The Pete Quiñones Show - Episode 1223: Thoughts on Succession w/ Cameron Macgregor

Episode Date: June 5, 2025

71 MinutesPG-13Cameron Macgregor is a writer and co-host of The Backlash.Cameron joins Pete to give his opinions about where the nation is headed and to talk about what he call the coming succession.The BacklashCameron's YouTube ChannelCameron's SubstackPete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's Substack Pete's SubscribestarPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.

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with vouchers from Trump Dunebeg. Search Trump-Ireland gift vouchers. Trump on Dunebiog, Kush Farage. If you want to get the show early and ad-free, head on over to the piquinos show.com. There you can choose from where you wish to support me. Now listen very carefully. I've had some people ask me about this,

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So head on over to the Pekignonez Show.com. You'll see all the ways that you can support me there. And I just want to thank everyone. It's because of you that I can put out the amount of material that I do. I can do what I'm doing with Dr. Johnson on 200 years together and everything else. The things that Thomas and I are doing together on continental philosophy. It's all because of you. And yeah, I mean, I'll never be able to thank you enough.

So thank you. The Pekingona Show.com. Everything's there. I want to welcome everyone back to the Pekigno-Nes Show. For the first time, Cameron McGregor is here. How are you doing, Cameron? I am doing great. The weather is sublime here on the East Coast, and I am highly sensitive to the weather.

I need sun. I need sunshine. I do not like cloudy, opaque skies, so I'm happy. We got, it hasn't hit here yet. It's June in Alabama, and I haven't had a day where I was like, there is no way I'm stepping outside the door. It's just, it's been great so far. That means that July is going to suck. Not above 75?

Not above 80 or 85. All right. Tell everybody a little bit about yourself. Sure, sure. Well, first foremost and above all, thank you, Peter, for hosting me. I am one of the co-hosts of the backlash, and they speak very highly of you. And a lot of our fan base was adamant that you come on the show. So thank you for doing that. Thank you for hosting me. For those of you who do not know, my name is Cameron McGregor.

I suppose I call myself a YouTuber these days. I don't really even understand what the hell that is. But I make videos and I put them on YouTube. The thrust of my work is really written. But as I'm sure you've discovered, Peter, writing is just a shrinking audience, unfortunately. So I write a lot on substack, four substack, called Men in the City. And I focus on a lot of things. I suppose part of my weakness may be a strength or,

maybe a strength is a weakness, I'm not sure. But I write about everything from the sexual marketplace to the JQ to global globalization, the de-dollarization, international relations, military stress. I mean, all kinds of things. But it's all under the rubric of something I call neo-masculinity, which I suppose we'll talk about on your show a bit, basically a reimagined masco nationalism that I think is about to explode in the United States. and around the Western world.

So that is the main thrust of my work. Before I got into YouTube and substack, however, I would like to think of myself as a practitioner. I've done a lot of things. I was a surface warfare officer in the U.S. Navy early in my career. I have been to, I've been through the Straits of Formuz. I did a tour to the Gulf in 2008. I was actually there at the beginning of the Somali pirate episode.

Probably remember that bad Tom Hanks movie about that. Anyway, I was there, I think, a year or so. before he was there. And we did all kinds of operations that was interesting as a young man to see. I left the Navy at an ideal time right after the Great Recession. So there were no jobs. There wasn't much economic opportunity. And so I fell into a difficult spot. But I did a lot of things, including working on Capitol Hill very briefly. I worked as a school teacher part-time. And then I did what a lot of folks do. I went back to graduate school because what the hell else are going to do. And eventually, I found myself in tech. And I worked for a variety of startups. I worked

in the procurement system for government contractors. So I've done a lot of interesting things. And then I left in 2019. And over the last five years or so, I've lived all over the world. I've lived in South America. I've lived in Asia, been all over Europe. So it's been an interesting ride. You're talking about the plight of men and especially now young men. How do you diagnose it? What do you think is, what are the main points that people need to understand about, well, what you call neo-masculinity? What is, what are you addressing? So let's, let's do this. What I propose, Peter, if you're okay with it, is I'll give a little bit of a structure to why I think the way that I do. I do not pride myself as an intellectual. I read as much as I can. I have a voracious appetite to read. But I, like I said, more of an action-oriented kind of person. Even now I'm an investor.

I run companies. I'm a participant as much as I can be. And I say that in part because I've seen the world change dramatically, as I think most of us have, over the last 10 years alone, in ways that I think a lot of Americans don't fully process or understand, in part because a lot of Americans just don't leave the country. So what I'd like to do is talk a little bit about where we are in a metaphysical or metapolitical sense, in historical sense. Because I think a lot of Americans at this point in time, obviously there's a lot of despair. There is a pervasive sense of declineism among people like yourself who are, I would say, very aware, well-informed, open-minded, that sort of thing.

but we tend to look at the United States as almost a separate nation or entity from our European forebears, and I don't view it that way. So in many ways, I think the United States should be thought of as an adolescent on our developmental stage. So to explain what I mean a little bit, I would break the present historical timeline, I guess, of the United States into four parts. The first began in the 1620s. So from about 1620 until the 1770s when the Revolutionary War broke out, that was really the ground level initial developmental process of the United States.

That's when Anglo-Protizenism sowed the seeds of the nation that would become. That's when my ancestors came here. They arrived in 1620 with Bradford and the Mayflower. So I am part of the founding stock. And that's a very conscious thing in my life because the United States is not some kind of economic zone, as you would call it, to me. It is a very real and visceral, spiritual, metaphysical thing. And it was created from 1620 to 1770, at least the initial character of the nation. Then you get the Revolutionary War.

And the Revolutionary War, as De Tocqueville and many others said, was not a revolution. It was a war of separation. It was a war in which you had Anglo-Prottsons basically say, okay, we want to chart a different course, and we want to do so liberated from the yoke of the British Empire. But for all intents and purposes, the principles, the culture, the values, the institutions, et cetera, et cetera, were all incubated and incorporated from the British Empire. But we wanted our independence. Part of that was because of the Great Awakening.

We didn't want the Anglican Church. that was a very powerful driver. Part of it was because of the tax system. Part of it was because we just didn't want a foreign king to govern us. But that presented some problems. Well, how exactly do we govern ourselves? And that produced, I would say, a very ill-advised, loosely-drafted document we call the Constitution. Now, a lot of people who, when they talk about the United States, they fetishize the Constitution.

