The Pete Quiñones Show - Episode 1257: Continental Philosophy and Its Origins - Pt. 12 - Marx Pt. 1 w/ Thomas777
Episode Date: August 24, 202571 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.Thomas continues a series on the subject of Continental Philosophy, which focuses on history, culture, and society. In this epi...sode Thomas talks about Karl Marx.Thomas' SubstackRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
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I want to welcome everyone back to the Pekignano Show. Thomas is back. And we're
We are going to, Thomas is going to talk about one of everybody's favorite people in history in the last couple hundred years.
So, go ahead, Thomas.
I want to talk about Karl Marx and Marxism.
You know, the 20th century, there was a conceptual dialogue with Marxist feminism that really can't be overstated.
And virtually nobody understands Marx.
Okay.
Marxisms invoked as this polemical device to describe
the ideology of the managerial state
which is this kind of post-1968
secular humanism
and
you know this this kind of ad hoc
ideological pastiche that's invoked
for expediency to
kind of play populations off against each other
it's really kind of a hollow
core but what it's not is it's not Marxist like people have this idea that Marxism is a more
extreme version of liberalism or that it's some sort of egalitarian ethos it's none of those
things and this isn't just trivia or some sort of pedantic interest I curated because I deal a lot
and political theory in my research, it's essential to understanding the 20th century,
and it's essential to understanding the configuration of globalism and why the sort of dialogue
around nascent globalism and, you know, was characterized by the sort of ideological pulse stars that it was.
You know, I can tell, I'm not just saying things. I can tell by talking.
to people even fairly intelligent people you know not not just polemicists who say
ridiculous things like mark levin or whatever i can tell they've never read karl
marx because of the way they describe marxism or communism when it existed or some of these
people they'll say with a straight face that somebody like kamala harris is a
communist or that oh you know university professors are all marks
that betrays a fundamental ignorance of what the intellectual culture is of the establishment.
Okay.
One of the only people who's written specifically on this is Paul Gottfried.
I think, I mean, obviously, apart ways with Godfrey on a lot of subjects and positions.
But he's got a very deep knowledge of political theory and especially of practice.
as it developed in the 20th century.
And he's written extensively on the fact that the Cold War was basically,
it was left-wingers and liberals who were,
it was left-winger's and Marxist schismatics against Stalinists.
That's what it was.
They came, both of whom came to view Orthodox Marxist Leninism
as this kind of quasi-fascistic reactionary tendency.
There was also an aspect of viewing it as a kind of oriental despotism.
I mean, that was more on the conservative side, or what passes for conservatism in America.
But, you know, there's a provincialism to American liberals as well that IDAR is even more pronounced
than their nominal opponents on the right.
And especially in the later phase of the Cold War,
that was a subtext of their objection to,
you know, the governments of the East Block and things,
although they didn't come out and say it.
That's not just me reading into, you know,
what the proponents of this position said without cause.
it's very much there.
So it's as misguided to call American liberals Marxists as it would be to say that somebody like
George W. Bush is a fascist.
It's at odds with reality.
And more than that, you know, it's conceptually illiterate on, you know, the way that globalism
developed.
You know, and I'm always making the point.
And I'm not sure people fully grasp this.
there's only one mode of government these days that there's not competing modes of statecraft
there's only globalism and the resistance and within globalism obviously locally
there in constellations of power de jure and de facto they'll hold different cultural values
and things but that's not what the color was about we were talking about two radically different
ways of configuring what was to be the planetary order okay that's done pretty much every
state and wespalian states are ceasing to exist to make no mistake but such that they do still
exist and there'll always be some kind of devolved localism just by necessity no matter how
much you know information technology integrates processes and structures but there's only with the
exception to outliers like North Korea which is this unfortunate garrison state that
happens to border China and the Russian Federation or these kinds of one-off kingdoms or
emirates there's only one form of government you know the Russian Federation obviously
is very much on enemy footing
with
America and vice versa
but the Redmond Federation
is not that's a radically different kind of government
it's not run by a party state
there's not a political bureau that
enforces ideology from the top down
there's not some centrally planned
there's not some central planning authority
that you know stands in for
private ownership of productive
mechanisms
You know, and the fact that people don't seem to fully understand this is a testament to there being a basic, you know, kind of kind of, just lack of understanding in total.
And, you know, to bring it home, what was based, one of the many things that was basically unprecedented in the 20th century, I can't think.
think of another historical paradigm wherein there's a singular ideology that at planetary scale
is essentially dictating all political activity either in the service of its praxis or in opposition
to it people can invoke things like the roman empire but that wasn't remotely planetary
And the idea of Rome was more sort of an acceptance of this configuration of power.
There wasn't some theory of human life that underlay the Roman Empire.
You know, and you can take the ascendancy of Islam was remarkable.
