faux democracy sense
but he's basically become hostile to communism
and all but name
um
he's trying to flip
North Korea and Vietnam against Russia
by basically buying them off
and pursue
a kind of gradual
you know, insurglement to the Soviet
Far East.
The India, which is
the Soviet Union's only real
strong ally in the region
you know
it continues to deteriorate.
They're the exception to like Asia's prosperous condition.
It's literally deteriorating.
The Arab Cold War is intensifying as a Nazareth government in Egypt.
That's basically, you know, like a left-wing nationalist.
like some communist adjacent um...
dictatorship is cringing towards war
with uh...
Saudi Arabia
South Africa has become a federation
like a racially divided federation under a bantutan
bandu stand system
which is basically stable
but lives under constant threat by Nigeria
which is now like fully committed to
the South African border war as are like actual Soviet troops.
Ethiopia has fallen apart, including Eritrea.
The Soviets try to shore up the situation and install their own proxy government, but this fails.
And then the book shows like a world map, like what the implications, both of the things,
are like in a hypothetical like you know Reagan like a situation room like on every
front like the Soviets are are losing the Cold War you know it's uh meanwhile the
Politburo which presumably the trifecta of uh because it's probably written in 78 the
trifecta they drop off Grameko and Usenov is kind of like the real or the Trumpvert rather
like they're the real executive of the USSR, you know, with the increasingly kind of disabled,
um, Brezhnev as the figurehead. Um, and drop of, uh, for his, like, counterpart in the story,
he basically drops the same speech that he did in 80 or 81, where he talked about how, you know,
the Soviet Union was, like, could not compete, you know, like in the information revolution. And, you
the amount of computing power in the country was pathetic you know
compared to any developed state and if this wasn't altered within a decade and
remedied like the soys would lose the Cold War basically an identical speech is
given by you know the stand-in for and drop-off or you know again the Trombard just
mentioned you know the Poetboro accepts these conclusions proffered
by this
composite executive character
character
and it's going to consensus that
you know
the total
stagnation of the economy
means that the Soviet armed forces
will not be able to retain technological
parity with the West
for beyond a decade
and that the
only way
like the Soviet Union can bring the Cold War
to a victorious conclusion is to assault Western Europe, annihilate NATO, you know, kind of forever banish American forces from the continent, you know, and then, you know, the sue for peace from a position of a strength and, if not benevolence.
the poet bro
understands that although resistance from NATO is guaranteed
that before the United States
had not a counteroffensive
the threat of
the threat especially of
tactical nuclear weapons
and the use of chemical weapons
and the potential in the case of the former
of horizontal escalation
will knock
some NATO states out of the war
further compromising
their ability to reconstitute
amid the massive kind of gap
in numerical forces in being
so
the Soviet diplomatic corps
also believes that they can
cause a schism
in the Western
defense court on
by convincing France to
stay out of the conflict.
You know, France is not a NATO member. They remain adjacent.
But during this period,
relations between NATO and France were particularly
frosty.
The Poet Broad decides
that there's three options before them.
Variant A
will constitute a large, a
massive, preemptive nuclear
strike
against Europe
alongside
a specialized
paratrooper elements
deployed in areas not
under direct nuclear assault
followed by a seven-day
land invasion
to the Linz Frankfurt
Dunkirk line
to another event
it's so bad
in any event assault the proverbial
center with nuclear
weapons like without
regard for
counter value attrition
like assault the
periphery with special operations elements and then
um smash through uh then now it radiated um you know former main line of resistance
you know with Warsaw packed armor you know and then um upon reaching uh again the
lends Frankfurt Dunkirk line basically within you know a stone's throw of
of the ocean you know to demand uh demand nato come to peace terms um variant b is identically above but with full deployment of chemical weapons
and high explosive conventional ordinance but a complete ban on the use of uh nuclear weapons um variant c would be a conventional invasion
with tactical nuclear strikes
being employed
if
if NATO was able to hold
before
Warsaw Pact reaches the Rhine
within seven days.
