The Pete Quiñones Show - Episode 1208: Trump's First 100 Days w/ Gregory Hood

Episode Date: May 1, 2025

79 MinutesPG-13Gregory Hood is a writer and podcaster who works for American Renaissance.Greg joins Pete to give his opinion of Trump's 100 days.Greg at American RenaissanceGreg on Twitter/XPete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.

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can't do it without you. So thank you for the support. Head on over to freeman beyond the wall.com forward slash support and do it there. Thank you. I want to welcome everyone back to the Pekingano show. It's been a while, but Greg Hood's back. How's it going? Doing good, man. You can call me Kevin. You can call me James Carpatrick. You can call me whatever you want. I think anyone who cares knows who I am at this point. Yeah, after the, after the doxing, it's, you know.

I mean, that's that's one of the big things. I mean, it's inevitable. You're going to get doxed. You just got to deal with it. Yeah. You got to set it up so that you have some kind of backup plan ready to go when it eventually happens. Let's jump in with this.

One of the big things that you've been pushing. and ever since Trump got elected is remittances, remittance taxes on people sending money back home who came here illegally. And what a day to talk about that because so much of it has to do with India. I think India 4% of their GDP is remittances from the United States. And then we have this cartoon character congressman from Michigan who, and I hated to use this joke because I love the man so much. But I said, God, is he not Peter Brimolo if Peter Brimelow had a baby with Vivek Romiswani? I mean, if Peter Brimblow looked like an MPC from Oblivion,

maybe. I mean, it's absurd. And you see everybody right now dunking on him, just like, what are we doing here? Like, who is this guy? Why is he in the country? Why is he in Congress? Now he's saying we need to impeach Trump because Trump deported an illegal. I mean, but what exactly is the point of the country. What have we been reduced to if this is where we're at? But, I mean, to go to remittances, I think that's the biggest missed opportunity so far. I mean, a remittance tax is something that Trump talked about during his first run for president. There was a plan, everybody forgets this, but there was an actual plan for how they were going to get Mexico to pay for the wall. And it said, black and white, we are going to have a remittance tax. That's how we're going to do it. And we just

haven't heard anything about it. I kind of wonder what Stephen Miller is doing. I mean, he's so clearly detail oriented and he's going out there just schooling the press on the ins and outs of all these policies and yet we've just heard nothing about that yeah that's i just don't think people realize that yeah i've been talking a lot about immigration just you know covering it as much as possible and i had someone who you know contacted me and it's like you know what you really have to understand is just if they want to keep these dollars circulating especially globally. They need these people in here. They need more people in here. Because if they want to have a global currency, the more people they have here sending money back home, the more the, the

more of the dollar is in demand worldwide. And hell who, I mean, if it means that, you know, we take half of the subcontinent in, who cares, right? Right. And but that is one of the big questions, do they want that? Because one of the big things that we're seeing with this tariff policy, Trump, of course, just doubled down on the external revenue service idea is that maybe we don't want the dollar to be the global currency anymore. We don't want the dollar to be as strong. We want the dollar to have a different role. And if you're serious about stopping immigration, and if you're serious about America being a nation and not just a marketplace, eventually you're going to kind of run headfirst into a lot of these really difficult things.

issues that we've built a system over the last 50 years that can only operate in this way. And now we're trying to wrench it off the tracks by force and put it on something else. And you're not going to be able to do that without upsetting a lot of very powerful people. I mean, what's interesting now is that for all the talk about how the billionaires are back in Trump now and he was put in by the elites, this is far more threatening to elite power than anything he ever talked about doing in his first term. Certainly a lot more threatening than anything he talked about during his first reelection bid. Whether he can pull it off, I don't know.

But I think it's a fight worth having because we'll have it out. We're going to know whether America is a real country or not by the end of this term. And then, you know, the first book I ever wrote was basically about giving up on the idea of America and the idea of American identity ending and just embracing a white identity. Now, I don't really think that's plausible now. But it might be if you have the entire system come down and say, know we are literally going to impeach you for deporting illegal immigrants. And that's actually what we're going to call fascism.

If that's where we're at, why even talk about reforming the system anymore? That's a point. Another point I've been making a lot recently is that if we're going to have another election, there's a chance a Democrat's going to take over. And if a Democrat takes over, then they're going to punish their enemies. I mean, and it's not going to be J6th. growing people in the hole. I mean, they are, Chris Murphy, I don't know if you saw Mike Shelby, Mike Shelby shared that video, Chris Murphy, he's literally getting ready for a color revolution.

He's, he, it was him planning a color revolution. So if we're going to have another election, really, what is this? What, what on a national level, a national country, why? What are we doing here? This is something, I mean, this is going to sound a bit larpy, but it's something that Trump seems to be hinting at more and more. And Stephen Miller, again, Stephen Miller basically said that the Democrats can never again be allowed to have national leadership, because they just simply can't be trusted with these sorts of fundamental ideas. We are at the point now where I think it makes sense to talk about American Empire as a form of government, not just territorial expansion. The system we have now, first of all, is so far gone from the Constitution that to even talk about constitutional rules. laughable. But second, we all see that the people that were told run the country don't actually

run the country. I mean, the biggest dog that hasn't barked for the first hundred days, where the hell is Congress? We have a Republican Congress. Once the last time Congress has done anything other than Representative Mace, like posing for the camera and some of these other Republicans asking these silly rhetorical questions to get engagement bait, I don't know what they're doing these days. The only action is coming from the White House and coming from the judiciary. neither one of which was considered to be by the framers the main branch of government, the thing where everything was going to come from. Clearly, I think what we have, too, is we have structural problems that are so profound

and require such a long-term perspective that the system we have in place now, again, very different from what the framers wanted, makes it impossible to do. I mean, the things that President Trump was talking about in terms of trade, in terms of immigration, in terms of reorienting how the government funds itself and maybe not having most people pay taxes anymore. These are things that require like a decade. This is Singapore-style reconstitution. It can't really work in a system of government where you basically have two years and then you're guaranteed to lose power, which is why the other side wins, because unfortunately concentrated benefits always win over diffuse costs. I think that's why like Doge and the

these opportunities to cut government funding really haven't been going anywhere. So there's a bunch there. When I look at like the MAGA, yeah. When I look at the MAGA base, I see basically conservatives, liberals, classical liberal types. But I think even though they don't realize it, subconsciously, they were voting for a king. Yeah. They wanted someone to come in there. And, you know, I'll say this too.

Last month, I was in El Salvador for like eight days. I felt safer in San Salvador walking around at night with my wife than if I was in New York City or, you know, most big cities in Atlanta in this country. Yeah. It's a civilized country. We can't say that about large parts of America. If he's, I mean, it's time for that, right? I mean, that's the only possible way. I mean, when we talk about the kinds of policies that need to be implemented, I'm just talking

like policy nerd stuff, you know, write your position papers, we can reorient trade this way or that way. It is not possible to be done through Congress. It just can't be done because of the way it is structured. And this is something political scientists have been talking about for a very long time. Heck, when I was in college, there was a book I read called The Irony of Reform, which talked about how the kinds of good government reforms, progressives have put in place, have basically crippled Congress as an institution. And as somebody who was, as an intern, but at least was up there for a little while and got to see a little bit about how the process works.