The scale and scope of its success, which was attained rapidly.
But again, that was not planetary scale and, you know,
sectarian wars are kind of their own thing the entire the entire planet wasn't in dialogue with islam
you know there was darrell islam and there was its enemies you know so i don't really
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And the Jacob and Revolution, it was so violent and so disruptive.
that purely ideological cycle of violence in the source of revolutionary cause, it was essentially
done after a decade. And what followed was, uh, you know, this Napoleonic crusade, but that, uh,
that was something entirely different. You know, the revolutionary fervor that had animated the
receding revolutionary form a lot of those energies were sublimated into the napoleonic cause but it was
something categorically different you know so the way to understand this is what what is
Marxism it's not merely a political ideology it presented itself as a comprehensive account of
human life and not only human beings and
way they lived their lives and their psychological makeup, but of all of nature.
And the Marxist theory of history, it's not just the theory of the modern age, or it's not just the history of capitalism.
It literally claims to be providing an account of man's entire existence.
from the time when humans truly became human
and anatomical and behavioral terms
to the present
and it claims to be able to discern
in categorical terms
what the future will look like
based upon a science of socialism
and a science of history
whereby
I, you know, through rational means and through a consistent methodology, all uncertainties about, you know, human political and social life and even biological phenomena can be identified and largely predicted.
okay and it it's proponents marks himself and it's later and and subsequent accolades of his ideology they acknowledge that it wasn't possible to achieve this sort of predictive augury yet but they fully believe that this is going to become possible you know and people generally don't understand that that's a
totality of it. Secondly, Marx wasn't really issuing a moral condemnation of capitalism. There is a value-centric discussion of the then-present paradigm and why it's, you know, wrong-headed and a social ill to perpetuate those state institutions in the Marxist
view because this is violated with the dignity of workers and in the Marxist
paradigm labor is really the end-all-be-old human life but like another
misnomer is this idea that Marxists were moralists who are who are mad about
capitalism because supposedly it's racist or it's it's harmful to women or it's
you know it promotes inequalities Marxists didn't care about any of that
Marxist didn't care about racism now mind you
they might have looked at certain paradigms locally or at wider scale and said,
okay, these people are being uniquely pressured by capitalism because within the sociology
of that failing system, they're being targeted for hostility. They will probably be the logical
population to target as our cadre, but Marxists didn't sit around saying,
saying the gravest evil ever is racism and capitalism is bad because it's racist.
Their take was that these identitarian characteristics that people think are so important aren't
actually important and it's this artificial contrivance.
So we need to get to the point where people realize that these things don't matter.
They're the last people, Marxists, who are going to say we need a black human
History Month because black people are uniquely oppressed in history.
That's that that's bourgeois morality.
That's a way of dividing the body politic or trying to shore up a sort of moral credibility within a failing system.
You know, so when people look at BLM or something, say, well, that's Marxist or when they say that affirmative action, that's Marxist, it's not at all.
You know, not mind you, Marxist don't object to these things.
things for legitimate reasons or for accurate reasons, but that's not, that's not something they
promulgate, you know, which is why the Soviet Union and the DDR and communist Poland,
they refused to acknowledge the purported victim, quote, a European jury. They said,
why, why is Jewish identity matter? They said, we lost 30 million people,
fighting the fascists. You know, we're not, we're not, we're not going to single out some,
some contrived sectarian identity and say these people are the victims of fascism. Why,
why do we care about that? You know, and I mean, that speaks for itself, okay? It wasn't because
everybody's anti-Semitic or whatever the current rationale is for why the Warsaw Pact
proceeded that way. It's because in a lot of ways the Soviet Union and its satellites were in fact
very orthodox Marxists. I know that there's those who would object to that, particularly
in left revisionist academic, but that's a discussion for another day. But this is important
because, again, these kinds of curated moral paradigms about the
alleged victimization of discrete populations that's such an essential characteristic of therapeutic
liberalism you know that they must be acknowledged that's not remotely a Marxist priority
they view it as nonsense um now the Marxist treatment of capitalism the reason why it's
capitalist features are emphasized and make no mistake capitalism and the marst's paradigm
it's it describes a discrete phase of historical development where there's very specific
sociological tendencies extant as well as labor and production a schema that are historically
contingent they're not talking about capitalism in the way like a neoliberal economist does or in the way
they describe it to people in high school civics class.
You know, and they're not,
Marxists aren't really talking about doing business.
Okay.
The Marxian contention is that the economy,
in any given era,
it's basically the kind of distilled organic essence
of the society that created it.
And therefore,
to grasp
the essential features of the economy in any given epoch
in that way you understand the most relevant
and the most potent facts about that society.
