The Pete Quiñones Show - Episode 1246: The Radical Traditionalist School of Philosophy - Part 3 w/ Thomas777

Episode Date: July 29, 2025

62 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.Thomas takes a detour from the Continental Philosophy but touches on a subject that is tangentially related: the Radical Traditionalist school, which features thinkers such as Joseph de Maistre, René Guénon, Julius Evola, and Mircea Eliade.Thomas' SubstackRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.

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this Christmas with vouchers from Trump Dunebeg. Search Trump Ireland gift vouchers. Trump on Dunbiog, Kush Farage. If you want to get the show early and ad-free, head on over to the piquinez show.com. There you can choose from where you wish to support me. Now listen very carefully. I've had some people ask me about this, even though I think on the last ad, I stated it pretty clearly.

If you want an RSS feed, you're going to have to subscribe your substack or through Patreon. You can also subscribe on my website, which is right there, gumroad, and what's the other one? Subscribe Star. And if you do that, you will get access to the audio file. So head on over to the piccunioness show.com. You'll see all the ways that you can support me there. And I just want to thank everyone. It's because of you that I can put out the amount of material that I do. I can do what I'm doing with Dr. Johnson on 200 years together and everything else. The things that Thomas and I are doing together on continental philosophy. It's all because of you.

And, yeah, I mean, I'll never be able to thank you enough. So, thank you. The Pekignana Show.com. Everything's there. I want to welcome everyone back to the Pekignano Show. How are you doing today, Thomas? I'm doing pretty well. you know I think I emphasize and I hope I'm not retreading subject matter that I already covered

please tell me if I am I made the point that there's a significance beyond one of trivial curiosity to the fact that it could very honestly be said from about 1934 on when the National Socialist Revolution was consolidated, particularly after June 1934. I mean, it was consolidated in a most unfortunate way, but, you know, and as Mussolini really kind of came to the fore as a major figure in European political life,

even before the Spanish Civil War jumped off, there definitely was an internationalist movement around these access regimes and these movements that were adjacent to them. And I don't want to get ahead of myself, but I believe, and obviously I've got Higalian sensibilities, there's a parallel between this and the Islamic Awakensual.

in 1979, you know, with the seizure of the Grand Mosque and the Iranian Revolution and this emergence of a truly Islamic zeitgeist and praxis that people didn't think was possible, okay? It was born of some of the same historical pressures, you know, as those that ossified and, it gave rise to fascism and some of these myriad other movements and national socialism and things. And the basis of that was, you know, what we could think of as a traditionalist praxis, so the capital T. And that's one of the reasons why I include a Heidegger in this camp, okay, because he was really the, he was really the first among this intellectual cadre to, to curate a meaningful revolutionary praxis, or at least try to insinuate such a thing

into a burgeoning zeitice that had led to various iterations of real world politics. And there's evidence to substantiate this beyond reading the proverbial indicators, of historical events. You know, Mercia Eliotti, and we're going to talk about him

at length. You know, he served with the Iron Guard, and later in life, they were trying to indict him on grounds of that. Leo Strauss, who I don't have nice things to say about, I do give him respect

because he came to Eliotti's defense pretty aggressively. You know, when they were trying to deport him, and what have you. They were colleagues at the University of Chicago, you know, but Merccia Eliotti, Heidegger, Carl Schmitt, Ernst Younger, Carl Loweith, it wasn't part of that intellectual cadre, but he was kind of an intermediate, speaking of Strauss, it was kind of an intermediary between them and Strauss and other kind of Jewish intellectuals or a more neutralist event. It's an odd dynamic. Markuza also.

reached out to this cadre. And it's interesting because Hydrogram-R-Cruza had a pretty evident correspondence. But these kinds of things were discussed, like the meaning of the politics then the German Reich. And people make a lot of the facts that

you know, O'Julya was, for example, was it odds with the fascist regime? I mean, this is what's posited. Or, uh, because the SS, specifically the Sycharistin, investigated him, that this suggests that somehow, you know, he was some arch ideological opponent of the German Reich and the national fascist regime. That's not, that's preposterous.