None of these people read the bills. None of them know what's in it. None of them even sign the bills when it comes to co-sponsoring stuff. The L.A.s or even the interns do that. The government itself is basically run by a bunch of 20-year-old legislative aides who are telling them what to say. They're too busy running around being on TV and trying to run. raise money. Their districts are too big. They represent too many people. They have too many things that they're trying to do in order to keep themselves in the press as opposed to legislating.

The whole system is impossible of any kind of coherent governing agenda. And so what you have now is President Trump essentially trying to govern by decree. And the judiciary is stepping in saying, well, you're not allowed to do that. But when you actually look at the legal reasoning in a lot of these cases, they're just making. it up. And they've been doing that basically since the war in court, but nobody's ever called them out on it. Now we're seeing people actually call them out on. What are the things you talk to me about when you said, hey, do you want to come on? You said, well, what are your, what's your feeling on the first hundred days of Trump? You know, basically are you happy or not? I'm extraordinarily happy, but part of that is because my

expectations were very low. I mean, especially after the first term and because I'm old and bitter, I don't expect very much from the political process, but I'm also realistic. I don't think that there's a better alternative. I don't think that if we all just stay home, you know, we're going to get some right-wing authoritarian rising to glory in eight years any more than not voting led the libertarians to come to power because you refuse your consent to the system or whatever else. I think Trump is the best we can expect for a very long time. And what is the value of Trump?

he's forcing every single one of these institutions. And now we're on the judiciary to completely shred its legitimacy. However, this ends up. And I think you're right. If the left regains power, they're going to come for all of us. They are going to come for you, regardless of what you think about Trump. If you're right of center, you may be looking at real persecution, losing your bank account, losing your job, losing your freedom and going to jail over some invented things.

Look at what was done to V-Dare with Letitia James. And of course, Leticia James is only being held accountable somewhat now because of Trump one. All that's coming for every single one of us. But people are going to be far more aware of it and we're willing to resist it in a way that just wouldn't have been possible 10 years ago. I mean, the very fact that Trump was elected, not despite his support for the J6 prisoners, but partially because of it, I think is eloquent testimony to that. You catch them in the corner of your eye. distinctive by design they move you even before you drive the new cupra plug-in hybrid range for mentor leon and terramar now with flexible PCP finance and trade-in boosters of up to

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I mean, don't get me started. The bank. The bomb's around. It's over. I mean, that's, yeah. Yeah. That's, we're toast. I mean, yeah.

The banking lobby, the, um, Wall Street and strangely the Federal Reserve, you know, because Jerome Powell, private equity Powell, I mean, he's basically been working for Wall Street for since he got into, since he got into the Federal Reserve. And then you have the tech elites. Who's, do you see the tech elites or being any kind of real, the tech elites and Wall Street being any kind of real push or any kind of, you know, if you have competing, actions and one gets to win here, one gets to win there. It's a lot better than if one is just dominated. What do you see? Well, I think what's interesting is right now Trump has staked his

entire presidency on the thing that is clearly most important to him. The one thing he's been consistent on for about 40 years, but it's also something that none of the constituencies you just mentioned are in favor of, and that, of course, is tariffs and this trade policy. And a lot of people on our side even are freaking out about it because it's a huge gamble. I mean, it is going to cause economic disruption at best, at worst, massive damage. We're probably going to start seeing a supply crunch and some issues with trucking and some other stuff in the next coming days. And I don't think any of those people support that, certainly not Wall Street, certainly not the Israel lobby. I mean, right off the bat, Trump slapped some tariffs on Israel and basically

Netanyahu had to come to him to basically try to negotiate. and get them removed. And I still don't think he removed everything. So, I mean, none of those guys are clearly calling the shots as far as everything. As far as who has the upper hand most of all, I don't know. I think that Wall Street is probably the most powerful, but that's because what they want is chiefly a negative agenda. We're not going to tax unrealized gains. We're not going to raise taxes on the wealthy. I mean, Trump will probably try to push through another tax cut and that'll be the way maybe he can get him on board with tariffs. We're going to try to get trade deals that will allow us to compete better in foreign markets. Maybe that's the way he can

sell them on some of this stuff. I mean, as far as the tech bros go, look, Zuckerberg's heart has never really been in it. As far as I can tell, censorship on Facebook and all the other things he controls, hasn't changed all that much. Same with YouTube. I mean, as far as Elon Musk goes, he clearly seems to be on the outs as far as the administration goes. And, he's not very popular anymore. So if he ever was, he's not been disowned, certainly, by Trump, but I think Musk is an opponent of some of the tariff policies that Trump's trying to do. I mean, as far as Zionists go and as far as the foreign policy lobby and the neocons go, I think there's more reason for optimism on that than there was in his first turn.

I mean, we don't see John Bolton. We don't see a lot of the people that we would have expected. I think Trump does not want to let Iran get a nuclear weapon, but then again, really no American administration of the last, certainly my entire lifetime, would have been on board with it. And that doesn't necessarily mean that he personally would order American forces to do anything about it. It is possible I could see him looking the other way if Israel decides to take it out themselves, but there is going to be an effort at negotiation for that first, which frankly is, probably more than we could expect if any other Republican would have won.

Yeah, the thing you said about having, about the people around him, especially when it comes to foreign policy, it definitely, the, do you think the signal leaks were done purposely? It almost seems like it's, you can make the argument for or against. And I think that I come down the middle, it come down in the middle on it. the one thing the signal leaks told me was that none of these people fear God. None of these people have a conscience at all. And they're willing to drop, they're willing to do exactly what Israel will do, drop a building full of people in order to get one person.

And, I mean, it's just depressing just to see that and see all these, quote, unquote, Christians in there celebrating that. What do you think of the reporting indicate? And again, how much of this reporting can we even trust that it was Vance and the Secretary of Defense who were pushing back on the idea of America striking Iran right away? I found that pretty interesting. Not that surprising because Vance strikes me as somebody who's a little suspicious of any long-term foreign intervention. As far as willing to kill people, I mean, I think to get to that level, it almost requires us of ruthlessness that. you're just going to get in 100% of the people. Yeah.