Okay, so Marx's analysis of the then-present
and what Marx is considered to be late modernity,
you know, the 19th, and 21st centuries,
is essentially organizing production and productive means and sociological structures around a certain theory of value,
which is at odds in the Marxian view with what's instinctive to human beings
and what can entail something approaching equity.
Okay.
His account of the way that history transitions from past to future,
it's wholly dependent on dialectical materialism.
And the depth to which this is existentially significant
is something I think is understating.
even in a lot of contemporary texts that otherwise grasped the theory in praxis pretty well.
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Dunbiog, Kush Farage. You know, it goes beyond a priority of economic conditions. Again,
economic conditions in the Marxian worldview or body of theory are quite literally the
still the essence of every relevant aspect of that society to human life, not just to political affairs.
You know, and Marx's claim, the way he fleshed this out was he said, look, the study of man and must reflect mankind as he really is,
you know, not based on an ideal conception of him or of his presumed potentialities or what constitutes the
good in some abstract sense um you know and he also considered destructive to contemplate some pristine
natural man even as a thought experiment you know he said at base what empirical man is he's primarily
like a living organism that's essentially a biological machine right he consumes food he needs
clothing, he needs shelter, he needs fuel. So at base, human life is, is exclusively oriented around
and towards the compulsion to find or to produce these things. You know, man before history
or before man truly became man, which demarc to the course as a biological accident. You know,
there's God didn't create these things. Once upon a time,
you know
anatomically
if not behaviorally
modern humans they might have survived
simply by using things they could find
or kill or gather
but at some point
increase in
population
or shortages
or pressures from
predatory animals
or predatory hominids
it forced them to produce
their own necessities
and find a way to make things.
And this is what distinguishes man from the beasts.
The singular defining characteristic of humans
and what separates them from animals
in the Marxist paradigm
is to get the capacity for conscious production,
not rationality, not political order,
not the capacity to love,
not the ability to produce art.
It's simply the capacity for conscious production.
Now, to be sure, you can find animals who produce primitive tools or insects who devise structures,
but that's purely instinctive. It's not consciously productive.
Okay.
And man, by way of the same psychological mechanism that facilitates conscious production,
he can contemplate the object of his labor.
okay so where man you know and again because all there is is human life and the Marxist
paradigm the only thing that gives life value is man's ability to contemplate the value of
his labor and of itself and say I can build this house or I can take these mammoth bones
and make a weapon or you know I can uh or a woman saying you know I can
I can make clothes out of this animal hide.
You know, and that's essential not just the human psychic health and social stability,
but that's literally the essence of what life is.
You know, it's not feeling good about yourself as a black person.
It's not feeling fulfilled in your relationships.
It's not like being the best Frenchman or white person or Muslim or or or or,
Catholic that you can be.
It's literally
this ability to contemplate
the finished product of your labor
and
to live as a man
is for some acknowledgement to be rendered
to that process.
So once you remove
that from people, you're turning people
into animals essentially.
And that's
also the reason why slavery is
insidious in the Marxist paradigm.
Now mind you, Marxist
would say slavery was an essential aspect of economic development and the historical process,
but they'd also say it's not evil to enslave people because then they're not free to supposedly
carry out this agency that they all have or whatever. It's because you're turning man into an
animal by removing from him the power to consciously produce and more significantly
contemplate the future product of his labor and take pride and state of
in that. Okay. Now, especially to younger people, this probably sounds very strange,
and it is objectively reductionist, but the degree to which during the second industrial age,
life was dominated by this kind of rote and dangerous and difficult labor,
that really can't be overstated. And not only was it out of
welfare state but there wasn't plenty like here in 2025 despite what people say and don't get me
wrong a homeless people most of whom are addicted and are mentally ill admittedly being homeless sucks
and i can attest to that because i've been homeless but you can basically find free stuff in any
big american city or metro area like you're not you're not going to die a starvation
You might die from violence or from drugs or from illness.
You're not going to literally starve to death.
Well, that's a recent innovation.
You know, in 1840, if you lived in some London slum,
there's a good chance you lived in a shanty where literally it was a floor made of dirt.
if your wife managed to survive childbirth
she probably wasn't going to live much beyond 40
in part because the error was poisonous
your kids were at constant risk of death
until they reached about seven or eight years old
you would be working 13 or 15 hours a day
in some factory setting
doing a rote task
over and over and over and over and over again.
And if your body failed you, or if you got too old, or if you broke a limb, or if you, like,
hit your fingers chopped off, you were going to starve to death.
Nobody's going to hire a cripple or a broken down old man or a guy who's, you know,
got a tubercular cough or whose liver's failing because it was alcoholism.
You're just going to die.