You know, incidentally, when Otto Scorsini broke Mussolini out of the Alpine prison, he was being held in, you know, Mussolini was scrolled away to Wolfslaar, and he sent for Evela, and Evela met Adolf Hitler, and Hitler said he wanted to meet Julius Evela. Like, he wanted him there anyway, because Evela was close as Ducci and Hitler were. Ducey's English was pretty good, as German. was not that good. But, I mean, there was any number of people who were fluent who Hitler would have been comfortable having on deck. Okay, he wanted, and there was other Italian fascist intellectuals he sent for too, but, you know, the, especially in 1943, as things were, you know, the Ottoman 9843, Hitler wasn't frivolously just like

meeting people, okay? I mean, like, and just being admitted to Wolfslayer, I mean, that that's pretty profound, okay? I mean, obviously, I mean, Evolo was his own man, you know, like he didn't cowtow to anybody, and he wasn't somebody who was just impressed by office. You know, he, so it's not like he was, and he was a genuine aristocrat. It's not like he was just starstruck at the prospect of meeting the furor or something. You know, he, he was his own man and he definitely had reservations about the regime, but there was also things about it that he considered to be great, you know, and that can't be denied. But, you know, there's always, and when you're talking about powerful people, like men who actually wield great power, and, you know, men who would have. great power of intellect, you know, there's always, there's always going to be clashes of ego and,

you know, of conceptual disparities that, you know, become very personal in things, you know, so it's important. Yeah, I mean, the, the access political culture was a house divided, but not intractively so. and I think that's important. But I think I mentioned before and again, calling me on if I'm repeating myself. I'm not going to get offended or something. You know, Heidegger's view of national socialism

was essentially Aristotelian. You know, he viewed the West as having been compromised, at its core when the understanding of the experience of being, like quite literally intellectual and sensuously present existence, receded from, you know, immediate contemplation in both daily life as well as in, you know, intellectual endeavors. you know of course Heidegger and he wasn't the only one viewed the triumph of Platonism

of which he viewed Christianity to be in the same vein in basic subjective terms viewed being as this eternal presence you know like only that can only be understood and fully experience

and access to this dialectical assent you know and how are viewed Christianity is the zenith of that. You catch them in the corner of your eye. Distinctive, by design. They move you. Even before you drive.

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You know, Christianity describes satiriology in terms of this unattainable transcendence towards eternity. You know, that's in some ways the conceptual opposite of, you know, the immediacy of being. that you know Heidegger posited was you know the basis of you know kind of Indo-European metaphysics you know and with the death of God what ushered in the final withdrawal of being from immediate consciousness in the mind of an existence of of Western man was a you know the the subsumation of all life by technology okay the only thing that came to ground man then was man himself you know man was forced to kind of configure the world around his own kind of

debased ontological aspects you know, which, you know, what proceeded from that was an idea that nothing preceded man, you know, and concomitantly, you know, as a real experience of the world and engagement with it became obscured, you know, through the lens of technological process. processes, you know, objects encountered within life itself, you know, canada basically just represent, you know, aspects that could be rendered in the service of technology, or aspects that, you know, at one time held features of the natural world or, you know, in some way we're related to this kind of holistic understanding of reality, but, you know, could only really be experienced and ascertained in fractured aspects. You know, they constituted these kinds of technologically rendered things, you know, and that's kind of the final stage of, like, ripping man out of,

a cultural existence and that's sort of the final alienation stage of alienation from historical memory um so in a higher view like the only potential over salvation of the west was uh returning the question of being to immediate consciousness of you know, the culture-bearing strain, which presumably is, you know, the European or Aryan, if you prefer, strain, like still extant, within European races, but at the same time, you know, reconciling that palingenetic understanding of being and that sort of reemergency. of cultural situateness and historical situatedness with the reality of high technology. You know, Huddiger wasn't some Luddite, he wasn't some reactionary. And it didn't, I mean, you didn't think that was desirable, but he made the point, like, even, even if people thought it was desirable, it's not, it can't, like, stop knowing things that collectively are known. You know, even if, you know, even if, in his view, like, the German people,