I mean, there's a reason not all then become president. Yeah. Well, I think Vance, Vance and Hegseth, I think they have enough, definitely Vance has enough inspiration, is taking enough, is listening enough to that section of the tech elite that are saying that China is our number one enemy. And I mean, at this point, I can't disagree. they're once you really start digging into um china and what they do and how they do it and the fact that they're they're basically destroying all of the ecology off of the western coast of south

america right now with just fish with overfish i mean they have no conscience whatsoever it is a civilizational threat and it's yeah this kind of gets us to it i think is the main thing and you and i I've both thought about these issues, and it's really the issue for our entire movement. It's the one thing that we kind of just have to have out. And I'm not sure there is a correct answer, which is, are our interests tied to the interests of this entity called the United States of America? Because clearly, as it exists now, not like the American nation as an ideal, not what America could have been, not what America once was, but the thing we're in now, the thing

that is going to be barring mass deportation. and that's a separate issue is going to be majority non-white within our lifetimes, and that's going to change everything. If we are looking at it from an American point of view, from sort of a civic nationalist point of view, clearly China is the main threat, economically, possibly militarily, in terms of the global order, in terms of this whole system that we've set up. From the point of view of an American living in this country, of a white American living in this country, what I'm most afraid of is what you talked about earlier, the Democratic. Democrats come back in four years and start doing all these terrible things. I mean, China hasn't done

those things to me, but Democratic officials have. And so that raises a certain question about who is it that I really should be worried about and who is my political enemy. From a geopolitical point of view, the Trump administration is in a weird place because there are clearly factions of their base that are already thinking in terms of weird, and you would see these flags all over when you would drive around rural America, take back America, you know, very vulgar terms about Joe Biden and Kamala Harris, you know, this idea that it was almost like it. I live in rural Alabama. Yeah. So you know, I mean, it's basically like it was basically like an uprising against an occupation government. I heard people, and this is at Trump rallies. These are Normie Republicans

explicitly talk about it in these terms that were expelling a traitor, that we're going to do this, that we're going to do that. So you have that. But. But then also Trump has to manage the American Empire, the existing American Empire, effectively. So he doesn't disrupt everything too much. Can you do both those things at once? I don't know. And where does that leave us for people who are talking about politics who are interested in what it is to be American now, as opposed to what it was when the founders created this country?

because we're simultaneously the super patriots and also the exiles. We're simultaneously the people who want the American flag to conquer new lands and also the people who might want to break up the whole thing. And there's not really a consensus, I think, about how we go forward. What I've come to believe is that there's not going to be a consensus one way or the other until we see how it plays out with Trump. And Trump is our best shot right. I think what you're seeing and, you know, Tom,

777's been talking about this. Even Jared, I remember him talking at the last conference about this, is I think you're going to see people of like mind either organically or intentionally going and living near each other and basically collectivizing. I mean, I know I'm not going to docks you, but I know where you live and I know that you're surrounded by our people. A bunch of our people are. I mean, people know where I live.

I live in Lynchburg, Virginia. everyone knows I live right. If people want to get, if people want to get me, I mean, I got another house too. But like, if people want to get me, they're going to get me. And if people want to know who I am and like where I've been. I mean, all that I've had so much of my stupid private life, like thrown out in the media for years and half of it's not even true. But it doesn't matter at a certain point.

I think one of the big things that's changed is that when I was starting out in this kind of stuff, when I would write stuff. you were taking ideas to their logical conclusion and maybe being militant because to some sense, there was no consequence to any of this. You were just sort of following the ideas where it would lead you. But now there are real consequences because people are actually paying attention. And there is a responsibility to actually organize and win because the stakes are there. I think what's weird about the movement maybe in 2010 as opposed to now is you could say the most extreme stuff. in 2010, and yet the idea that you would be censored. The idea that even like Google would censor you

was just crazy. Like, oh, that'll never happen. Nobody thought that. Nobody except the most like extreme people. And guess what? Those extreme people were right about what was coming. But at the same time, even though we face real, no kidding, repression, and certainly our European comrades face it a lot more than we do, at the same time, we also have a mass base, which is something we didn't have before. And if you ask me, what's the explanation for that? I really don't have one other than Donald Trump. We would not be here without him.

Yeah, I've gotten to the point where I'm pretty much decided. I've pretty much resigned myself to the fact that there was going to be targeted violence in the future. Oh, yeah. I mean, yeah. Luigi, whatever, yeah. Yeah, people can figure out where I live. And if it had, yeah, I used to be like one of these people when I first started doing. this where it was like, well, I'm going to use a fake name and I'm going to do, I'm going to do

everything I can do this and everything. And now I'm at the point like, I mean, it's, if you, once you decide to become a partisan, you pretty much put a bullseye on your back. So right. I mean, just don't, just know what you're getting into for any of the younger guys out there, you know, make your choice and stick to it. But if, if you're going for a real job in the administration or something like that, then don't be stupid. Uh, there are things possible. 20 years ago as far as kind of leading a dual life the way a lot of us did working in mainstream politics and extreme politics at the same time. That's just not an option anymore. Well, and I think you know this. I mean, I try not to talk about it because the more light you put on it, but I'm sure

you know our guys who are working in the administration. And there's a lot of them. People would be shocked to know how many there are. And in some of the places that they actually are. It's crazy. All right, we got to talk about this. Immigration. Well, there are a couple big things going on right now. First of all, the legal battle is going to be, it's going to determine everything because obviously the best thing to do is for Trump to actually win. He has this authority to get rid of these people.

The fact that they're even trying to fight him on this is insane. It's not true that he's got fewer deportations than Biden. I think there's a big sleight of hand here where basically, the people that they would let into the country and then deport later. These were counted as deportations. What Trump has done within, he did it within the first week, forget it the first 100 days. He shut down the border as far as illegal immigration coming in. I mean, it's just not a thing at the southern border anymore. I think they said, what, three people got in? I mean, that alone, remember, that was what the Biden administration was saying. We need new legislation to stop.

We cannot secure this border without new legislation. And remember, it was a lot of Republicans like that idiot senator from Oklahoma, Langford, who said, yep, this is what we have to do. And it was Trump who shut it down. He's proven himself entirely correct on that one. And no one's giving him any credit for it. What he's doing now is he's going after some of the hardest cases and the Democrats, the hardest cases meaning the hardest cases for the Democrats to defend, the gang members

and all the rest of it. And they're going to the mat for them. And what's remarkable is that the media, having learned nothing, is repeating these kinds of narratives. So we are going to have it out over the best battleground we could possibly have it out. I think if we didn't move into the tariff territory, which is, I think, more politically problematic. But that's like saying, if only Trump wasn't Trump, I mean, he was always going to do that. I think we'd be in a pretty good position on immigration. The deportation mechanism, I think, is still getting up and running.

they need more funding. They need a lot of things to really get this to where it needs to go. But clearly, things are moving in the right direction. All that said, what we're talking about, to keep America America, we basically need to get rid of like 20 million people. And probably if we're serious, we need to strip citizenship from a lot of anchor babies and send them back too. And to be blunt, I think the second thing is certainly not going to happen in this administration. and the first thing, unless he wins, unless, I almost said unless he wins another term, although he is selling the Trump 2028 hats, unless they somehow keep control of the White House for a very long time, I don't know how they can achieve that level of deportations unless they do a lot more to drive self deportation. And at the top of that list is remittance taxes and going after the employers. And we are not seeing them go after employers.

That is the number one thing they could be doing. And furthermore, you could have a lot of fun with guys like Bernie Sanders, who said for decades that this is the thing the government needs to be doing. I don't want to see MS-13 gangsters in handcuffs so much as I want to see meatpacking plant CEOs in handcuffs. Because if you want to actually make a difference, and this is a numbers game, you have to dry up that magnet. You just have to break the backs of the people who hire these people and they'll stop coming or they'll leave. Yeah, I have a friend who, he's already done the Mayaculpah on this, but it's from California, and he defended a bunch of like the employers who were, you know, employing, employing illegals. So he knows the inside outs of this system.