You know, maybe there'll be some poorhouse charity that'll have mercy on.
you and feed you once every two days or maybe some churchman will you know
occasionally um you know feed your children a slice of bread or something but
your life and your death literally orbited around your ability to labor and
sell your labor to a producer you know so looking at it's hard to see outside of
the historical moment for anybody but in the case of Marx and Engels and we'll get into
Engels next episode this wasn't speculative really I mean what they
extrapolated from it was a sweeping conclusion that that couldn't be
substantiated to start what they said by a scientific methodology but
But what they were describing, the aspects of the human condition and political and social life, that they considered to be absolutely paramount, these things were dictating the terms of human existence, day-a-day, hour-to-hour, minute-to-minute.
And that has got to be acknowledged.
you know um so in other words to bring it back the marxist doctrine of productive force determinism
and the primacy of production it rests in the belief that it was the pressure of material needs you know
the need for food the need for fuel the need for things to consume the need for shelter clothing
the production of these things that's what
forced man upward and made him human. Okay. It wasn't his mind. You know, this, these intellectual
capacities were curated by this material need to produce. Okay. And that's what continues to press
man onward and upward. And this is why, again, Marxists don't condemn the historical process or
say see slavery is evil, in some terms, it's evil. Or industrial.
labor and his era was evil because man is transcending his limitations in this admittedly brutal
historical process whereby he develops knowledge of technology and technological processes
which in turn produce more plenty which in turn extend human life which in turn facilitate
greater and greater um you know horizon
of production and activity.
It's actually a very, very, very brutal view of the world.
There's nothing soft about it or liberal about it or humanizing.
One of the things that's sinister about it is it's incredibly dehumanizing.
It basically causes, it basically says that, you know, the things that
most people in a capitalist society would value are a weakness.
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And now this is over the nation
hamshare.
It's leargoal to goa and not
the Gereena in Oandun,
and leander Gala to give the
father to Gawl to Deirin.
In Ergird,
we're dig tour
in one-in-voin-ha
with funnive-in-voin-va.
There's oatho
electracus,
on as to fide with
Gatch Talach, Gnall, Gnall and Pobble
tariffa in Tashdie.
There's era of Coochduagin,
full of Nismole in Ergaret Pongaii.
You know, I mean,
it should be clear to anybody who reads
about life in the DDR or the Soviet Union
or Communist Poland.
I mean, that's one of the things that's corny is like
Kamala Huris is a Marxist,
or like this pink-eared HR lady used 400 pounds as a Marxist.
It's like these people would be eaten alive
in a Marxist society.
you know or they'd be viewed as degenerates who uh were useless eaters and they'd be condemned basically by everybody
you know like don't get make no mistake there's nothing cool or laudable about some policemen and some
Stalinist state thinking that you know owing to his revolutionary credentials the fact he dropped
bodies in the revolution entitles him to decide who lives and who dies because that's fucked up
But what that's not is some soft liberal perspective or personality that's being curated.
You know, and of course, the conditions of production in any given epoch, that's what determines prevailing property relations.
You know, we're not talking, and Marxists weren't talking about the abstract difference of property.
they're not talking about personal things you own or you know individual people in some you know
individuated way being able to accrue more stores of things than other people we're talking about
who has actual access to productive means and who is prevented from acquiring it so for
example under a feudal system which endured for a really long time and Marx actually had a
fairly interesting account of why this is which people like Werner Sombard actually shared but under
feudalism for example you have lords who possess land and they have rights to other properties
such as the commodities produced by that land and the people who work that land are
serfs who are tied to that parcel and serfs they're they're legally precluded from owning property
like even a serf who got manumitted and somehow i mean maybe he was a hero with some religious war or
something let's say however unlikely this is this former serf he got some you know
military title of lesser nobility or something okay he still wouldn't be able to go
back and buy that parcel
no matter how much gold he could
come up with, okay?
But the thing about the feudal
arrangement, and one of the reasons why
it endorsed for so long, and why there
weren't catastrophic pressures
that destroyed it, it's because
there's a natural interdependence in that
system.
There's far, far less
alienation.
You know, you're almost related
to the Lord who owns
the land that you till if you're a surf, you know, and odds are your families lived on that
land for generations. And the Lord, unless he had no progeny or something, odds are it's the same
thing with him. And in time of war, he's going to need able-bodied men to fill out the ranks
of his army. You know, if we come under attack, we're going to have to work together to
offend off those who would slaughter us if I need justice because another man either of my
class and station or of a higher cast and station does violence to near my family I've got
to approach you know the Lord of the Manor and appeal him for justice you know and
there's always some kind of accountability we were you talking about the sort of
direct relationships between people, even if they're grossly unequal and even if they're not
born of warm and spontaneous intentional relationships. You know, you can't have people under
these conditions being totally at odds of one another, otherwise the system doesn't work.