In other words, they sort of associate America with the Constitution. I do not do so. To me, and I think you're the same, Peter, I think of a nation as its people, not necessarily as a document. But what that document essentially did is it began the next phase, which I think is best called the Jeffersonian phase. And that was where we basically were a nation of nations. We were a nation of free states that all had sovereign power relative to the national

government, which was still at that time fairly weak. That's what a historian named Donald Livingston, I don't know if you know who that is, he calls that Jeffersonian America. I think that's an accurate assessment. That then lasts from the 1780s, more or less, until you get to 1860 and you get the beginning of the Civil War in 1861. The Civil War was a war of federalization. It was a war in which the sovereign states were subsumed underneath a national government. That was the beginning. as Limington himself calls it, the beginning of Lincolnian America. And there are a lot of distinctions, but just to be brief, in addition to sovereignty, vesting in the people and with the federal government, you got this idea of an American creed.

We had shifted away from this sort of very crystal clear ethnic or racial consciousness that defied the country. That's not to say that it died then. It is to say that we opened the door to a more imagined community than, before. And I think that's, that's accurate. Nonetheless, we remained for all intents and purposes in Anglo-Protisan country until you get to the civil rights era in the 1960s. I would throw Vietnam in there as well. That period of time is, ironically enough, I think that begins where you began your intellectual journey. That started a sort of cold civil war in the United States. It was

the beginning of, I would call it pluralism. So from about the 1960s until today, we have been in a time of political disintegration in which the institutions of power, yes, of course, we know they've been subverted. That's a major driver of where we stand today. But they've also aged. They've declined. American power has declined. And some of that has nothing to do with sabotage or corruption. some of that is just obsolescence. Some of it is negligence. And some of it is adolescence. And that brings us to today.

And I would demarcate 2020 is the beginning of what I would call an interregnum and the emergence of a new America. And this will bring about a war of integration in which the national identity or character of the country, the real country, which I'll elaborate on in just a moment, reintegrates into the state. Now, some people would refer to that as a kind of Cromwellianism. I think in many ways that's probably what it will look like. But that is nonetheless where we stand today. So we are, in other words, at the end of pluralism, we're at the end of this period of disintegration. And now we're entering into a period of integration in which the state and the people, the ethnos, the national identity are going to recombine.

And part of that will be a modernization project. It will also terminate, it will end the constitutional order. The constitutional order as far as I'm concerned is over. And something new is going to replace it. So with that, I'll sort of pause and just see if you have any questions for me. Ready for huge savings? We'll mark your calendars from November 28 to 30th because the Liddle Newbridge Warehouse sale is back. We're talking thousands of your favorite Liddle items, all reducing.

to clear. From home essentials to seasonal must-habs, when the doors open, the deals go fast. Come see for yourself. The Lidl Newbridge Warehouse Sale, 28th to 30th of November. Lidl, more to value. You catch them in the corner of your eye. Distinctive, by design, they move you, even before you drive. The new Cooper plugin hybrid range, for Mentor, Leon and Teramar. Now with flexible PCP, finance and trade-in boosters of up to 2,000 euro. Search Coopera and discover our latest offers. Coopera. Design that moves.

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resumptuous farm-fresh dining, relax in our exquisite accommodations. Step outside and be captivated by the Wild Atlantic Surounds. Your five-star getaway, where every detail is designed with you in mind. Give the gift of a unique experience this Christmas with vouchers from Trump-Dunbeg. Search Trump-Ireland gift vouchers. Trump on Doonbiog, Kush Faragea. I mean, I could... That was a lot, so I could start anywhere.

Let's start at the end. If it's over, so are we, a lot of people will say that we've exited the idea of consensus, and now we're in a post-consensus kind of rule by anyone who's going to be elected, that anybody who's going to govern is going to govern assuming the consensus, but really not really caring, basically thinking this is what needs to be done, so I'm going to do this and basically tell their base this is what's being done. So we're in a post-consensus world. It's not about to put it in a way that what I always said was,

I said that if we're not careful, we're going to, or that we may be entering into an age of authority, of authoritarianism. And we're going to get left-wing authoritarianism or right-wing authoritarianism. If that's going to happen, you hope for right-wing authoritarianism, but be prepared for left-wing authoritarianism. And to me, that's authoritarianism is hard to define. It's different people are going to define it different ways, but basically it's going to be post-consensus. Is that sort of the way you're looking at the future?

Not really. I would describe, I think you're right in the sense that you're describing a transitional period. There's a book that I read years ago. Believe it or not, I read it in graduate school. And I say that because I was forced to read it and Judith Butler in the same class. How that happened, I'm sure I don't know. But it was called a state of exception, which was written by an Italian named Georgio O'Gaman. Are you familiar to that book?

I'm not. Okay, it's an excellent book. It's one you should do on your show. But in that book, he talks about the state of exception where the rule of law or the legacy authority breaks down. And you get a period of succession. Now, I've said repeatedly on the backlash and I've said it on other interviews that I've done. And I'm not sure a lot of people understand what the hell I'm talking about because there's this fixation on succession. In other words, fragmentation, balkanization, et cetera, et cetera. But actually, it's the it's the the sort of constitutional order that's going to crumble now I think that means transition and that will be a difficult time to be sure and just to be clear with you because a lot of people you know when I have these discussions it's sort of like hard to imagine what are you talking about we have a debt crisis right now a debt crisis for which there is no answer a lot of people will tell you there there's an answer that there are certain incremental reforms we can make now we're going to default. And that's the answer. That is the right answer. That's the way the game ends. We need to default. We need to declare a new currency. In a sense, that's what we're going to do with the

constitutional order. We're going to sort of default on that order. And we're going to create a new order on top of it. Now, when these things happen, if you go back to, I suppose the French Revolution might be an example of this, the character of the nation really comes to the fourth. So another book that I think addresses this well, it's written by Gustav Lebon. It's called The Crowd. And in that book, he says that the character of people really comes to the surface during crisis. When you get these moments of distress and disarray, and all of a sudden there's a coagulant that happens. Now, I would argue that that's metaphysical, that is spiritual, but that there's a connection, Peter, between you and me and all of the other people in this country who are real Americans.

and that will congeal. Now, I've said that we will congeal into a neo-leviathan. Again, Leviathan is sort of a pejorative term, but I don't look at it that way, in part because Hobbs didn't look at it that way. Hobbs was initially talking about kings or monarchs either. He was talking about a new authority that would emerge to fill the vacuum.