people weren't faced with this grand historical challenge that had these, you know, most severe of existential implications, you know, even if they could kind of like retreat to some sort of, you know, simple, agrarian life. What they'd be doing that in purpose league and in dialogue with, you know, a technological existence. You know, so it would be totally contrived, even if it was desirable. You know, so Heidegger's notion, though, too, was that, and this is a problem in national socialism to traditionalists, okay, all of them, even people who, you know, were kind of in, I consider it on the same campus, Heidegger, we had very different emphases, you know, like Eliotty, like Julius Sevola, like Carl Schmidt to some degree. I mean, Carl Schmidt wasn't really a traditionalist, but he had certain sympathies in that regard. You know, there's limits to political life in terms of party politics. So even if, in high-hearted his view, even if the National Socialist Party was, you know, doctrinally, you know, the greatest of all possible parties, you can't remedy crises of history by, like, passing laws.

Or if you can't just develop some sort of social principles. program, you know, to rejuvenate, you know, Indo-European metaphysics, obviously. Okay. But at the same time, party politics is an essential aspect of how people's lives are structured and framed. And in conceptual terms, it wields a huge significance. Okay. Carl Loweith, though I mentioned, I think before I went live,

Loeth was an interesting guy. He was kind of this, he was a German Jew, he was married to a Japanese woman, and he taught in Japan. He was a university type. And obviously after the Nürber laws were passed, you know, as a racial Jew, he wasn't real thrilled with the prospect of returning to the German Reich.

But he wasn't some arch Zionist, and he wasn't, he was more of a, he had the sensibilities of a lot of Jewish Berliners, you know, like Paul Gottfried, I mean, the point is, that's his heritage. You know, Loeth was kind of a, kind of a German conservative in his viewpoints, but he probably had more sophisticated intellectual leanings

than a lot of that coterie, but he and He and He had a pretty avid correspondent, and Heidegger in 1936, and again, this was a year that, in my opinion, what we would call a fascist international, and really was kind of ossifying and peaking as a truly global movement. You know, in 1936, he wrote to low with this long letter basically explaining his, is partisanship, you know, for the National Socialist cause. You know, in essence, he said, look, you know, the National Socialists, they're the only, they're the only political faction that's truly situated in a historical capacity and whose goals

constitute like an essential historical philosophy. You know, he said that they're consciously aware. of the need for a spiritual renewal. You know, he's like, yeah, maybe like the bully boys, you know, who won the streets and the communists have no understanding of this, you know, and maybe your average voter, you know, who's, you know, just kind of like a, um, a, uh, a common working man or, you know, northern, uh, Rhineland farmer or whatever, like, doesn't understand these things, but the, you know, what the Vanguard does. And every aspect of the National Socialist

program is tailored towards a spiritual renewal and a return to this kind of immediate understanding of being within, you know, the racial consciousness. And in terms of more conventional praxis, you know, it was in Heidegger's view, and I agree with this, it was reconciling the social antagonisms that

were you know availing Germany, Europe and the Western world do communism. You know, the potential of a global communist revolution, which had succeeded

would have annihilated what remained of Western Dysine, which in Heidegger speak is there being, you know, literally the consciousness of, you know, that immediate ontology that we're talking about. And, you know, preclude the regeneration of any cultural productivity or historical situatedness. So this was critical, okay? there was an understanding in hiding in hiding his mind of existential crisis, you know, well before war arrived in a total capacity. You know, he understood the implications of these things.