Okay, there's got to be a basic give and take, even if it arrives from a position a totally
unequal footing with respect to station.
you know um and marfs also makes the point too that you know the primacy of money really didn't exist until later modernity
because yeah in a feudal system you basically only use money as a you know a a symbolic indicator of uh of uh of a of a of a of a of a of a of a of a of a of a of a of a
a fungible commodity, you know, it's because it's not possible, you know, to convey, you know,
to pick up, attract a land and convey it to representative of somebody purchasing it, for example,
you know.
Well, would that, can I interrupt for a second?
Yeah, go ahead.
Would that be why competition was so looked down upon?
Because competition, competition would raise prices.
It would make profit.
Now you're putting profit above everything.
yeah that's big part of it and that's also too why i mean bernher somber gets into that like the
when uh i mean sombert generally agrees of spangler the advent of double-entry bookkeeping and the
abstraction of profits from the loci of production you know that changed everything and it created
this it created this catastrophic tension between this between the town and the country yeah that's
definitely a big part of it but it's also like we're talking about how to rent
the other day as a statecraft became more and more scaled money became more
and more important you know and that meant that there was perverse
incentives that kind of prioritized money over what there before had been the
metric of wealth which was inexplicably tied to production so yeah it's all of those
things but um marks is the key takeaway from marks is that like marks acts and we'll get to this
this gets a bit complicated but the marx's viewpoint is that Marx refers to the science of economics
the purported science of economics is ideology because he said that all it is is that he said
what it is is people viewing capitalist relationships of production and labor and the
preeminence of money and declaring that these are perennial things. And even if the paradigm changes
a bit, he said people like Adam Smith or like Edmund Burke, what they were saying is that
these variables are constant for all time. It's just that the way they're symbolized
and the scale and complexity of the way they interact with one another and the relative significance,
of each variable might change, but these things are constant.
And Marx's all point is no, none of these things are constant.
And even money is a recent innovation.
Because again, Marx's theory, it essentially spans 40,000 years.
Okay.
So it's like, okay, well, for 33,000 years, there wasn't money.
You know, say you're telling me this is a permanent feature of human life.
And again, to him, human life isn't politics or the ability to live.
love your children or, you know, the impulse to glorify God.
It's the ability to contemplate production and the finished result of that production
and to remove objects from one sensory environment and convert them into utile objects.
You know, so yeah, and we'll get more into that as we go on.
probably not today though but uh you know so
the marx's big assertion and das capitol is a really difficult value like i said
das capitol though along with business cycles by shumpeter those are key
if you want to have political economy you got to read both of those i think and they're
it's a it's a it's a it's a it's a substantial undertaking but to still down one of the major
aspects of dust capital is that it's it's a it's a grave error as any kind of analyst or historian
or political theorist it's a grave error to treat consumption distribution money itself
the way in which exchange is conducted you know um of commodity
these and labor, treating these things as eternal categories that have some permanent context
or relevance. That's a grave error because he said none of those things are true.
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You know, which is why the primary defect in his view of political economy or economics,
he calls it bourgeois ideology you know and the margist's view is that this isn't even intentional like yeah
there's people who have a vested incentive in manipulating historical data to suggest that you know
what they view as being essential to their personal prosperity hosts an outsized significance you know
But he said a lot of it, even people who weren't directly insinuated into, you know, capitalist processes or ownership and people who play no role in their professional life in terms of the financing of these things.
You know, they, their conceptual horizon is colored by what, by existential and ontological variables.
They can't think outside of this paradigm, you know, and the rare men who can are the ones who, you know, are possess the foresight to predict outcomes in basic terms, you know.
So, you know, this raises an interesting problem, though, with.
Marxism and this isn't it's not just Marx this is a problem of the empiricists and if you read
Hume this is obviously the question that will emerge as well as the later critics of idealism
that's why like I said when we complete this Marx discussion I want to get into Husserl and
Husserl is a hugely important thinker and he was the primary um
Ficta and Hustral were the primary influences on Heidegger in my opinion.
But the problem of idealism, specifically as in discussion of Marx, relates to Marx's relationship to Hegel.
Obviously, Marx's take on the dependence of political and economic theory on historic conditions of production.
this entails far more than just economic theory.
You know, and like I said at the outset,
what I don't understand Marx is he's talking about the human condition
in its entirety from the dawn of man
to the then present and into the distant future.
That's a theory of...
That's a theory of deep historicism, okay?
and that they can't be that that's not up for debate Marx's claim is again is that all morality
all philosophy all religion all cultural belief systems are there resolved to conditioning by men
of their environments and the man-made aspects of that environment which increasingly as scale increases
shape and determine the natural environment.
These things are exclusively the expression of modalities of production.
The opposite view is the pure Higalian view that man has an independent mind.
And the intelligence contained within that mind,
man devises institutions
he formulates conceptual structures
relating to ethics
um
you know he developed
aesthetical conventions
Marx rejects all of these things
as ideology once again
and to Marx any doctrine
that is purported to have an independent
status or origin point
independent of
productive
of schema, which is the progeny of man's need to provide for necessities of life.