I think that new authority is already emergent, that it's already beginning to flesh itself out. You're an example of that. It's happening in the alternative media. It's happening in the Red Pill community. It's happening in the cryptosphere. All of these are new expressions of a mass mobilization that has yet to find its order. But that's where we're headed.

Now, that will almost certainly result in appointing people that are Cromwellian. Now, to address one of your fears, which is a legitimate fear, is, okay, well, why wouldn't that Cromwellian be a, a neo-Lennon. And this is something I've talked about too. I don't think that's the way it's going to go because during the period of pluralism, the left, and frankly, these terms just don't really mean anything anymore anyway. I would say it's globalism and it's nationalism. That's it. That sort of dichotomy died, I think over the last five to ten years. It's just dead. And that's why you see these sort of bizarre alliances that blur these lines. You're getting something different, something that's integrated. But the left over the last 50 to 80 years has won.

They've won everything. They control all of the institutions of power. And I would say the elites that dominate the institutions of power, which I really refer to as the gerontocracy or the financial elites, they're completely degenerate. And I don't mean that they're immoral. What I mean is that they're incompetent, that they no longer know how to operate the machinery of government, that they are bankrupt. And to some degree, you see this in the Trump administration. By the way, I would not characterize Trump as part necessarily of what we are describing at all. Trump is trying to conserve the pluralistic order, which is why he is failing. It's not just that the institutions behind him don't want the manifestation of a sort of nationalist agenda. It's not just that. It's also that

Trump really has no idea what the hell I'm even talking about. He doesn't sense the moment that we're in. And he thinks that he became president because of himself, not because there's some transcendent movement that's pushing us in the direction that I'm describing. But the point is, I don't think it's going to be the left. The left is sort of withered on the vine. Now, people will say, well, yeah, but hasn't the right experience the same? Yes. Yes, it has. And most of my commentary, Peter, I don't even mention politics. I don't even mention Trump. Because what's happening politically is irrelevant. The invisible forces, things like nationalism, things like masculinity, neo-masculinity, there's an alchemical transformation that's happening that's explosive. This is feeding,

what I would say are revolutionary ideas on the right or in the nationalism that's happening, not just in the United States, but in Canada, it's happening in Europe. It's happening across Europe, by the way. And I say that in part because I've been to a lot of these countries and I've met with a lot of these folks. But the short of it is that these sort of revolutionary ideas, one of which is that democracy doesn't work anymore, that the constitutional order is broken. Another is that we have a Zionist problem that we have to deal with, a sort of Jewish intellectualism that has acted like a cancer in our society. And thirdly, I would say, is race realism. That is beginning to scale. And yes, it's scaling in.

some ways that are a bit idiosyncratic that produces sort of cult of personalities, but we're transitioning to a much more extreme, much more mobilized form that I think is poised to sort of take back control. One other point here, so I can give you just a crystal clear example of this, because again, a lot of that sort of vague talk, but what I'm not talking about is necessarily a candidate that shows up in some remote part of the country and says, okay, well, this is my platform, this is what I'm going to do. As much as you're going to see a network effect, sort of like what you see with Bitcoin and what you've got all of these communities, corporate structures, financial organizations

that can yield into a bigger movement. And Peter, you and I are part of it. That's what the backlash is a part of, in my view. And that's what this sort of vanguardism is part of. So hopefully that answers your question. In other words, succession, not secession. integration, not disintegration, and a reimagining of the country. And just one last point on this, too, because I think this is really important. Yes, I am of the founding ethos. Yes, my family is Anglo-Prottsin,

but Peter, you and I are the same. And nationalism creates a new thing that blends the modern with the traditional. And I think that is white nationalism and Christian nationalism, which is certainly not the same today as it was in the 17th century, but we are Americans. And that new American national identity is what's going to take power. What do you see as the high culture of that? What is it based upon? I saw a little bit of your interview on the backlash. And you were asked that question, I think, by Rebecca.

And then you mentioned, I can't remember if it was in response or later on, but you talked about Themistocles. I'm sorry, not Themistocles, Thucydides and the history of the Peloponnesian War. One of the things that he talks about in the creation of the Athenian state is the Periclean building project, which was sort of instantiating or memorializing the victories that Athens had won against Persia and sort of, I don't know, encompassing this sort of broader, this newly formed Athenian identity. It's going to be something. something like that. In other words, it's going to be the product of the conflict that we're going into, this sort of racial, cultural conflict. And I think you'll probably see new art forms.

You'll probably see, as I said, a blend of sort of traditionalism with modernism, a return to family values, a return to traditional gender norms, but it won't be the past. It will be some kind of synthesis with the modern world that we live in. So the answer to your question is, I'm not sure exactly what it's going to be. I think we're in a state of becoming, not being, but whatever it's going to be, it will be the product of the conflict that we're fighting. Ready for huge savings, we'll mark your calendars from November 28 to 30th because the Liddle Newbridge Warehouse Sale is back. We're talking thousands of your favorite Liddle items, all reduced to clear. From home essentials to seasonal must-habs, when the doors open, the deals go fast. Come see for yourself.

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Search Trump-Ireland gift vouchers. Trump on Dunbiog, Kush Farage. So one thing that I've noticed with helping to start a group three years ago, the Old Glory Club, which is just the fraternity of men. and one thing I noticed was after we started doing live streams, we started getting our name out there, and we had our first conference that the response of people, men, who wanted to join was so overwhelming that we could,

I mean, it was, and it's every one of them to a man, there are some who, you know, want to concentrate national, maybe think about what the culture, what the culture looks like nationally. But as far as organization goes, they seem to really care about where they are, where they came from, and preserving that. Is that something you see going forward? I do. And I think that's very scalable.