The Polam Vero ultimately decides on
variant C to avoid
horizontal escalation
and the development of what almost certainly would
you know snowball into a general nuclear war
especially based upon the platforms then deployed
and the particularly kind of dangerous
coupling of their sensitivity to sensory data
but the lack of ability to gauge you know the the the the the the strength of forces
from where the you know the enemy device detected is is as many mergers you know
but what like short story long um
what basically carries the day for NATO is like these stay behind like gladiol units and like the U.S. Marine Corps.
They were able to flip Yugoslavia out of a position of neutrality and like actual hostility against the Soviet Union.
With the exception of like some aspects of, you know, of ethnic serves.
like serving in the security apparatus, you know, with police and military.
But, you know, the Soviet Union stalls, basically,
because when Warsaw Pact, they hit West German forces at Kreefeld,
attempts to chase them out of the Netherlands,
and compounding, you know, the setback of the high attrition they took, you know, these, these, these, these, these Dutch militias, you know, like, raise up and, and just, uh, and just smash, you know, essentially these, these already weakened, uh, the Soviet columns, you know, they're, they're essentially, they're essentially, you know, becoming kind of like,
where they sit only to their lack of access to fuel but you know it's obvious
that this book was published to present a scenario to the British people I
mean it's like it's a policy it's it's a war plan it's a war plan slash war
gaming manual coupled with
you know, an argument in favor of, you know, this tactical doctorate is how Britain can best protect itself, an event of World War III.
And however, this taste, well, people might find the kind of place in such things. It's essential.
And people need to be behind these aforementioned elements, you know, for them to be effective.
you know um not just in you know material and um logistical terms but uh in terms their operational morale
and everything else now it's gets very interesting when um you know the uh the early force structure
of gladiow elements like turns out to be like out now
you know fascists you know especially in Italy and there's a parallel here I think it was
Roberto Fiore who was a I think it's the Italian the Italian liberation movement to the
Italian national movement you know the legacy of the National Fascist Party they had a
schism develop within the ranks, not unlike that of the national front,
you know, into the, into the, into the political, into the political soldier wing and like the flag group,
which I find totally fascinating. And it bears directly on what we're going through today within our own,
um, within our own resistance culture. And we'll get into that next episode. I'm sorry if that went, uh,
too long but I'm like really tired otherwise I keep on going but um I hope that's an
acceptable stopping point um there's a lot more to take in and this is kind of a logical
stopping point I'll see what I mean we're in the next episode if that's cool yep that works
um do plugs real quick and well then yeah man you can find me on Twitter at capital
R EAL underscore number seven HMAS 7777 you can find it on substack real Thomas 7777.com
I got a pot on there I got long from on there I got a MERS line now
if you be so kind like me drop the MERSC address in the description section
and you can buy like really dope shirts and flags and stuff like that that i think are really cool um my uh the artist who who mocked him up here creig he's he's he's fucking incredible he's an incredible dude and a fine artist um i'm working on this documentary of r and taylor i'm going to the dnc convention in a few weeks and again i am sorry to everybody i had to miss nashville this weekend but i
I gotta save my strength, man.
I'm sorry to sound like some, like, banged-up,
freaking old lady or something,
but,
um,
as far as my plugs,
like,
seeking you shall find,
man,
and my Instagram.
You know,
I'm all over the place.
Um,
I'm trying to bear down now on,
on,
on,
um,
you know,
this,
uh,
this documentary kind of video content type stuff,
which I,
which I think is,
not that,
I don't know, I'm pretentious.
I think there's a profundity to it, man,
but also it's,
this is important history that's going to be lost.
But that and my manuscript
is kind of like my big focus right now.
But I'm always available to do pods, man.
Like, never, ever hesitate to ask me.
And yeah, let's reconvene in,
and do part two of Gladiio.
And we should watch another movie, too, man.
So we can...
Oh, yeah.
Oh yeah, but we're going to do that.
When we sign off, I'm going to recommend a movie.
Yeah, man.
Yeah.
Well, thanks again, Pete.
Yep, take care.