You know, but the problem, of course, here is that that in and of itself, that's an artifact
of an idealist schema.
You know, so what you're saying is that Marx is devising this entire theory of human existence.
I mean, that itself is derivative of mind.
Okay?
And what a man is basically an automaton who is essentially a beast,
but the instinctive behaviors that he implements individually and as part of a collective
are just part of some conscious programming.
But Mark specifically disavows that.
So there's a contradiction here.
and from what I can glean
and there's not much directly related to this subject matter
believe it or not
what I can glean is that Marx would say
would have said or contained kind of within
the more sociological
essays he wrote
was that well you know
I don't purport nobody reports to fully understand
processes of mind
but it's clear that
there's a
it's clear that there's an
exponential aspect to learning
and
man's also evolved
you know to
once he divides
as you know
relatively complex
objects
you know
from that process of devising
those things and
from the process of
learning new uses for those things
you know
thoughts take on their own kind of momentum related to this instinctive necessity to produce you know and
that seems tautological but as far as I can tell that would basically be the Merckian
answer you know but like I said it's this precious little written directly on this
subject matter and I have looked you know
But moving on, and this brings us to, you know, I said at the outset, the Marx was not primarily an ethical theorist, and that's a big misunderstanding, even among people who are fairly learned in political theory.
But what is an ethical imperative is, you know, to resist the advance of history.
and the end of history within the Marxist paradigm
and the achievement of, you know, a classless society,
not an egalitarian society, they're two different things,
you know, by the fulfillment of, you know, historical processes
that allow socialism to flourish.
You know, it is, in fact, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, a,
ill to try and sabotage these things.
Now, why is that?
Well, we already established that within the Marxist paradigm,
all historic modes of production and labor had one feature in common.
And that was that control of production means was not shared in by everybody.
there's always been a narrow coterie of producers or owners or possessors who had more not just to the material product that was being rendered,
but their capacity for work largely belonged to themselves.
So they could live fulfilling lives even if, you know, Marks of the original acknowledged managing a massive conglomers,
englomerate is incredibly difficult and time consuming.
But what it also entails is many, many different types of labor and many types of power
processes that have to be imagined, devised, brought into reality, and then fulfilled.
Okay, so somebody like Henry Ford, for example, he's living as a fully realized man.
even if his life's not particularly happy, and even if all he ever does is work.
As opposed to say, a man who works in a factory for a low wage, who performs one road activity over and over and over and over again for 15 or 18 hours a day,
that man's not only been totally alienated from his labor, his labor has been bifurcated into a fractured,
aspect of a total process, but he also has no capacity for other labor. He can't build a house.
He can't invent a better hunting rifle. You know, he can't perfect a better kind of robo.
You know, he is in a position that a slave was, but even worse, because even a slave basically
only had to work till sundown. And then if you wanted to go
play his banjo or carp scrimshaw, he could do that.
Okay.
If you're the proletarian laborer,
you're being quite literally worked to death.
And when you do die,
probably well before your time,
you will have nothing in your life
that could be said to belong to you.
And the only, again,
the raison daintry of human life
in the Marxist paradigm is the productive process
and the ability to imagine
the completed artifact of that productive process.
And that doesn't exist to the exploited proletarian.
You know, he's been reduced to the level of an animal.
And then he will die.
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is Christmas at the Guinness Storehouse. Book now at ginnestorehouse.com. Get the facts,
be drinkaware, visit drinkaware.aware.com. And again, too, when I say that this is Marx's
moral ontology, it's not just pontific eating on how awful is it. And it's not just pontific eating on how awful
this is for its own sake or that this shouldn't have happened. He's saying this was an essential
aspect of the historical process, but to try and sabotage progress beyond that, you're trying
to keep people at the level of animals. You are oppressing them, and you are trying to sabotage
the advance of history, which, because Marxists are atheists, history is God, the end-all
of human life is labor. You're essentially revolting against God to try and start.
stop history and you're doing it for the sake of your own piggish greed.
Okay.
That's why capitalists are pigs, by the way.
Okay.
Because that's the
the pig stands in as a symbol for gluttony.
Okay. So the capitalized to hoof and nail wants to fight the proletarian revolution.
He's only thinking about himself and his own belly.
know um and uh that's why such people also there's an intrinsically homicidal aspect to marxas
praxis i maintain i don't think they're going to be denied that's not some cheap polemical point
you know like comrades kill people i mean they do but it i i am not just saying stupid things
I mean, there's a
there's a
there's an intrinsic need to
categorically annihilate
people
who aren't educable in
in, you know,
the Marxist praxis.