The only distinction I would make is that part of what's going to happen is the vision sort of that I've outlined here, Peter, in a sense that we need parent organizational structure that can scale that. So again, it's important not to dismiss the way your opposition functions. You know, if you look, if you go back to the 1960s and you look at this sort of slow takeover of our institutions, most of it started in the financial system. Then it spread to the law schools. Then it spread to sort of these public action groups, all of which is. exist today and have taken over the system completely, which is why it's broken. It's why the system doesn't work anymore. We need to replicate that. We need parent organizations, financial

organization. These are things that I'm at present working on constructing so that we can consume or rather subsume all of the things that you're describing into a bigger movement. Now, we're not there yet, which is why what you're seeing is at the sort of at the tactical level. It's this sort of spontaneous reorganization. But it's going to start to, I think, explode. It's going to hit that network effect. And I say that because I think the racial problem is hitting a threshold. I think it's becoming apparent to even those that are desperately trying to avoid it, that we're in trouble.

I see this with Frenchmen. I see it with Germans. I see it with white Americans, whether they live in Alabama or they live in C. out of Washington. I was up in Vancouver, Canada, earlier this year, and Canadians get a terrible rap, as you know, for being sort of these naive gumbies that have no idea what the hell's going on. I was shocked at the level of awareness of the situation that Canada faces. But the frustration, Peter, and I'm sure you've experienced this at your level two, is, okay, well, I understand more or less what's happening. What the hell do I do about this? Because there's nobody to vote for

there's no political party that represents me anymore. What can I do? And that is where organizations like yours come into the fray. I just think that's going to scale into a national movement. What will facilitate that a crisis? And we are entering into an atomic bomb of financial destruction. And I think very shortly we're going to be in a major war overseas. And we can talk about that as well. But if you look at what's happening in Eastern Europe and you look specifically at the Middle East, I find it very difficult to imagine how we are going to divest from the Zionist war machine that appears to have captured Donald Trump in his administration more so this time than they did last time. We're going to be committed. And I think you're going to see shocking things.

You're going to see U.S. naval ships sunk and potentially thousands of U.S. sailors killed in part because of the obsolescence that I talked about earlier. The U.S. military is a shadow of what it once was. And all you have to do are talk to veterans or talk to the rank and file that are, you know, white men in particular, sort of get them, corner them in private. And they'll tell you how bad it is. Of course, you can also look at the industry and all the rest of it. But the point is that it's going to shock psychically the consciousness of the country, which still believes no matter how bad things are in St. Louis. or how apocalyptic they are in Seattle,

where you have a drug epidemic or how many illegal immigrants we've got, well, we still got the military, we still got the World Reserve currency, we've still got these pillars of patriotism, that's going to sort of disintegrate. And I think we're very close to something disastrous like that happening.

One other comment on that, though, is that that's a good thing. We need to eschew the World Reserve currency. That has been a cancer. It has destroyed the middle class in this country. financialized our economy, as you put it. It is deindustrialized the United States in ways that have crippled us, and specifically men since the 1970s. How do we fix that? Well, we need to defunancialize. We need a financial crisis that's going to purge the system so that we can reconstruct it. There is no way Trump or Silicon Valley or Wall Street can allocate capital

in a grift machine called the stock market or the procurement system. or Silicon Valley VCs, it's impossible under the current regime. It cannot be done. And I don't mean the Trump administration. I mean the structure of the U.S. economy. It simply cannot be done. The fiscal financial disaster that I think we're in the throes of will clear that path. And then we can get back to the business of rebuilding the grid, of industrial policy and all

the rest of it. And obviously that will couple with the reintegration of the country. politically. All these things sort of moved together. Trump, in other words, is the last one. He's James Buchanan before the Civil War. He's Charles I first before the English Civil War. He is Louis the 16th before the French Revolution. And I do think it's interesting that in each of those cases, those men weren't really bad men. They may not have been terribly competent, but they didn't really wish harm on their nations, but they were caught in a torrential downpour, and so is Trump. You catch them in the corner of your eye.

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And now this is over the same year. It's leargoal to doer Gila and not yet Gereena in Aundun, and leant of Gaela to give a time of either. In Ergird, we're dig tour chaw in one-of-he to win-hae to find-vin-vunah. It's a lot of doing to do you have to be able to go ahead of lecturers on as to go ahead of the people tariff in the pasty. There's era of cooctuaghan.

Full of nis more in Ergaret, Ponga, I. All right, let's talk about Europe then. I've been of the opinion that right now, if we were to look at any look around the world, it seems that our enemy for reasons that most people don't know, or can't articulate is the EU, the World Economic Forum, the city of London, and all of the Zionist influence and control they have over the levers of power in Europe. I see Europe as our enemy

right now. I think they're trying to pull us into a war. I think they're willing to go to war with Russia in order and suffer catastrophic losses in order to try to get us involved. And I think they're willing to provoke Russia to use nuclear weapons to make a point. I think they're suicidal. I think that a lot of, I think that nihilism has set in in many people over there, reports that I get from people that I know in Europe. especially on the British Isle, I don't see how any other spot in the world is as dangerous to us as a people right now,

as Europe and all of their, all of their neo-communist Bolshevik BS that they're trying, that they're trying to pull on basically the world. right now. Yeah, so situation in Europe is not particularly good. I was in, I've been to Paris twice in the last three years. And I was fortunate because when I was, when I was there, you know, France is like a black hole because very few people outside of France speak French. The French still regard themselves as sort of the center of the universe. And that kind of pomposity tends to turn a lot of people off. But, but I think the French are sort of the vanguard of what's coming

in Europe. A lot of people will say it's Germany, but I don't think so. I think it's France. And when I was there, basically what they said is in a sense what you did, that the entire political system. And I spoke to journalists, I spoke to a French general, I spoke to a sort of independent Charles de Gaulle-like party that wanted to completely jettison the EU, wanted to exit NATO. And the French throughout their history, as I'm sure you know, have never really trusted the EU anyway. De Gaulle certainly didn't.

And I think the average Frenchman on the street does not. However, the elites in France, just like the elites here, are completely brain dead. The state in France is bankrupt. Their army is hollowed out. They practically don't have one. Neither do the Germans, by the way. Neither do the Brits. They really don't have military power whatsoever.

But because of the banking interest, because I think I would flip it. I don't think it's Europe. That's the enemy. I think it's the, I would reframe it as it's the city of London and Wall Street. That's the twin pillar. and through them, everything is orchestrated. And again, historically speaking, what we're about to see is the end of the Anglo-American Empire. We just inherited the British Empire, basically at the end of World War II.