And he said, really, he goes, it's regulations. He said, that's what Obama did. Obama just got some regulations put through. So it was legal for them. and actually encourage them to hire illegals. He said all you need is regulations in the other direction. And I'm not against at this point. Like, you know, one, you know, the first, first offense, you know, I mean, a heavy fine.

I'm talking about millions of dollars. Second offense, we auction off your, we auction off your company. We just take it. And we auction off your company. I mean, that's the only thing that's going to stop these people. People have to understand Walmart. These companies, even the smallest companies, they love immigration because it increases their customer base.

They love entitlements. The more money that's printed, the more money that's given to them is the more money that makes its way to them. The companies are not our friends. I'm sorry if I sound like a socialist. Businesses are not our friends. If this is capitalism, fuck capitalism. You cannot have the merchant fundamentally running.

It's that simple. I mean, this is traditionalism 101. I mean, once you have the driving force of a society being money, you don't have a society anymore. Because at the end of the day, what you are going to do is you are going to champion a system that takes money from the public and puts it into private interests. And you're going to get a lot of useful idiots who call themselves libertarians, who are not libertarians, calling this the free market when it is anything but the free market. We don't even need to have the capitalism debate because whatever this is, right now. It's just organized theft. It has nothing to do with the free market. But I think the scope of the problem is so much deeper than anybody knows. I mean, a lot of people might not know this.

I worked on the trades for a little while. And when you go to these, let's say it's like a Walmart and you're working at night, that kind of thing, and you're surrounded by construction workers or whatever else. I mean, you're dealing with 100% Spanish speakers, 100%. I mean, some trades are still 99% white, but for something like construction, there just are no white people anymore. It's just not a thing. And is it really possible that every single one of these people who are working in this are citizens? Is it really possible that hundreds and hundreds and hundreds of workers all working for this place and none of them speak English? Not just they won't talk to you. I mean, I knew enough Spanish to kind of get by and figure out what they were saying. But the higher-ups

asked to talk to them and they can't understand any of it. Is it really possible that none of these people speak any English after doing this job for presumably years? I don't think so. I think that the illegal immigration problem is it's not 12 million. I don't think it's 15 million. Frankly, if it was 30 million or above 30 million, that wouldn't surprise me. And to say that Trump is not delivering a mass deportation, even though that's true to some extent, although I think he's doing, he's setting up the groundwork that you're going to need to do if you're serious about this thing. What it's going to require if you're trying to literally grab people and send them out by force, I mean, essentially it's going to require a military operation as great

as World War II. It's not feasible unless it's accompanied with punishing the people who have created the magnet that created this problem in the first place. And furthermore, frankly, to get Americans on board, I think that what they were going to do with Doge should have been done, where he gave everybody a rebate. We start confiscating some of these ill-gone gains. Frankly, I think Americans should get a share of that. That's one way to get Americans on board. I mean, we're in this mess because American taxpayer money goes to private interests and NGOs and places like that. And so they're committed to this. Well, if ordinary Americans start getting a share in this, then they'll be committed to a program of national reclamation. Do you take Eric Prince seriously when he says he can, you know,

give me this amount of money and I can do this? I think if anybody could do it, it would probably be him. I think most of the problems that we have in this country could be solved very quickly if we had people with sufficient will. The problem is, I don't think it's a question of money so much as breaking through a lot of the institutions, number one being the courts. And that's what's being fought over right now. President Trump is going to be forced, I think, into a historic choice because I don't

think the courts are going to let him deport these people and he's going to have to defy them. I don't think they would have allowed Eisenhower to do what he did, which, of course, at the time, everybody took totally for granted that he's allowed to do it. I wrote for Vidaire for a very long time. If you look at immigration law, if you look at the actual laws as they are written, the president has almost unlimited power to get rid of foreigners in this country. There's no legal dispute to be had. This can be done tomorrow.

But right now you are going to be facing not only all these random federal judges and probably the Supreme Court, but you're also dealing with these states and these localities that are essentially in a minor form of insurrection because they're saying we are not going to allow you to get rid of these foreigners. And you have to ask yourself, given that he's present and he's dealing with all these other issues, how far are you willing to take this? because however far you think it's going to be, it's going to be farther if we actually want to solve this problem. And I think what we're running into now, before every revolution, there's always a period where people see the problems. They know there have to be major reforms. They know that the structure can't operate much longer. And they say, hey, we get to change these things or the whole thing's going to fall apart. And the people who are benefiting from the way things are, say, no, no, no, you can't do that. And usually what they do is they cloak themselves

in the language of traditional liberties and privileges and constitutions and the way things have always been done. That's what happened to the aristocracy in France before the revolution. Of course, it didn't do them any good in the long run. And I think we're dealing with the same sort of issue here. These NGOs, these corporations, all the people who benefit from this program of unlimited cheap labor, all the people who benefit from DEI, there's no circumstance where they're going to allow you to reform their lives, their meaning, the purpose of their lives, more than just their livelihoods, out of existence. So if Trump can't do it, and I think it's too early to throw in the towel on that, but obviously he's facing ferocious resistance, but I think he is fighting

hard. If he can't do that, what next? Because the answer can't just be the people are going to rise up or that the system is going to collapse or that we automatically win because I'm more ideologically extreme than Trump is. I don't think any of those things are going to happen. I think we're going to face some very difficult ideological choices and we're going to face an even more difficult organizing struggle. Well, I think that like say the Democrats take over the House and the Senate in the midterms and they somehow get somebody, you know, the voting machines get turned back on again and they get someone in in 2028. I think it can be so bad that finally some of these quote unquote patriots

wake up and realize, you know, we have to have some kind of separation and you have to treat Washington, D.C., treat the federal government like your under occupation and, you know, use federalism in whatever way, shape, or form to try to reconstitute. something. But if the right keeps, say they gain, the Republicans gain seats in the House and the Senate in the midterms and J.D. Vance gets elected in 2028. I don't think these, I don't think the people on the left are going to have the same idea of, well, you know, maybe California should separate and maybe you should, no, I think it's just going to be out and out violence. I think it's going to be the streets, you will not want to be near a city. And I'm not talking about big cities.

I'm talking about cities. I think, maybe this is too pessimistic, and I'd like to hear what you think and what other people think, too. I don't think the right is capable of doing any kind of serious political action in the sense of totally defeating the left, unless we control the system to some extent. We're just not wired for it. The way the left has reacted since President Trump's election, that would not have happened had Harris won. You would not see big protests. you would not see people gearing up. Really, the only thing that allowed Trump to win is the fact that everybody who had very

different ideas, they all had one focus on this and this was Trump. And you had people with mutually incomprehensible ideology supporting him as a savior figure and that was able to work for him. But I don't think the right is capable in the same way that, say, the Antebellum South was capable in having a coherent block with a coherent governing class, in a counter ideology that would justify separation from the United States. I think you would just see a lot of bizarre conspiracy theories and local, you know, flare-ups here and there wouldn't really go anywhere because there's only one left, but there are lots of different

rights. And the rights don't tend to get along. And if you're the left, the way you crush them is you make sure that there's nowhere to go to get away from everything in terms of mass immigration. I mean, why not? And we saw this under Obama and we saw this under Biden. why not just make sure that lots of new immigrants are revitalizing Appalachia in West Virginia? Why just make sure they're going to Idaho?