You know, and also, one of the things, the essential decision is, um, of the furor princip. I mean, this appeal to Heidegger, too. I mean, not just for superficial reasons or kind of cliched reasons of, oh, you know, Teutonic peoples like strong men who give orders. You know, Evalon and Iliotti made the point

that, you know, a strong state is the basis of a strong people. But you can't just, like, curate a strong state for its own purposes. And that doesn't mean some total state. That doesn't mean some Leviathan bureaucracy. You know what I mean? means is you need a true Caesar, you need a true Muhammad, you need a true Cromwell, you

need some hero of personage who's capable of acting historically and rendering decisionism and sometimes, you know, the most severe and frightening capacities. You know, you don't get to pick and choose who that man is. You know, that's why I almost come back to the point that, you know, people like Hitler are messianic personages, not in theological terms, obviously, I mean, in historical ones. And that's not something that can be cultivated. Ready for huge savings? We'll mark your calendars from November 28 to 30th, because the Liddle Newbridge Warehouse sale is back. We're talking thousands of your favorite Liddle items, all reduced to clear. From home essentials to seasonal must-habs,

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All reduced to clear From home essentials to seasonal must-habs, when the doors open, the deals go fast. Come see for yourself. The Liddle Newbridge Warehouse Sale, 28th to 30th of November. Liddle, more to value. What is that tendency? I hear it today, people who, you know, they understand that we have an occupation, that we're occupied, but they only want certain people to speak for them.

If like, you know, if like Zog was being exposed by somebody, you know, who isn't in their camp, they, that person's a gatekeeper, that person is trying to, you know, they wanted to be their guy or they feel like, what did they feel like they're not, they're not winning themselves? What is that? Yeah, I think part of it is that they're basically, it's just kind of decadent moderns. and everything to them is some sort of vicarious ego fulfillment. You know, everything's got to be subjectively relatable in some kind of simple-minded, crude sense. Or, you know, I'm always making the point, and this was an evelin point too.

You know, conservatives are enemies. And one of the reasons why the other kind of people, you know when Caesar arrives they'll act like a bunch of Pharisees you know he's not respectable or something like or you know they everything's about appearances everything's about you know economics you know like national economics but also kind of the economics of caste dynamics you know they they've There really is something to, I mean, I think their observations, they arrive at these things for the wrong reasons, but there's something to it when these old Marxists or when these post-Marxists, like global systems theory types, talk about, you know, how bourgeoisie types are, you know, kind of John Q and Jane Q public, you know, conservative voter. they really are like culturally impoverished i mean i think that's true so i can't fully explain it but

except you know but that they're metaphorical pharisees you know like uh you know cromwell's the wrong kind of man or mohammed oh he's he's he's from a family of merchants he's not you know he's not a king you know edoff hitler he's he's a ruffian i think it's someone i think it's that simple in some ways you know or if or if like if hamas took down Israel, they'd be pissed off about that because it was the brown people who did it and it wasn't proper white Europeans who did it. Yeah, but they also, they, but they themselves, like, you know, don't even understand their own lore in that regard. Like, yeah, I mean, that's part of it too, but they also, but they're, I mean, some of that too is just like stupid, uh, stupid prejudices.

You know, I don't mean, I mean, just, I mean, it's like, I mean, it's like, unexamendant. and unexamined belief structures. You know, like, these people who think they, and as everybody knows, I get a lot of shit for this, which I don't give a fuck about. They're like literally nothing I care less about. But I get really, really irritated by simpletons and mental midgets who, like, think they hate Islam

when, like, they couldn't tell you anything about the faith. They have no understanding the difference between the sex. They have no understanding that, you know, literally every race on this planet is represented within Islam. You know, they, they don't even understand that, you know, the founders, the Palestinian resistance or Christian, not Islamic. But, you know, they, so if there's some, if there's some, like, if there's some, if there's some criminally minded, like, lumping black guy from, like, Angola who gets dropped in

the UK or Ireland, you know, by some. by some NGO tailored to oversee ethnic cleansing European countries, like, and that guy does something horrible, they decided that's Islam. It's not like some, like, it's not some, like, deviant third world guy who's criminally minded. Like, somehow it's, somehow it's Islam doing that. You know, like, I made the point that it'd be like if, like, when the Venezuela invasion, for that or by Biden was underway, they'd be like me insisting that this was like Catholics doing something to me. like I mean that's another issue but it's there is a there is like a serious provincial ignorance