The pound became the dollar. But the city of London and Wall Street together remain the twin pillars of global finance. And through that network control everything. So that's the way I see it. I know Tom, I think his name is Tom Luongo, sort of sees it the reverse. I don't think so. And what I saw a lot of when I was in Europe was sort of looking to the United States all the time to do this, that, and the other. In any case, France itself, even though the political system is completely gone, the national rally, for example, is not a revolutionary party, okay?

Just like Donald Trump and MAGA. It's sort of a facade. And many of her policies. Or the AFD. I mean, the AFD is not. I think the AFD is a little bit better. A little bit. A little bit.

Yeah, but to your point, I don't see any of these parties necessarily being able to mass mobilize on the level that you and I would like. Okay. So I would agree with you there. But the situation on the street tactically, economically, racially, it's not. disaster. I mean, Paris is a disaster. It's not governable. And the French, I would say the pillars of state governance, feed the population, shelter the population, protect the population. Those core competencies are not there. But the elites who have been restaffed over the last 50 years in the wake of the Second War and infused with the sort of cancerous Bolshevism that you speak of,

of the globalism, you know, whatever you want to call. It's all the same shit, basically. All they know how to do is virtue signal and grift off of an ever-shinking pile of money that's leveraged in a financial system that's completely bankrupt. And so there are fires all over Europe, basically, financial fires, economic fires, refugee fires, and nobody's putting them out. And so you're seeing this sort of slow meltdown. And I think the Russian plan, to some degree, I think the Russians have held back in Ukraine, hoping that the European Union, that NATO would sort of internally fragment. Now, that hasn't happened yet, but I think the likelihood that something like that happens is imminent, or rather very high and potentially imminent because of the fiscal mess.

However, there is no question that there will be no political change in Europe whatsoever until there is some kind of a disaster. In other words, Europeans are doubling down on all of the craziness that you speak of. They absolutely, I mean, they're mobilizing forces in Estonia. And absolutely, they're trying to drag us in. Donald Trump, I think, is at least wise enough to recognize that any war by proxy or otherwise, if it escalates from here, would be a disaster, not just for the world, but for him. I think he understands that. But we're in sort of a race against time, is the way I would look at it. Does the financial disaster, does the sort of social economic structure or fabric of Europe collapse first, or do you get this sort of war, a real war,

that brings it about? I don't know. It could go either which way. What I do know is that the average Frenchman, the average German, the average Italian wants absolutely nothing to do with it. And they are increasingly upset, angered, frustrated, but they're getting their benefits. They're still getting their welfare payments. They're still getting their days off. And I'm sad to say, like a lot of Americans, the baby boomers who collect their pensions and get their 401k returns and their dividends, they're just not going to move at scale in mass until their pocketbook is hurt directly. My bet is, I think the financial mess is going to unfold first, but we could get both. We'll have to see.

What becomes of the racial situation here? I think it's coming to a head. I think it's increasingly unavoidable. That means some kind of violence. How severe is that violence going to get? I don't know. I would point out that I had the fortunate, I had the good fortune, Peter, of growing up in extremely diverse environments.

That's what you want to call it. I went to McLean High School where whites were a minority. this 20 years ago. Okay. And you would go into the lunchroom and you would see the Chinese students and the Japanese students. We had some. And you would see the Malaysians and you would see the Pakistani kids and the palace. I mean, again, the sort of organization that you speak of.

And then you'd see the tables where the white folks would gather. That's sort of what is happening nationally, something I think you talk about. But the white population has sort of retreated and retreated and retreated. It hasn't reorganized in any sense other than I guess you could say the Tea Party was started in 2010. And it was not to address this, but it was there. The specter of it was there. And then, of course, Donald Trump, 2016.

But it never sort of got off the ground or got beyond the sloganeering, the marketing of somebody like Donald Trump. That's going to change if the pension system blows up. if the fiscal crisis explodes, if Bank of America fails, you know, these sorts of things happen. If we end up in a war with Iran, if we end up committing forces to Ukraine, I think you're going to see a revolt, the likes of which we've never seen before. And I understand that that's very hard for people to imagine because they sort of see a complacent country, a nation of people that are doped up on fentanyl or people that are sort of lethargic and all they do is consume the dopamine hits. But I have to tell you, in my experience, at least across this country, and what's happening online, what's happening in this sort of these masco networks, as I call them, in the Groyper movement,

in sort of, I would say, extreme MAGA is a fire of consciousness. And I do think that's bleeding into the broader population. What happens when the economic mess, the geopolitical mess, begins to affect. affect people on the street. What happens when you see more violence against white people? That's when I think you're going to start to see more mass mobilization. I think we're getting closer to that, but we've got a ways to go. The good news is I think there's a framework, which is what I've talked about on all of my content, which is a sort of neo-masculinity, this reimagined, hyper-conscious, you know, nationalistic sense that's on the edge. This is not necessarily.

mainstream at all, but it's on the edge and it's going to pull, I think, the rest of the population in that direction. As I said, I just don't think we're there yet. In other words, the Cold War of sorts that began in the 60s is about to get hot, and I think that's going to wake a lot of people up very quickly. You catch them in the corner of your eye. Distinctive by design, they move you, even before you drive. The new Cooper plug-in hybrid range. For Mentor, Leon, and Terramar. Now with flexible PCP finance and trade-in boosters of up to 2000 euro. Search Coopera and discover our latest offers. Coopera. Design that moves.

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Come see for yourself. The Liddle New Bridge Warehouse Sale, 28th to 30th of November. Liddle, more to value. And now this is over the hamsterer. Is there a lot of gaihe and not great gree-one to end-doon, Gleine the Gala to Gaela to Gaelan. In Ergrid, we're taking to a cooche in one of one of them unahe.

There's Ouschrotho lexarche on as to refer to all the town, gnaw, and people, tariff in one tachewagued. There's a cooctew agin. Full of Nis small, in Ergrid Ponguei. Do you see

localised, not, you know, widespread, but localised pockets of violence happening? Yes. Yes, absolutely. Look, I think a lot of this has already happened. There's certainly been a crime wave that's coming to the country as we've seen tens of millions of illegals come into the United States. And anybody that goes into some of these areas, you can already see the sort of Dickensian squalor and the lawlessness that's already there. And what I always point out to people is like, yeah, that's there. But what you're not seeing is what's holding it together? And I said, what do you mean? Well, it's the food stand. it's the Social Security. It's all of these sort of emergency programs that were started decades and decades and decades ago. You start losing those programs. All of a sudden, you're in big trouble.