And beyond that,
I'm getting ahead of myself, but
you know,
you've got to wipe out the ability
of people to consider
alternative modalities because if you allow them to do that or if you allow that
potentiality you know an inherently counter-revolutionary sociology will
develop you know and that's part of the double-edged sort of literacy you know but
we'll get into that but I'm gonna stop there because I'm about to change gears
it but and I need another hour for that.
Not a problem. Not a problem. I think that's a good place to wrap up and yeah,
this is good stuff. It's amazing to me that you have no idea how many people I've engaged,
like especially on social media who say they're Marxists and then you start talking to them
and you're like, this person has never read Marx by like except like past like the, never gone past like the communist
manifesto.
Jackson Hinkle is a serious guy, and I consider him for limited purposes to be, I don't know
the dude, but him and people like him, I consider them for limited purposes to be allies.
He's a serious Marxist.
I mean, don't get me wrong, he's not one of these guys who has some retrograde view of
things.
You know, he's more of a world systems theorist, which anybody who abides Marxist
political economy is
I mean that if they're not in the game if they're not a you know kind of abiding a lot of
Emmanuel Wallerstein's ideas so I mean that Jackson Hinkle was one of those kinds of guys but
he and obviously don't agree with that paradigm but yeah he's a serious guy but there's
there's not and what I mean his whole as far as I understand it from what I've read of his
content his work product his whole notion is that the
there's a real intellectual poverty on the radical left it's it's just degenerate liberals and
you know bourgeois morons and like sexual deviance and he's not wrong i mean there's the
the death of the intellectual left is one of the weirder things in my lifetime you know um because
they were such that's arguably such an outsized impact on
kind of intellectual life and and even you know did that trill down in like day-to-day discourse but
yeah I hope uh I'll the subs get something positive out of this man like I'm I'm trying to
do the best I can to convey these things in an accurate way that that's also
listenable and not torturous to subject oneself to so feedback's been very positive like lean so
that makes me happy.
Yeah, well, I look forward to part two of this because that's when,
the thing is, it's just not a simple subject.
And people try to make it really simple because all they see,
they either concentrate on the death or they concentrate on the economics of it,
and they don't see exactly what it was and that it,
no one's ever read marks.
No.
What I saw the other day?
People,
in lieu of edging themselves,
they just look at memes.
Apollo's the Fed.
I'm like, what does that mean?
Why?
Why is the Fed just evil?
Oh, because it's the Fed.
It's regulation.
No, no, no, no.
That doesn't mean anything.
You know, and so,
I mean,
I'm a shump butter guy.
I think you've gleaned.
you know and a lot of people mistakenly put shumpeter with the austrians he literally was from
austria and the bannesans for limited purposes will invoke him because he's too important not to
i mean i think he's the rothbart involved shumpeter a lot yeah yeah but it's these these like
internet guys will try and push it back on me and i'm like you've never read any of this stuff
you know you're you look at memes it's like you don't know what you're talking about it's
you know, you don't have any understanding of political economy.
You've never read a single book on it.
You know, like stupid movies don't convey anything.
I don't know.
Am I thinking wrong here?
It seems like to me, when you run into somebody who is well read on subjects that are important,
they have a tendency to be able to argue from both sides.
They have nuanced thinking.
And they're not, they don't have to argue from their ideology.
It seems like the people who you run into who are the most like,
you know, we got to smash the Jews and stuff like that.
These aren't people who actually like have read,
like historical accounts of the history of like the Jewish people for the last
2000 years.
Well, that's why I don't understand what they think they're getting out of this.
You know, I guess to them it's like a video game or I don't even know.
it's uh well social media is a playground where people it's a playground where people try to
outsmart each other and they do things like you know they they see somebody who you know has 10,000
followers and they're like oh i got to follow this guy and make him look like a make him look like
a try to if if i can make him look like a retard if i can get someone to you know to laugh at him
or if I can spot him saying something wrong because I mean, what, you and I speak, what, 100,000, you know, how many words a week do we speak?
We're going to misspeak on something.
You know, it's like, and that's like their whole life, you know, so it's like, okay, so go argue about the Texas Longhorns and how they're going to do this season.
Like, why pretend you understand political economy?
That's so fucking random.
You know, it would be like some hobo deciding he's an expert on nuclear physics.
You know, it's like, I don't know.
I don't know anything about home building.
I don't go find where carpenters hang out and be like, you're wrong, man.
Who's that you build a house?
Why would I do that?
That's fucking retarded.
I guess that's my point.
People do this thing where it's like, you know, it's like, oh, why do you talk about, you know, why do you talk about the history of the Jews?
Why are you reading a book like 200 years together?
Do you think the Jews run everything?