I think it's all of those things you know but um I uh but uh you know at the same time though I mean I'm always making the point that with this kind of subject matter you know we're not we're not to hold his witnesses and we're not Scientology and we're not we're not a Billy am crusade. You know, we're not, we're not trying to, like, get Normies to think right. It's always about, it's always about waking up the Normies. You got to wake up the Normies, man. Yeah, yeah.

That's like, that's literally the last thing I have any interest in doing. I mean, maybe if I ran a megachurch or something, or if I was like a salesman, I'd feel differently, but, you know, there's nothing to do with what I'm, what I'm up on. but um you know the uh and to bring it back and i'll move us forward from heidegger because i realize that we can't spend like endless episodes on this subject matter but um you know the whole in terms of practice is where politics intersects with metaphysics and with you know returning culture to a situation of of higher development, you know, as the potential for, you know, a historical existence and an authentic cultural existence recedes as the potential for,

you know, like an immediate kind of ontological understanding of being, you know, as the truth of what is truly or what is genuinely fundamental kind of like recedes out of a you know the collective grasp of a people in psychological and spiritual terms this leads to inevitable nihilism okay it creates pointless societies that kind of passively commit suicide slowly or you know an active nihilism emerges, which is communism. You know, and you have you have megacidal class warfare. And, you know, again, the entire communist project

is essentially the eradication of culture and the reduction of people to a state of slavery. You know, because slaves can't live historically. You know, they're precluded from it because they can't access it historical experience they can't access historical memory any

longer you know and that's that's basically like imposing a billion deaths on I mean you're wiping out an entire culture of people like even if physically their descendants are still alive for or many generations you know and I mean so that's that's both like the immediate crisis that, you know, Heidegger and his coterie and those adjacent realized that they had to remedy. I mean, but this was like the nature of the emergency whereby the praxis is something like, you know, national socialism or you know, the the National Fascist Party

or an Evelas view of the Iron Guard, which again, you know, he viewed as the most perfected form of this tendency, you know, born of the

crisis modality, you know, born of the extant zeit guys. Discover five-star luxury at Trump-Dunbeg. Unwind in our luxurious spa, savour sumptuous farm-fresh dining, relax in our exquisite accommodations.

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Come see for yourself. The Lidl Newbridge Warehouse Sale, 28th to 30th of November. Lidl, more to value. But that's, you know, aside from whatever other differences in, you know, like ethical or aesthetical or, you know, moral differences. in basic terms existed between, you know, the revolutionary right and concertive elements. You know, the former were the only ones acknowledging this, or who probably really understood it. I don't think people like the Stahlhelm and, you know, the Christian Democrats understood these things. I mean, they obviously perceived that there was some sort of apoccal crisis afoot.

I mean, that's obvious. But, you know, even if people who mean well, and I don't think conservatives ever really mean well, okay, but even if they did, you know, in absence of a cadre that understands these things, and understands what is and is not possible in terms of praxis and is capable of, you know, developing a meaningful conceptual paradigm of, you know, the historical situation as well as, you know, the metaphysical basis of, you know, the values being defended and other things. I mean, without that, whatever movement

party in question is is is useless you know so I mean that was a big part of a that was a big part of Hidegger's partisanship too you know and when Hider stepped away the people have a misunderstanding too I mean Hiderger pretty he disengaged himself from active membership with the party pretty quickly after the revolution. And that wasn't accidental. And it wasn't because he suddenly decided that, you know, national socialism was grossly offensive to his person and that Hitler was a bad man. It was because mission accomplished in part, you know, that the ships are going to fall where they may.