And then you have to consider the decline of our sort of paramilitary police forces, you know, our ability to govern the country, which is exactly like Europe. We're certainly not in the position they are by any means. But our ability to sort of quell what I see is. as anarchy in a lot of the big cities, I don't think that's going to be a problem that's going to get solved overnight by any means. So I think it's coming. I think it's probably necessary, sadly, but I think that will revitalize. It will wake up the population who will essentially do what you've done. We organize and reengage. From a metaphysical standpoint, what's happening right now?

You know, I made a video a few months ago about, I think I called it the three fathers. And it was a reference to a Joseph Campbell quote in which he said, every man has two fathers. You have the biological father that raises the child that teaches him the basics in the world, that shepherds him to sort of adolescence. And then you have the mentor. And the mentor teaches him about climbing. the social hierarchy, you know, learning a skill, assimilating into a world of power dynamics, of different genders, of corporate politics, that sort of thing. But I've said that there's a third father, and that third father is basically the nation. It's the hero of the nation. It's,

when you go to Europe and you see Stephanus Rex in Budapest, you know, that is effectively the father of the nation. We don't have that father anymore in the United States. And you, could make the same case for the Europeans, I suppose. And that has left men. And I think this process began in the 1980s. I really think it started then because that's when the deindustrialization of the country really started to kick in a year. And so much of male power derives from economic output. It derives from having a good job, generating revenue, buying a home, creating a kingdom, and then bringing a woman into that, having a family, et cetera, et cetera. And that paradigm basically stopped in the 80s.

And you can actually look at a chart of per capita income. And the group that's been hurt the most since the 1970s is white men, had been crushed. And obviously financialization has played a role in that. My generation, and I'm a millennial, about 40, so millennials younger, we were further. smashed by the global financial crisis in 2008, which basically terminated our, or stunted, if not terminated, our ability to accumulate wealth anywhere near our parents, never mind Gen X.

Okay. In fact, I saw a statistic, I've seen a statistic that's, it's been talked about for the last few years, but basically the baby boomers own something like $50 to $55 trillion in assets and millennials own about five. Now, we're just now entering into our income earning potential peak, but we are the ninjas, no income, no jobs, no assets, and we're not married. Gen Z has gone through the same thing because of COVID. So both of these events accelerated what started in the 80s with deindustrialization.

Then you can superimpose on top of it, this complete distortion in the sexual marketplace, which a lot of people just do not talk about enough because they really don't understand what the hell is happening there. But about a third of men under 30 are having no sex. They have no female activity connection at all, period. And an even higher percentage of men has a sort of warped relationship with the opposite sex. And these are sort of the sexless men, many of whom are consuming our conscience. They're watching my content. They're watching your content. And their their household is broken or their fathers emasculated because of feminism, right?

So there's all of these things that are sort of congealing together. And what men have been doing, I would say. What has happened to us is we've been set into this sort of hero's journey where we've been forced to tough it out, to eat through the propaganda. to see through a lot of the illusions, you know, to see the other side of the matrix. Because the American dream for us is a fraud, because the government is completely corrupt, because the opposite gender seems to be interested in destroying everything we believe in, including us. And the good in that is that we're burning through all of the lies that have been institutionalized since the 1940s. And we are radicalizing. Now, again, radicalization.

can be a dangerous thing to be sure. But that is what's happening. Psychically, metaphysically, and young men, we are figuring this out, which is why there is tremendous hunger for your organization and the content that you make, among others. What they want is purpose.

And this sort of reconstruction, as I call it, this succession is their purpose. It's their mission. And I think they're beginning to, figure that out, that we've got to repair the damage that was done to us. And that means some of us, a good chunk of us will never marry, we'll never have children. But it will be our focus to get engaged in this sort of spiritual battle. So as far as I can tell, it's a hero's journey. And we have had to sort of descend the spiritual mountain. We've had to tough it out. And we're now, I think,

beginning to climb out. That's where I think we are. I think I saw clearly, after October 7th, that something was going to change, especially when I saw the response by Israel, which basically they started their own program. How is that going to change things? I know my history of the last 2000 years. I know my history, especially of the last 150 years, whenever they start talking about,

oh, we need laws against anti-Semitism, or we need to punish people who criticize Israel. Usually the reason they're doing that is because they see that the numbers of their supporter dropping. And they also, one thing that they've never seen before is social media and how you can see in real time how, even though it may be a fake name and a frog profile pick, they're calling you out for being monsters. They're calling you out for being subverters. They're calling you out for having oversized influence in our government, you know, what our ancestors fought, a country our ancestors actually served and fought for. How does this play out?

Because right now, I know that a lot of the people who watch me, I'm not one of these people. It's like, if they come for me, they come for me. What am I going to do? You know, I mean, I'm not going to sit here and complain. I'm not going to sit here and be scared. I'm just going to live my life. If they want to come here, if they want to come after me for things I say, that's fine. But, you know, there are a lot of people who are like, consider them to be these superheroes

who control everything. Yes. And they do not see the fact that they are, they are, they're at their wits end. They don't know what to do. When they're acting, when they're saying, oh, we need to kill all these people, every, you know, level the place. They think that's coming from a place of strength. Yes.

And that, I don't know how to tell. I don't know how to communicate to people, especially younger people who are in situations, just like you described, that that's not coming from a place of strength. That's coming from a place of weakness. And wounded animals are very dangerous. But that's exactly what we're dealing with now. The whole Zionist international Jewry, Jewish world influence is taking a hit and is diminishing. And I don't know how to make people, I don't know how to help people to see that the way I see it. They'll see it when the Israelis suffer of military defeat, which I think they will, in short order. And I think they're also going to see it. And we got a taste of this in 2008. You probably remember the Occupy Wall Street movement. Well, it strikes me as the ultimate irony that perhaps the epicenter of the JQ discussion has been the left for the longest time.

I mean, and only recently has that sort of transition to people that think like us. Listen, I'm so glad you brought this up and said what you did because you're exactly right. What transpired in October, as you noted, is, I think, the beginning of the end of the Jewish state. And I think it's entirely of their own doing, entirely their own doing. And I'm not the only one who's saying this. I think there are actually a growing number, a minority. minority, absolutely, but a growing number of Israelis, particularly Ashkenazis, that are saying this. One of whom is I don't know if you know who he is, but he's a brilliant man.