Make sure they're going to what areas of Red Texas still remain where there's nowhere to escape. You're already seeing this in England where they're targeting a lot of the kind of reform areas with new settlements of southeastern immigration, southeastern Asian immigration. And I just, maybe this, maybe I'm too pessimistic. Maybe, maybe I'm just too bitter or maybe just too old. But I doubt the capability of the American right to develop a true anti-system alternative. I think that the only way we get anywhere is that we have the system, the left overreacts, which it tends to do. And then the right is the one which gets to bring the hammer down. And that's the only way this is going to work. I would like to be proven wrong, but I think we'd see more signs of it. And frankly, the only real counter-revolution that we've

seen over the last 10 years has basically been funneled through Trump. And I don't think he's a safety valve. I think if it weren't for him, we just wouldn't be seeing anything substantial happening. I mean, what are we going to do? Go back to the Tea Party or something? Well, yeah, the thing is, and I'm not calling for this, anyone who's listening, revolutionary violence on the right always has to be pushed to the point where they just can't stop, they can't help it anymore, like Spain, Spain in 1936. That's the only way you're going to get in. Yeah, but even Spain you had, it wasn't, Spain is, I agree, the best thing to look at is in terms of where we might be is Spain.

I mean, Spain is about as pure a right versus left fight as. has ever existed. But the big difference between Spain and the situation now is in Spain, you had a lot of institutions that were still totally, or not totally, but overwhelmingly on the right, traditional institutions, above all the Army, and above all the Foreign Legion in North Africa, and then the foreigners that they were able to bring in. I mean, the Moroccans were key to that initial wave of attacks. I mean, it was a failed coup, originally, originally, which then became a civil war. But it was a coup that wasn't launched without support from some of the organs of state. And the left, one of the big things that really crippled

them in the early going was they were reluctant to arm the anarchists and they were reluctant to arm the left-wing forces that probably could have crushed the right-wing uprising but weren't necessarily allied to the Republican state, smaller Republican state. And I don't think the left now is that conservative or that cowardly. I think we saw in 2020, they have no problem giving cover to revolutionary forces. They have no problem turning the other way when certain acts of violence take place. And there are no institutions on a national level in the United States that we can say are comfortably on the right. I mean, certainly before Trump, I think a lot of people would assume that would have been true of the military. I mean, does anybody believe that?

now? Does anybody believe, like Oliver Stone's sort of conspiracy theories that the CIA is actually a super right-wing secret government that's just can't wait to return America to right-wing authoritarianism? No, of course not. We've seen all these CIA girl bosses running for Congress, and they're all left-wing beyond belief. I mean, what one institution is on our side, even the Catholic Church, even the churches. I mean, we can't even say, I wouldn't even call them right of center. I mean, you want to talk about who's importing the illegal immigrants and who's profiting from it, the religious. religious charities above all. I mean, that may be George W. Bush's greatest impact on American history was funding these religious groups to do, quote, unquote, charity. So, unfortunately,

the only way we were actually able to get any kind of state power is basically by electing some crazy guy president twice. And that's where we're at now. But, I mean, the one thing that we do have, which we didn't have 15 years ago is, I mean, you do have, you have a label, you have an organization, something you can organize around. You have people and parties. You have a rebirth of a lot of these kind of conservative groups that are no longer willing to aggressively gatekeep the way they did 15 years ago, which was basically the story of my life when you're young and trying to organize within the conservative movement and you're constantly being gate kept. That gatekeeping has failed utterly. Trump broke it. And I think Trump has opened up the way for what comes next. But what ultimately

needs to come next, and I hate to say this because it just sounds so cheap, but I've been thinking about this for a very long time, and I really do think it is this simple. You're going to need another charismatic personality to come along and get elected to something and rally a movement that way. I think that the only way the right can really collectively have a push forward is it's going to be around personality, not ideology, because I just don't think the American right is capable of uniting around an ideological program right now. aside maybe from the idea of national reclamation. And even if we did that, the libertarians and the normie conservatives would probably be at our throats when it comes to doing what needs to be done, just getting rid of these illegals.

Well, I think, yeah, that's when you say that, I agree with a lot of that. Am I too pessimistic? I guess that's the question. No, no, no, no. You're the civic, the civic national, you know, and I'll say this, and it's a bizarre of religion. is so ingrained in normie conservatives. And then you have, you know, I mean, you have on the right now because they've migrated to the right

because of immigration threatens them is so many Zionists. You have all of these Zionists who have, I'm right winged. That's arguably true of like the neo-conservatives as far back as the 60s. I mean, that was the original migration. right? I mean, you had all these guys who supported the civil rights movement and supported a lot of these radical movements and then it started coming for them and they said, oh, wait, and that's where Pahoritz and Crystal and a lot of these guys, frankly, the original generation of neo-conservatives was more impressive in a lot of ways than the current generation.

At least those guys had something to say once in a while, whereas the ones now are just pure hacks. and I think that the real danger with the neo-conservatives now or, you know, the Zionism above everything else type quote-unquote conservatives is at some level, I think they even know America on its current trajectory is going down, but they want to use this last opportunity to get us involved in one last stupid war to achieve certain geopolitical objectives. And it's just a question of not letting them do that. If you look at the polls over the next 20 years, I mean, it's going to become basically completely untenable to be pro-Israel and a Democrat, certainly. I think something like 80% of the young Democratic base is anti-Israel. The danger, of course,

is then you end up with the situation in the United Kingdom, where basically the Labor Party is moving into the pro-Palestinian party and the Tories are going to be the pro-Israel party and that will create, I mean, arguably, we're already there. And then you'll end up having to do all these stupid fights over that stupid desert instead of what we need to do here. But I think really, as far as Zionism goes, especially if we define it in terms of foreign policy, it's just, it's very simple. We just can't let them drag us into another war because if that happens, that becomes the entire story of the Trump movement, not just of this administration, but everything he ever did. Just like George W. Bush, when he got reelected, it was to stop gay marriage. It was to

stop a lot of these things that a lot of Republican voters at the time were really upset about. He had all these domestic plans and everything else. But if you ask anyone, what was George W. Bush all about? It was the Iraq War. And there was nothing else he did. That was of any real importance. And if Trump gets us dragged into a Middle Eastern War, then that's all he was going to be about. But at the same time, I think that he's shown more resistance than just about any other Republican would have at this point. I mean, one of the things we got to talk about in terms of the factions fighting over the Trump administration, one we always seem to overlook is Trump himself. I mean, that's one of the reasons I think so many people voted for him. We're not voting for a frontman.