You know, fate has or the historical process or the cunning of reason has ordained this outcome, you know, you know, the national socialists are they going to deliver Europe to, you know, a kind of racial and cultural salvation in historical and ontological terms, or they're not. You know, like what, like a man in a Heidegger situation. First of all, most people like Heidegger who are basically these guys introverted big thinkers they don't really like engaging with politics

you know I don't like that kind of thing I'm not nearly the man Heidegger is obviously but the last thing I want to do is fuck around with party politics you know and it would have been kind of unbecoming

for a guy like a Heidegger who I think that I mean Heider didn't have I mean, how do you're a head and ego, like all brilliant men do? But I don't think his was particularly overly cultivated. But be as it may, he did have an understanding of himself in his role, okay? In the German intellectual tradition and as kind of the last true continental philosopher in that discrete tradition. you know if he'd been like running around trying to insinuate himself you know into uh into party affairs

and become some kind of partisan celebrity like that would have been very gross you know um so it's i mean i you can tell me that's speculative i don't i don't think it is i think it's pretty clear but um you know it uh this process in nile you know this higher viewed it as literally the most uh the most catastrophic and disastrous development probably since the fall of Rome you know um it was a it wasn't it wasn't just uh it wasn't just something that was the subject matter for you know kind of highfalutant disengaged intellectuals to debate about in you know in men's clubs or something you know this this was a critical existential challenge you know that um that had to be met you know and even if it

couldn't be overcome history demanded that a european man you know, go down while meeting the challenge, you know, in a manly and upright and forthright way. But, you know, moving on to Elah and some of these other thinkers, you know, I think there's a volume published. I can't remember who published it initially. Well, I wrote a series of essays directly, it was, you know, directly on the subject of national socialism and fascism, and various permutations of, you know, what he viewed as, you know, radical traditionalist thought

within revolutionary right-wing praxis. This is also in the same period that he wrote this kind of hegiography to the Iron Guard. And 10 or 15 years ago, it might have been countercurrents. They published these collected essays and this volume. You can find a free PDF online. It was, you know, I think it's called Fascism. considered from the right, critique from the right. But, you know, for context,

Evela wrote a lot of stuff that was critical what he viewed as the overly proletarian character of the fascists, particularly their direct action element. And I love Latin people. I'm not saying bad things about them, but nobody does honor feuds like Latin people and especially the Italians. So like some of, some of, uh, some of, um, Evelace takes on, uh, these, uh, squadrisi type guys. Really, really raised their ire.

Um, his life was threatened repeatedly. But he came very much under the patronage of a man named Roberto Ferranacci. Ferenacci was the fascist party boss of Cremona. And he also ran a newspaper. The regime fascista, a regime probably, a regime a fascista, which obviously was a partisan newspaper. and he brought Evela on board as the editor of the opinion page. So Evela had, through an official party organ, you know, basically carte blanche to, like, drop, like, opeds on the state of the party,

on the, you know, on the state of the internal situation in Italy, on the state of, again, what he viewed as, you know, an international fascist movement. And I don't want to get ahead of myself, but it's correspondence with Eliotti and George Dumazzo. Well, get into Dumasel next episode. And now this is over the same to Hampshire. Is there a lot of GUEH and not great greeing in Aundun, and leander to Gala to Giazza Gaelan. In Ergaret, we're taking tour tauchy in one-wunah with Fonivenvon. It's a good thing to do you

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Our consultation closes on the 25th of November. Have your say, online or in person. So together, we can create a more reliable, sustainable electricity supply for your community. Find out more at airgrid.i.4 slash Northwest. But Dumazil was, he's still, he's one of the few traditions. anthropologists, you know, and in the old days before, you know, long before the human genome was even, you know, before, for example, when anybody's contemplation that the human genome could be met, anthropology and comparative linguistics and philology, it kind of ran together as a common discipline. And doomazil is the progenitor of the tri-functional hypothesis of Indo-European societies.