And he has, I think, accurately characterized a delineation between what he calls the state of Judea, which is the Ben-Kavir, Netanyahu, Smotrich, Mithrahi, Wing that wants total war to reassert the dominance of Zionism in the region and the world. And let's just add real quick. The, if Ashkenazi, if Ashkenazi high IQ is true, that does not transfer to the Mizrahi. Right. That's why the average, that's why the average IQ in Israel is 92 or 93 and not 110. Yeah, it's very interesting.

You mentioned that because according to Iliam Popper, something like 700,000 to a million Ashkenazis, who are more or less the technocrats that are instrumental in the Israeli economy, defense, government, they've left the country since October of 23. And a lot of that is because they resist the state of Judea, which according to Pape, and I'm not an expert on the state of Israel, but I think he's probably correct, has become a radicalized, a militant Zionism, not just externally, but domestically. And then the other side is sort of the state of Jerusalem, or the state of Israel, rather, that we're familiar with since the 1940s. That project is at an end. Now, what's interesting about this, and I am going to

answer your question about how to address this broader exaggeration of the financial hours it be. And unfortunately, there's a lot of people like Whitney Webb who does good work in a sense. You know, she draws out a lot of these connections, but continuously asserts the idea that these people are maestroes that are controlling everything. It's just absurd. And anybody that has participated, and that's why I said at the beginning, I am a practitioner who's worked for companies, who's been in the military. It doesn't work that way. There is this thing called friction that Klausowitz talked about. It's this uncertainty that human systems are. chaotic, they're nonlinear, they're unpredictable. It's very difficult to control outcomes. It's,

it's not difficult to subvert. It is difficult to control. And there is a delineation between the two. And a lot of people conflate subversion with competency. They are not the same thing. And subversion ultimately destroys the subverter, right, which is to some degree what's happening with Israel. In any case, what is happening, as far as I can tell, not just in the United States, by the way, but around the world. And this is happening in, China. It's happening in India. The awareness of the JQ, if you will, has broken containment. It's out of the bag. Everybody knows. Everybody's talking about it. Some may be quiet about it. Some may be public, whatever. But concealing it, it's over. At the same time, however, that group has more control

of the U.S. government today than I think they've ever had. And this, this is a This is a very important point for your audience to understand because it explains why Netanyahu is doing what he's doing. Netanyahu is a warmonger. He is a war criminal, of course. But we must understand why he thinks the way that he does. His view is, look, I've got control of Congress in ways I've never had before. I have the Wall Street elites behind me. I've got Silicon Valley.

And the sort of mythos, the mystique of Israel, this unassailable force, that has been targ. That has been damaged. I've got to reassert it. Now is the time to cleanse the local space of all enemies foreign and domestic. And that is what he is doing. And of course, he views the coupag, he views the apotheosis of that to be Iran, which is a big mistake. However, and this relates to what's changed in the world since 2000, there's been a global shift in power around the world. the United States doesn't have the military supremacy that it once did. It doesn't have the industry that it once did. It doesn't have the homogenous white population that you can send to Normandy that it once did.

This is something that Netanyahu doesn't understand. By the way, I'm told that the Israeli defense force is similarly debilitated, that it is a shell of what it once was. And of course it is. Why do I say that? Well, in parts because what was the last time they thought? Think about that too, but think about our military. Our military has been recruiting, I mean, drugs of society. And when I say drugs of society, I'm not talking about, you know, poor white people.

I'm talking about trans people. Israel is one of the gayest nations on the planet. And they have compulsory or a conscription. Yep. Who are they bringing in there? Yep. What does this look like? I mean, these aren't, these aren't the fierce fighters anymore that I used to read about from the 60s and the 70s or, you know, even like the Stern gang and, you know, Airgun.

Stern gang and Ergoon would be executing. It would be throwing these people out of the country if, if not worse. They can't, yeah. Yeah, you're exactly right. And I would go a step further. And here, you know, to some degree, I'm a student of military history. The 1973 war was not as it's portrayed. The Israelis almost lost that war.

they were surprised, particularly by the Egyptians. They never expected them to cross the Suez Canal. And of course, as soon as they did, they just stopped. What would have happened if they'd kept going? Now, I'm not suggesting necessarily that they would have lost. What I'm suggesting is it was a lot closer than people realized, and that the Israelis miscalculated. And this is a recurring theme in the people that we're dealing with,

which is the overarching point that you're trying to address. rest. The Zionist thinking, which is something I've spent a lot of time on, really understands finance, and finance is not economy. Those are two fundamentally different things. Economy is about human capital. It's about industry. It's about putting things in the ground. It's about cranks and tanks. They don't know anything about that. Financialization is about arbitrage, right it's it's it is about leverage it's it's about um currency manipulation that is nothing to do with economy and what happens so a lot of people in the financial system who are of this mindset is they sort of lose eventually because they can't see real value everything to them is sort of this

made up fugazi it's very much what you hear from michael douglas in wall street it's an illusion that they repackage again and again this is what you see in private equity right In 2008, it was CDOs, collateralized debt obligations today. It's collateralized liability obligations. Same thing, just done differently, different tranches of crap that they've repackaged. And this time they're selling into pension funds. That's not economy. That's not real wealth.

But they think it is. In the same breath, I would say that they don't really understand nations. They think that things like nationalism, that things like masculinity, they're made up. They're constructs. There's nothing real about them. And as a result, they can sort of bully people. They can kill people indiscriminately. Nobody's going to do anything.

And that's their view of the Arabs. It's, oh, I'll kill as many of these people. It doesn't matter. What I've talked about is I think you're seeing the rise of Asabia in the Middle East, which is a sort of coagulation of this Islamic consciousness that's bringing Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, all of these power. Now, I'm not suggesting that they're all going to sort of congeal together in one, monolithic army. That's not what I'm saying. What I'm saying is that the chess board is changing,

that positioning is shifting, and Israel is very isolated. And as I said, they've done it to themselves. One other thing to note on this, in 2016, when Donald Trump won, I was in Washington, D.C., and over 90% of the DMV area, that's D.C., Maryland, and Virginia, voted for Hillary Clinton. And they were convinced with religious conviction that Trump had absolutely no chance. It was a joke, the idea that he could win, and that the only people who followed Trump were sort of 50-year-old racist white men. There was nothing. You probably remember this. When Trump won, the DC area was catatonic. I mean, they were completely at a loss. Couldn't understand it at all. And a lot of that is because of the sort of Zionist thinking, right?