And I think to myself, look, when you look at academia and you look at, you look at, you look at,
very important plate important um subjects important industries important yeah there are jews
there are jews at the top of it insinuated at the top of it in most cases if that was chinese
if they were chinese i'd be reading chinese history 24-7 well yeah i'd be yeah so it's like it's
like oh you're obsessed it's like how could you not be you know it's like you see
You see a ruling class.
Like where my research takes me.
Like I am I trying to, I'm not trying to like impress randos by what I research.
I go where it takes me.
You know, if I, if I think that's deviant or weird, okay, I mean, they're,
that means nothing to me, but also these people aren't in my league.
You know, I'm not good at a lot of things, man.
I'm probably fine with it.
You know, most people for some reason in this culture aren't.
They want to pretend they're good at everything.
I'm good at very, very, very, very few things.
I understand political economy and political theory better than the overwhelming majority of people.
And I will die on that hill because I know it's fucking true.
So when some like internet rando with an IQ of 89, like tries to tell me he knows things,
it's fucking embarrassing.
You know?
Yeah.
There was a guy on Twitter today who, I mean, probably a really nice guy.
He wasn't mean at all.
I mean, you know, he was, but he genuinely thinks that this system can be like rehabilitated.
Like if your people take over this system, it can be rehabilitated.
It's like you don't understand that it doesn't have the system's an anachronism.
Well, yeah, also, I mean, history, the history is, I mean, one of the things Marx wasn't wrong about.
And admittedly, I mean, a lot of this was what he owes to his Higalianism.
especially when he was a young man.
There's nothing constant about history.
It doesn't repeat itself.
There's not perennial institutions.
Okay, now that doesn't mean there is no truth.
That doesn't mean there is no morals.
What that means is that pretending that the 20th century state is this perennial thing
that's as constant as a mountain range, you don't understand history.
I don't mean don't understand like the meaningless factories that give you in high school civics class.
I mean, you don't understand that it's a process and even now it's everything is changing.
You know, and that's why there's so few political theorists worth reading because very, very, very, very, very few men can identify these changes and the kind of configuration of what's developing as it happens.
It's the metaphor I like is this, okay?
If you're in the desert and there's an obelisk, you know, like in 2000 or a monolith, okay?
And you're smacked up against it like this.
You can't discern its dimensions.
And you can probably tell its color, maybe what it's made out of.
That's it.
You know, only at distance, possibly even miles distance.
can you establish its actual configuration and dimensions.
That's kind of the role or the situatedness of, you know, a revisionist or any kind of historical analyst.
You're smacked up against the obelisk that is not just the historical record, but the present and probable and possible futures, you know.
Do you think that when people say that history repeats itself, they're just seeing human behavior,
here that very rarely changes, especially among certain cultures, things like that, you know, human, you know, just human need, human action.
They don't know what they're saying, is that some guy said that to them in high school, who was their teacher, or it's some cliche that they read in some midwit book by somebody like venereal disease Hansen, but, well, there's wars and stuff. You know, history repeats itself.
We're the Roman Empire. You know, history repeats itself.
Is it, yeah, I mean, it's that basic, I think, I don't know.
Yeah, the Roman Empire that is, that wasn't, that never even approached the scale of which the American Empire is because the American Empire is global.
What's up before people are doing is they're saying, I mean, it's like, okay, if, if your, if your inputs are, are the most basic universal things, you know, like, it's like, it's like, it's like saying, okay, you.
Leonardo da Vinci wore pants and Tom Brady wears pants.
So Tom Brady is a great artist.
You know, I mean, you know, if the metric is, yeah, the Roman Empire was powerful and it
was a lot of territory and it was a hegemon.
And oh, America's a hegemon and spans a lot of territory.
Okay, but that's not what we're talking about.
All right, Thomas.
I'm looking forward to part two.
Tell everybody where they can find you right now.
Yeah, the best place is my website.
It's Thomas 777.com, but that's number 7, HMAS 777.
For Substack.
Substack is what I favor, and that's my podcast is, and all kinds of other stuff.
It's real Thomas 777.7.7.com.
Social media is fucking garbage, and I swear, since I set up this new account a few weeks ago,
Zitter has gotten like exponentially fucking dumber.
Like I like I shit you not.
It's like literal retar.
You have no idea.
You have no idea.
You are you are spot on.
Like uh, yeah.
So I mean, I don't know how much longer I'm going to waste my time with that.
I only set up the new timeline because people I actually like and care about,
you kept on asking me to.
But it's at Thomas Sear.
That's my government name.
T-H-O-M-A-S-C-Y-R-77-
But I'm not just talking some shit.
I may shut down that account because it's it's not really worth my time anymore.
But yeah, that's pretty fine.
I notice you hardly ever look at the comments people make to you either.
No, there's a week my time.
You don't even pay it attention, yeah.
Yeah.
All right, man.
Talk to you in a couple days.
Look forward to part two.