You know, those who work, those who fight, those who pray, you know, the priestly caste, the warrior caste, and, you know, the agrarian caste. and through comparative linguistics and through endlessly pouring over these recurring symbols in national mythologies, you know, of Aryan-derived cultures, he developed a conceptual picture literally of where ancient Aryans emerged, where their cultural footprint was most strongly felt. what cultures were derived from this root founding population based on the tri-functional social organization principle and again these kinds of prime symbols and their pantheon of gods and heroes and recurring motifs and things and fascinatingly as the human genome has been mapped Dumazil was basically correct in how he mapped these things, like literally on the

physical map and conceptually. But Dumazil and Eliotty had a notion, and Evela shared in this that one of the things that made fascism an international tenancy, a movement of zeitgeist, and something that was demonized to the fact that it was something that transcended and superseded ordinary politics. The martyrdom of Ayamota and Basile Marine in Spain, you know, they were Iron Guard partisans who died fighting the communists. Dumazel and Eliotty, in their correspondence, they discussed that this was a blood sacrifice. Okay.

And the blood of these murders has awakened this, you know, dormant tendency towards, like here to forward dormant tendency towards palingenesis. And, you know, the racial memory. and the ancestral memory with an Aryan-derived peoples has been awakened by this to me like an existential enemy who even though at this time is situated in Spain you know represents the traditional enemy from the Orient that you know has always menaced Europe

you know and um just as uh Just as, you know, the great con had to be resisted as news of the Golden Horde traveled by word of mouth. As millions fled in terror in its stead and awake, you know, a similar awakening was underway. and, you know, from the traditionalist perspective, blood sacrifice is always a catalyst for these sorts of awakenings, you know, which is one of the reasons why it's universal to human societies, you know, savage and civilized, you know,

Occidental and Oriental, you know, wherever you find, man on this planet, you know, from the most primitive sub-Saharan tribe to, you know, the most advanced, um, Western population, you know, this, this is a feature that exists within, uh, their cultural psychology and their understanding of worship and, um, you know, religious practice. And even if it's cast under different names, and even if it's theological, significance, it's obscured, you know, it exists, you know, to the modern present, you know, in the form of, you know, the martyrdom of partisans or in, um, executing a condemned man, you know, because the blood of the victims cry out to heaven for justice. and you know because wrongs can be redeemed you know by the by the sacrificial bloodletting of the condemned you know however you want to characterize these things you know um that was in the in the mind of Dumazel and Eliotti and to

some degree of Evala himself you know the um the true catalyzing influence upon, you know, the fascist international. You know, that was for context. I said at the outset, there's a comparative analogy with the Islamic awakening that the martyrdom of Iron Moza and Vastil Marín, that was the seizure of the Grand Mosque by Salafis. okay is a comparable moment or probably a more direct uh example of martyrdom i would say that uh the martyrdom of bobby sands and um you know the the catholic moment as it was called that uh i believe very much expedited the uh the death of uh the east block okay that's another example all right

But, you know, so I think it's important to acknowledge to, I mean, I agree with these, the musings of the men in question wholeheartedly. But even if you don't, it's important to understand that agree to which, you know, this, we're not just talking about like a prestige, it kind of discrete and isolated ad hoc right-wing movement. that, you know, sort of arbitrarily collided when it was expedient to do so for military or political reasons. You're talking about a genuine movement just as much as the Communist International was, you know. And among other things, I think it's essential to understand the Second World War. You've got to understand that, you know. because that changes everything, you know. And the intellectual vanguard of that phenomenon were, you know, people like Dumazel,

like Morcia Eliotty, like Julius Sebelot, like Heidegger, you know, Carl Schmidt, who was also in correspondence with all of these people, although, you know, again, his orientation was a bit different, but he very much accepted these premises. You know, and

anybody who accepts those premises, they're acknowledging that what was underway, again, was something that was outside of the conceptual parameters of what is viewed as ordinary policy. politics, you know, but I mean, that itself is a traditionalist imperative.