Well, we already won those battles. We control the media. We win. We have more infrastructure. We have more ground people. You remember this. And Trump's campaign was a mess. It was.

It wasn't well organized. He in many ways got lucky. He wrote a wave of people that supported him in spite of his sort of incompetence is the way I would describe it. Anyway, they then said, okay, well, how did this happen? They came up with, there was an organization called Data in Society, one of these stupid nonprofits. And they wrote a paper called the Alternative Influence Network. And that was, guess what, YouTube, Twitter, all these people, people like Stefan Molyneux, Fuentes, whatever. Anyway, so they said, okay, well, this is why Trump won.

So let's smash. Let's censor everybody. Let's get them off of YouTube, get them off Twitter. Well, guess what? Here we are. It didn't work. It has changed nothing. And the act of censorship, it's caused a reverse feedback loop.

You would think they would understand this, but they don't understand the host within which they operate. They don't. They don't understand the invisible forces, the metaphysical properties that are the most powerful things that drive humanity, that win wars, that build economies, that create new civilizations. They don't know anything about it. Well, I'm going to cut this right now. I have another obligation, but I want to leave it open if you thought that we had a good conversation for you to come back on and let's talk some more because this is just the beginning of a conversation. And these are the kind of conversations that I like to have. One of the things I like to say is that the reason why I cover philosophy and I cover history and I cover what my wife.

won't watch because she's just like, I mean, this is so esoteric, I can't deal with it, is because most people don't know what they are. They don't know where they should be. They don't know what they believe. They don't know what right wing is. They think right wing is, you know, is, you know, understanding the JQ or they think right wing is, you know, being willing, being willing to fight or, you know, because I have, you know, Viva Franco or so it's not what it is at all. So, you know, having conversations like this, I think, helps a lot because even if I don't agree with the 100% everything you said and people watching don't agree with 100% everything you said, you're still saying things that have to be said and they have to be, they're being said in

such a manner and with with your background and understanding of what's going on they have to be dealt with and they have to be addressed and they have to be considered and people who just this yeah and i'm one of these people is i really hope there's no one in my audience who just dismisses people because they say oh he said something i don't agree with so it's it's like well that how haven't you dismiss me by now because i say stuff you're going to disagree with all the time you know so um if you're willing to come back on, I'd like to continue the conversation, but up in, you know, what I will ask is, I know you just have the YouTube channel, what's the name of the YouTube channel, and what have you been, you know, I've watched a couple of your latest videos. What can people expect to find there?

Yeah, so there are three places where you can go to find me. I should mention the backlash. Rebecca and Dave will be upset if I don't mention that. They'll yell at me too. Yeah, I am a co-host on the Backlash, which is an effort very similar to what you're doing to bring people together, to facilitate dialogue, to ventilate new ideas, new thinking. And part of our mission, by the way, is to platform people that don't have a lot of followers. This is something I've been adamant about because, and it's no offense to people that have a large following. You know, good for them. It's very difficult to achieve that. And they deserve credit for that.

But I think we're moving into a new direction. And the backlash is an effort to facilitate that. That's one. You can find that on Rebecca Hargraves channel, Blonde in the belly of the beast. And I think we've got a new backlash YouTube channel as well. So just go on YouTube and search for it. You'll find it.

The second is you can find me on YouTube, at least for the time being, Peter. We'll see. That continues. I can't believe. I actually can't believe I'm still on. there, but they demonetized me a long time ago. Yeah, yeah. Neo-dash masculinity, or you can type in Cameron McGregor, Men in the City. And then thirdly is Men in the City substack, which is where, as I said, I put a lot of effort into writing because that sort of helps me, you may be the same,

Peter, it helps me structure a lot of my thing. There's so much discipline that goes into writing. It really builds that framework. The last thing I'll say is, yeah, I'm happy to come back on, Peter, you're obviously an intelligent person. Nobody has all the answers. But what I do think is we can solve the enigma, if you will, the enigma machine that we're dealing with. With leadership, which is in part what you're talking about, is facilitating discussion, pointing people in the right direction, reorienting them based on real identity, metaphysical, philosophical, principles, et cetera, et cetera, that build us, you know, build cohesion and bind us together. And I think the biggest thing holding us back, I really do.

I really believe this from the core of my being, is fear of this sort of white consciousness. I think we're afraid of it. I think it's the Jonah complex, so to speak. And I think we're going to get over that fear because we've been so propagandized against it. We've been told for so long that it's wrong and it's evil and all this other bullshit. And as I said, I think we're burning through it. And that is happening in young men. And yeah, some of them are a bit off the beaten track.

You know, they go too far here, too far there, whatever. But it is in men on the edge where the pendulum will swing. And that is my thesis, my hypothesis. And I think that will change the world. Well, I appreciate that. I need to hear that because I have a tendency. especially during my live streams to yell at the Spurgs and tell them to stop spurging out. So I understandable so.

Yeah. Yeah, but I do have to recognize that it's generally coming from a good place. But there is the perception out there. I think one of the reasons why I can do things like 200 years together is because we do it from an academic standpoint. And when you do it from an academics kind of standpoint, I think places, this is what I've been told by people who, you know, know people who, more mainstream people who, you know, are on our side, but try to keep it quiet, is that, you know, one of the reasons why they may not want to come after me is because stricent effect, you do not want 10,000, 20,000 young men hearing 200 years together by biologians. and their social nason. Yeah, absolutely. And I know you got to go. I'll just say this. It's obvious that you know, you're a literate person and you're an intellectual person. And a lot of people that are like that are very frustrated right now. And understandably so, because it's very difficult amidst the chaos.

And I made a video about this. If you're interested, you know, we can talk about the next time. But we are in chaos media. And chaos media is fragmentation because the legacy media has collapsed. It's collapsed. But chaos media is a transition. And we're leaning into authority media. And I think that's going to be more intellectual. It's going to have more depth. It's going to have more analysis, less screaming, less sort of ridiculous exaggeration, hyperbole, whatever.

I think that's the direction that we're going. And I actually think there's a business case to be made for that. In other words, sort of marrying the alternative media audience with a new professional media that rests on a new paradigm, new thinking, our thinking. Awesome. Let's talk about that next time. Thank you, Cameron. Thank you.