We're voting for a guy who is the closest thing America has to a sovereign. and Trump, maybe because he's egotistical and self-centered, actually takes responsibility for his choices precisely because he wants to have the credit for doing big things. And I don't know, I guess at some level it comes down to, do you have faith enough in Trump to resist getting us involved in one of these things? I mean, he did do it in the first time. Aside from a couple missile strikes against Syria, if you got that. And Soleimani.

And Solomani. I mean, can we reorient American foreign policy away from being anti-Iran? I mean, that's really going to be the story of these negotiations over the nuclear plan. So we'll see. Anti-Iran and anti-Russia. There's no reason we should be at odds with Russia. Well, that's obviously what he's trying to do now with some sort of a, I mean, there's no, there's no ability to maneuver away from the,

that, well, the war in Ukraine is going on. And obviously, he's trying to stop that now. The question is, is Putin, does that work to Putin's advantage or is he just determined to grind this thing out until they can secure control over those four regions? Or does he actually think he's going to take all of Ukraine? I hate to stay on the Zionist Jewish power thing, but these anti-free speech laws that are getting passed. Oh, complete disgrace. There's no defending him. I mean, There's an argument that I'll say this, all these guys who are being deported, none of these guys should be in the country. None of them are anti-Zionism for the correct reasons. All these guys are, oh, we want to destroy Western civilization, white supremacy, this, that, and the other thing.

But that's not why they're being deported. I would support it explicitly if look, this guy's anti-white, he's a foreigner, he shouldn't be here, we're deporting him. That shouldn't even be controversial. I mean, if you, I mean, let's ask this question. If you had, I don't know, somebody from Europe or Russia or whatever, who was the head of a neo-Nazi group and started saying how we need to destroy black people in the United States or something like that, he's a foreigner, he's there on a student visa, and the Biden administration decided

to deport him for that reason. Do you think anybody would be raising a stink? Do you think anybody would be upset about it? No. I mean, I think that is something, I don't see why it's so unthinkable to deport people for being anti-white or anti-American. But the reason they're deporting these people, it's not even because they're anti-Semitic. It's because they're anti-Semitic. It's because they're anti-Israel specifically. So now you're setting up the precedent where you're saying that it is because of their opinion about a foreign country that we're going to kick these. people out and we're not willing to kick these people out for having the wrong opinion about our country. I understand the I just want these people out by any means necessary. I'm certainly not going to shed a tear for them, but I mean, I want these people out probably way more than even the people in charge now do. But the rationale that they're using is frankly bizarre to any normal American. And I think they're handing away an issue that politically doesn't get them anything. And it's also just a terrible precedent to set. But I mean, this particular fixation,

it just comes down to obviously certain key donors. This is something that they probably demanded in return for the big donations. And there's no mass constituency for this, but unfortunately politics is played at the elite level and it's dictated from the top down and that's where we are. I mean, ultimately what we have to have is we have to have an explicitly pro-white lobby in this country if we want politicians to respond to us. But we do not have that yet. That's really what American Renaissance is all about. I mean, I thought Qatar was taking over the colleges. Oh, yeah. Well, Qatar, obviously. We're all in the Qatari payroll. So, you know, I'm actually broadcasting from Dubai right now.

That was one of the weirdest siops. And people are still going with it. The whole woke right thing, too, is just... It's so stupid. And it... They're just bad at this. This is what I don't understand is that... This is a whole other can of worms.

But when you look at the Douglas Murray interview and you look at some of the arguments that are being trotted out now and you look at this gatekeeping effort being launched against like Joe Rogan and people like that. And it's so ham-handed and so clumsily done, and nobody believes it. And they've just completely lost. They've certainly lost the entire left. I mean, that's just gone. And you're just never going to see that again.

And they don't even know why. And then in terms of the right, I mean, if you wanted to, occasionally I'll see people on our side and they'll say, like, look, the pro-Israel lobby is trying to couch its arguments in terms of a defense of white identity or Western civilization or something like that. And that's how they're going to trick people into getting involved in a new Middle Eastern War. I think that's giving them too much credit. If you look at the kind of arguments that they're raising now, it's like they've learned nothing. I mean, this is stuff that was dated 20 years ago. This is stuff that sounds familiar to the George W. Bush days. And I just don't see

anybody going for it. But it's almost like a zombie movie. zombie movement just because there's so much money and institutional power behind it that they're just going forward with it. Unfortunately, if you look at people in Congress for the GOP, those people seem to find it compelling. I mean, the quiet revolution that's undergoing with the GOP base regarding Middle Eastern policy just seems to have no effect whatsoever on the people who are in office right now. None of them seem to even notice it. One of the other things that they're using is that the factions the whole Israel thing is going to cause factions on the right and the right will never be able to be united.

And what they don't understand is, is that as long as that is there, as long as that Israeli influence, as long as what Massey said, everyone has an APAC hit. You're not reuniting the right. The right is not going to be united. And you know how you can tell the right's not going to be united?

Because Trump got elected. Trump is not a unifying force. No. Even within the Republican Party, he's not unifying. There are too many people who consider, one thing the left can do is they can agree that power is what, all we want to do is have power, and then you can go over here and do your chopping dick soft thing,

and you can go over here and do this or whatever. Just get us power. Just get us power. the right gets power and they don't know how to use it. They're afraid. I think they're not allowed to use it. I mean, that's the biggest thing is the right treats. I mean, for most of my life, the right has been defined as it is our job to oppose any use of state power.

And if we use state power, we're just as bad as the other side, which is really a way of negating politics itself because politics is power. Politics is the pursuit of power. Power is a constant. Sovereignty indoors. It cannot be eradicated. Someone is going to use state power, and it's always a question of whether it is you or whether it's going to be used against you.

You don't get to opt out unless you somehow flee the area of sovereignty. And regarding foreign policy, regarding Israel, and regarding those issues, there's no, there's no version of the right, no coherent version of the right, where you say a permanent alliance with a foreign country is core to our worldview. you. But that is the absurd position the mainstream conservative movement is in right now. And you certainly see, and I can say this with utter certainty, having worked in it for so long, for religious reasons, for institutional support reasons. Maybe you could argue that there was once a legitimate reason for it with the Cold War, because it was sort of a Cold War ally in the

Middle East, but that hasn't been true for a very long time. And if it ever was, there's no reason to be going to the mat on something like this. And there's no way to explain people going to the mat on something like this other than they think either money or institutional power is on their side and this is how you have to get it, that this is just the price you have to pay. Now, I think that the left is going to have a lot more freedom to operate, especially as the Palestinian cause becomes more popular among the youth. And especially as America is increasingly non-white. And a lot of the non-whites in America think of themselves almost as America's Palestinians. I remember the, if you're familiar with the Atslaan movement and the Chicano movement, they used to

always, this is like decades ago, they would refer to themselves as America's Palestinians. This is the way that they would conceptualize what they were going through now. This is the way that the Palestinian flag, it may become sort of like the intersectional flag, the sort of Pan-leftist flag that can be used by lots of different constituencies to communicate one message that kind of makes sense. Whereas the right, there's not really a way you can have a, we're defending Western liberal values chiefly done by Israel and that's our front line against militant Islam, but also we're importing millions of Muslims and supporting Israel doesn't seem to do anything to stop it. I mean, the whole argument is so incoherent and just falls on its face.