The bifurcation of authority, of theology, of a social obligation, of metaphysics. You know, that's a modern contrivance. Employers, rewarding your staff? Why choose between a shelf voucher or a spend anywhere card? When with OptionsCard, you can have both. With Options Card, your team gets the best of both worlds. They can spend with Ireland's favourite retailers or choose a Spend Anywhere card.

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I make a lot of the significance of René Guillaume as the intellectual father of a lot of these concepts. And one of his, one of the points he came back to again and again in his, in his body of work, and that Ella echoed directly was that, you know, in a traditional state, you know, there's a holistic and spontaneous unity, the human activity, and acts of worship. You know, obviously some of these things are familiarly, or ethically familiar to, you know, anybody on the right, you know, the subordination of the economic, the political. But, you know, again, this, I don't think people fully grasp that, in the traditional view, a healthy state is like a

healthy human. There's a unified coherence to all of its aspects. You know, there's not this kind of, there's not this kind of agonistic pluralism of institutionalized factions. You know, I mean, that's, that was the critique of parliamentary democracy from, uh, the piece of Westphalia until the 1930s. You know, is that it institutionalizes social divisions as a matter of course. But, you know, that kind of thing shouldn't be possible within a properly educated populace. you know it doesn't mean people remain mired in a sort of

honorable ignorance you know like I think in some ways was George Sorrell's suggestion but these things of a when there's metaphysical

agreement between worldly human affairs, you know, these tensions just don't emerge. You know, and again, to Heidelas, or to Heidegger's point, the German Reich essentially accomplished that. You know, it's not to say it was some sort of telluric utopia in terms of relationship between the classes, but it's not as if this was just some sort of speculative of musing on order of when you know cruciiff would say that you know there'll be there'll be true

socialism by 1980 you know and we will we will have done away with money and done away with you know ownership you know like the state itself won't even exist you know i one of the reasons people find these uh these images and these films from a the Third Reich and in the in the in the pre-war years whether they found so compelling it's not just because of spectacle I mean there's I can show you spectacle all day from you know Stalinist countries I can I can show you spectacles from places like Turkmenistan today or like you know the North Korean mass games there's something evocative and stirring to people about the Third Reich for the reasons just elucidated. And I think anybody's paying attention realizes that. Yeah, we'll end you here because we're coming up on about an hour. And I want to...

I'll wrap up this little sub-series next time. I just thought it was important to take up, you know? And I know that the subs want to do... wanted to dive into the subject matter of it, you know? Well, you were talking about the reaction to the Reich prior to the war.

You know, much of that was purely on aesthetic terms, but also it has to go beyond aesthetics. I think that's probably what scares. People have been trained to be scared of that because instinctively they look at that and they're like, Yeah, I wish we had that.

Oh, yeah, yeah. And so it conflicts with, you know, the state religion of anti-fascism. So it causes this, it causes this cognitive dissonance that also has, like, moral implications because, you know, people, people in America don't have a real moral education, you know, there's just this kind of confused pastiche of kind of conditioned responses. and arbitrary assignations of, of, you know, evil to things or, you know,

the, so they, it, it leads to really, really confuse the responses from, you know, people who aren't really thoughtful or self-aware. Yeah, definitely. All right. Tell people where they can find you.

Well, I rejoined social media recently. I'll see how long that last, but I did that because I'm not trying to stroke myself, but people said they really wanted me to be on social media. So despite my aversion, I set up a Twitter account. It's at Thomas Seer 777. So it's Thomas T-H-O-M-A-S-C-Y-R, which is my government name, 7777. The best place to hit me up is on Substack, because that's where my pod is and all kinds of other good stuff.

It's Real Thomas-777.77. That's Substack.com. and my website's a one-stop kind of location for my content. It's Thomas 777.com. It's number 7-H-M-A-S-777.com. That's all I have for now. All right. Until the next time.

Thank you, Thomas. Yeah, you're welcome. Thank you.