I mean, the only thing that I'm ever, I always push back at is that I just don't think, I mean, support Palestine if you want, but none of these people are ever going to support you on the causes that matter to us. I mean, I've never seen a pro-white activist who supports Palestine. I've seen a lot of people try, like go to a Palestinian demonstration and be met with anything other than violence. So we do need to be honest about that. Sometimes the enemy of your enemy isn't your friend. is just another enemy. Yeah, true. Or you just watch from a distance as they fight your enemy and you don't say anything.

But one thing I will say, and I remember, I think it was Nick, Nif Fuentes, who said this a year ago when it was all like really kicking off. And he said this about me, but he was more broadly a criticism, the conservative movement. And I'm going to say, he's 100% right. You can't say, well, I just don't care about either one of them. when the United States of America is overwhelming, and this was, he was saying this when Biden was in office, is overwhelmingly on one side. When the United States of America is, like, your taxes are supporting one side, and that's doubly true now. So like you do have a stake in

these things. I wonder if there's going to be a point where, particularly if the Democrats take over, particularly depending on who gets elected, if you're going to see America start weighing in on the other side. And, you know, you. We may see a real slug fest in the Democratic nomination if Governor Shapiro of Pennsylvania runs. That was the guy who the Trump campaign was terrified, was going to be named as the vice presidential nominee and who a lot of them were even afraid was going to be the presidential nominee in the last election. If he runs in 2028, that's going to be really interesting to see in the Democratic Party. and it'll be very instructive as far as telling us how power is really wielded in American politics because if someone like that is able to get the nomination,

I think that tells us a lot about how little public opinion within a party really matters. When it comes to just like the what they call the right, I mean, I'll just call them Republicans because I'm very strict on what right wing means, very historical on what right wing means, but Republicans, they, if they don't have the stomach for what needs to be done, then do they,

do you see a certain segment of them? Because I think there's a lot of people who voted for Trump this time who may have voted for Biden in 2020. I think there were people who are like, well, you know, it's that center they talk about who has no kind of, you know, there's no idea.

there. It's just whichever way the wind blows. I mean, if they turn, yeah, yeah, well, if the economy is shitting the bed in, in 2026, and I mean, do we see like a, basically a bunch of people just abandoning MAGA and being like, well, we need to get people in here, even though, you know, like we've already said, Congress is doing nothing. Do they do? anything anymore other than run interference for certain things. I mean, do we see a gigantic change? Because, I mean, these aren't people who have any kind of ideology whatsoever. Their ideology is financial.

I think that the biggest missed opportunity of the Trump administration thus far is not giving people the doge rebate checks, not turning people into financial clients. In a democracy, you have to establish a patron client relationship with your voters. and Trump did that with the stimulus checks. A lot of blacks, actually, according to that book, fight about the 2024 election, said they wouldn't vote for Biden because Trump had given him a stimulus, and Biden hadn't. Now, of course, Biden did, but they didn't know that. But Trump was smart enough to put his name on the check.

I think if MAGA fails or if the economy goes bad and the tariffs aren't able to turn it around by 2028 or whatever situation we end up facing, I think you're going to see a large number of people shift toward the left and whatever party is promising them free stuff and sort of a vague soak the rich mentality. I wouldn't underestimate AOC, frankly, running on just sort of pine in the sky, social programs and whatever else. Whether they work or not doesn't matter. And whether they make people's lives worse or not really doesn't matter. I mean, what is the one thing that everybody in this country agrees on? Health care sucks.

What do they all agree should be done about it if you look at the polls? give more power to the people who made health care suck to begin with. People are not capable of masses of people anyway, are not capable of severing that connection. And I don't think you're going to see like a new right of Maga movement takes shape. I don't think you're going to see some anti-state movement. I don't think you're going to see like neoliberarianism or whatever else. I think you're just going to see a kind of left,

and you're already seeing it at some level, a kind of left-wing populism where we basically, we're going to have a kind of democratic socialism, and we're going to make a couple headfakes toward disenfranchised white males to win back some of these guys, and then we're going to screw them over on cultural policies once we're in power. I think that's the most likely political reaction. I mean, the real question of what the right's going to do in terms of a reaction, if manga fails, is I don't think they're going to do anything. anything. I think they're going to just retreat into fantasy world and private life. I don't think

that there's any real heir apparent or real rising movement that has any political presence that can really accomplish anything. I think whatever comes after MAGA is going to be calling itself like the true MAGA or calling itself like what the Trump Revolution was really about and we're going to succeed where he failed and that kind of thing. But I also think it's a little too early to be giving up with the president. Yeah. No, I mean, I'm just, Like, I follow people like Mike Shelby. And he, what he does is he, you know, yeah, I've been following him pretty closely too.

Yeah, he sits in on all the, like the calls and everything, like indivisible, places like that. People think that stuff has gone away because USAID. No, they're not going anywhere. And basically what they're doing is there, Mike doesn't think that there is going to be like, this is going to be a summer of George kind of thing. except if some of these groups are calling for to get violent when it comes to deportations. If you see a deportation man stand in front of it. If you see an airplane, you know, if you find out that flight to.

I really hope so. Yeah. That's, that is, that's what I want. If you're like, what do I think is the best thing that can happen? What is the only way? And I'm, maybe I'm too pessimistic. Maybe I'm too scornful. But what is the only way I think that the right actually does what needs to be done?

I'll tell you exactly. And this already happened, by the way. Everybody forgets that. But there was a Democratic terrorist who shot at an ice station in Colorado a few years back. Remember? He was killed. And there were other attempts like this. The best thing that could happen is if the left tries to violently stop deportation operations.

And that provides the opportunity to bring the hammer down with things like RICO prosecutions of these organizations where you actually start breaking up these groups, where you actually start going after the NGOs, where you actually start dismantling these networks, and you do it legitimately under the auspices of the state. One of the things that we really, I mean, you know this, but I think a lot of people on the right don't know this, they have these fantasies where it's like, well, you know, the balloon's going to go up and we're going to have a fight and the right wing will mop the floor with them. Yeah.

And it's like, no, the left is better organized than you. Their willpower, you know, pound for pound is greater. But most importantly, they're able to use force and violence in a limited way in the way that the right is just not capable of doing. So, and you see this at protests. You know, they'll go up to a certain thing and they'll break a certain law, but they won't break another law. So then that way, when they get arrested, they look like the victims. Or they'll maybe they'll turn it up a notch, but there'll be other people in the protest. sort of covering for them, sometimes literally, like somebody will throw a brick and then

the other people will cover them to make sure they can escape. You don't see this on the right. It's either we're going to do nothing or we're going to go completely nuts and do crazy, self-destructive, violent things that make everybody hate us. And I think that in terms of how we actually defeat this, it has to be done under the auspices of the state and under the auspices of legitimacy. And this also seems to be something that's inherent to the Anglo-American worldview. I mean, every time you see a revolutionary situation in an English-speaking country, English Civil War, American Revolution, war between the States, the rebel side, even when it wins, especially when it wins, it always cloaks itself in legitimacy and institutions that already

existed. They never just say, oh, we're starting a new regime. It doesn't operate that way. I mean, that's something like the French might be able to do or in certain continental traditions they can do that. But it's just not the way the legalistic Anglo works. And I think it's dangerous to expect too much from the American right. What I want is the left to overreact against programs that by and large, if you look at the polls, Americans want illegals gone. And if the left starts violently resisting deportation operations, so much the better, then we can put them down because that actually is the legitimate and lawful thing to do. Yeah, I just, I think that a lot of people on the right are thinking that there is going to be deputized right-wing militias that are going to happen. No, that ain't time soon. Yeah, that wouldn't be, that would be, if that happens, we're in a lot more trouble than.

Yeah, I mean, that, that happens if you have like widespread civil disorder. I mean, look, there are plenty of things if you wanted to really drop the hammer Trump could do. Right. But he also wants to get reelected. At the end of the day, he is no longer some outside the party insurgent. He sees himself quite appropriately as the leader of the Republican Party. As tragic flaw, and his tragic flaw has always been, he wants to be liked at some level by the institutions that he respects, even the things like the New York Times, even though he never will be. But he does want to be liked by these people. But he's also already doing things which other people do. didn't do. And I don't just meet on immigration, but I mean, even in things like these anti-D-EI executive orders, some of the things that we were very frustrated with in the first term, he's already acted on, like the executive order on birthright citizenship. Now it's going to be fought out with the courts, but at least he did it. I mean, the real question we could ask is, where is Congress on a lot of these things, even popular things, like making English the official language? I don't know why they

don't just do that, even out of cynical partisan reasons, but they won't do it. And I've given up expecting or hoping that they'll ever do something like that. But we are where we are. And there are a lot of things that we can dream about. There are a lot of things we can fear. There are a lot of things that we can say, well, we could do this or we could do that or, you know, hypothetically, if I was in charge, this would happen. But until we have people on our side, like fully on our side, people who would say, yeah, this is our guy in state legislatures, in Congress, actually getting elected, actually campaigning on these things, then, frankly, I don't see what the alternative is. I mean, I'll say this. We were talking about foreign policy, specifically Israel before.

Certainly, if we talked about who constitutes the pro-Israel lobbying in Congress, I think we'd both agree that it's probably the vast majority of Congress, right? I mean, if you give them a binary choice. But certainly there are a couple, Rashida Tali being the most obvious example, that we could consider the pro-Palestine lobby. Right? I mean, she flies the flag outside of office. There's not a single pro-white member of Congress, not one. So, I mean, if you said, you know, Palestinian activists are having the weight of the state brought down on them in a remarkable way or the Trump administration, I'd be like, yeah, that's true. And yet, the pro-Palestine lobby in this country is stronger than the pro-white lobby, even though

whites constitute the American majority. Now, until that changes in any way, until we have a single person in Congress who is explicitly pro-white, I really don't know what people expect. I guess one of the hopes that I see there is, I think Tucker Carlson has a lot of sway over people in power. I think that probably, I notice that a lot of the episodes he does are almost, they're not really for us. They're for, but he's communicating with elites. and I think he's getting more and more.

I think the qualifiers are disappearing where he used to say, you know, I'm not pro, I'm not white's premises or anything. I would curse out people who call me pro white and this kind of thing. Let's look at the bright side here. I mean, when I started out, the idea that a president of the United States would specifically call out things as being anti-white in an executive. order. That was unthinkable. That is remarkable progress. That's not nothing. And if people who are coming in now, well, that's not much, okay. But you don't remember what it was like just eight years ago.

That wouldn't have happened during Trump's first term. We are now in a position where if you say something is anti-white, and I oppose it because it is anti-white, that is a mainstream political position. You can get elected running on that kind of position. President Trump just got elected running on that position. He is now guiding policy based on that position. So this is within the Overton window. This is actually at the part of the Overton window that it's fully accepted. The part word says policy. That's where we're at now. What comes next is being pro-white. And that's a much tougher thing in some level. But one of the things that I always hammer away on X. And I think it's very critical to understand, especially as we see these dueling India-Pakistan

protests kicking off in the United Kingdom and maybe in America and Canada, too, is everybody's a nationalist for the nation they actually like. There's nobody on the, I'm beginning to question whether there even is a left. Or is it just a collection of nationalists for other nations? Because everybody sounds like a blood and soil mystical member of the SS when it comes to talking about their group, but they get really upset when it comes to white people talking about our group, even in the most moderate of terms. I mean, AOC, this is when she first got elected, gave a speech where she said, American Hispanics, or Hispanics, I should say, are descended from the indigenous people of the continent. Therefore, immigration laws do not apply to them. Now, this is a remarkable

statement from a sitting member of Congress that federal law doesn't apply because of the mystical blood within your veins. Now, is that a less right-wing position than saying, hey, white people founded the United States? I don't think so. I mean, it is a right-wing position, but it's a right-wing position for that. And in getting our people to not just be, I don't like being discriminated against because I'm white to. Yes, I am white, and it is good and just to act in the interest of my group, that is where we need to get to. And that is my line for the people, you know, moving in that direction. That's my line for what is productive and what is not productive. And I think once we get to that point, and I really do have faith that we are getting there,

and not faith, I have good reasons to believe that we're getting there. Once we do get there, I think a lot of things become politically possible. And I also would say, keep your eye on Europe. I've always had more faith in Europe in some ways than the United States, because I think, I think the Europeans, they're more repressed than us, but it's quicker to flip, and they have a much more bone-deep sense of who belongs to the nation and who doesn't. Whereas I think for Americans, as you say, I mean, this civic nationalist cult has really taken root in the Anglo world in a way that you just don't see in France or Germany or even the Netherlands or places like that. And that creates new political opportunities. Let's leave it there. What do you got to promote?

Well, I'm going to be setting up a streaming show with American Residence pretty soon. It's going to be called Identity Politics. I hope to have that going this month. We're going to be doing a lot more podcasts. We're going to be doing a book club. We're going to be doing a lot more multimedia content. And obviously, we've got the conference coming up. I'll be open to hearing anybody who wants to hear about speakers or some of the topics that we want to address.

But I think that, and I'm also working on a book right now, now, which I hope to have out this year. Now, the big thing, and I do want to hear from you, from everybody else, is I do think we are kind of at this crossroads in the movement that I think a lot of us are sort of feeling where whatever happens after this Trump term, I think it's going to be a final answer one way or the other to the question of America, yes or no. And there's a debate that needs to be happening about where we go from here, which we almost can't really begin yet because we have to see how things play out. But it's going to be upon us a lot sooner than we expect. And I think people really need to consider hard a lot of the things that

you talked about that when the left comes into power, if we let them come back into power, we're going to see repression in a way that we've never experienced in our lifetimes. And frankly, the distinctions that we have amongst each other on the right, even the people who absolutely hate each other, we're all the same to the people who matter. And once those people have power again, we're going to feel it. So we need to be ready to figure out how we're going to respond to that. Our time is running out and the hours later than you think. And it's time for people to start taking this seriously. Thank you very much. Real pleasure being on. Thank you.