The Pete Quiñones Show - Episode 1264: Continental Philosophy and Its Origins - Pt. 14 - Werner Sombart w/ Thomas777
Episode Date: September 9, 202569 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.Thomas continues a series on the subject of Continental Philosophy, which focuses on history, culture, and society. In this epi...sode Thomas talks about Werner Sombart.Thomas' SubstackRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
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Thomas, how are you doing today?
I'm doing well.
Thanks for hosting me.
Of course.
I'm going to talk about one of
one of my favorite writers
today, so go ahead.
I want to talk about Werner Sombart
because Werner Sombart's an important
theorist in his own right, and he's been
a lot more impactful than people think.
Even Paul Johnson, who's as normie as can
be normie coded, I mean, don't mean wrong,
because he's written some pretty good books.
You know, I cite the history of Christianity,
not infrequently.
He's two kind of similar books or a history
of the American people.
which if you notice, he wrote that as a director of rebuttal to Howard is in this nonsense.
And you wrote a book of History of Christianity.
The latter is better than the former, but the former is not bad.
And especially on early American history, 16th century to around the world between the States, it's pretty solid.
But he, of all people, cites Sombard.
obviously does so qualifiably
and I'll get into what I mean by that
as we progress in this discussion
but my point is Sombard
he's yes he's rather esoteric
owing to the school of
academic
culture from
where he emerged
but
you know he's there's a very
wide spectrum of
intellectual endeavor
where he's
he's
He had a very impactful, you know, legacy.
And the term late capitalism, specifically,
but even capitalism entering into the conceptual and verbal lexicon,
they very much know if you read Das Kapital, I mean, Marx obviously talks about capitalist structures,
by capitalism as a kind of complete sociological phenomenon that very much
knows to sambar and we'll get into why that is in any event a lot of the subs
are asking me in part incidental discussion on substack chat about competing
socialism or you know what the discursive environment was
that Marxism conquered, as it were, because there was a very active, you know, discourse on the subject matter of socialism that really characterized European social thought. I'd argue probably from around the time of Edmund Burke until, you know, really until Marx and Engels became,
active and disseminating their theories through mass dissemination of published material and not just within
you know university cloisters and things like that but so people wanted to you know talk about
that kind of stuff and verner sombart i think verner sombard and george serrell if you're talking about
if you're talking about the the new right as it existed in europe you know the the concerted
and then the fascists and the national socialists and myriad iterations of radical rights thought from the turn of the 20th century onward
you know so at George Sorrell and Bernard Saumbart their impact can't be overstated and Sondbart and Sondbart generally like I just said I mean I think Sorrell is important as an enduring significant
but that's somewhat esoteric and that's somewhat ideologically coded in favor of certain conceptual sympathies
sombar yeah somber definitely has a i want to go as far as the right is definitely conservative i mean is
in the tradition of ficta you know he was he was right wing in a sentence but there's a general relevance to
political theory and most significantly political economy because Sondbert accomplished
something that Marx did and he was a competent economist as well as being an adept sociologist
and Marx was not competent in economics intrinsic to Marxism is a repudiation of
conventional praxis which in and of itself isn't that doesn't defeat its validity
but it can't be said to be an economic science and there's a scientific scientific
aspect of economics. I don't put any great stock in economic modeling. I don't think that
is a complete, I don't think it creates a complete conceptual picture. I don't think the data
yielded therein describes the totality of economic reality and the ontology, ontological aspects
there in, but there is a place for it. You know, I mean the point last time, and I'm sure
people will say mean things about me on account of it that Marxist economists almost remind me of
Amnesians and they're almost religious fervor about this idea that economic modeling is
is is you know doesn't yield anything and not just that it's it's almost immoral to resort to it
because the data yields corrupts you know conclusions that both camps begin with and then
proceed from which in itself is you know any any anything that purports to be an
economic science but that begins with the conclusion isn't any such thing but
Bernard Sombard was primarily known for two seminal texts one was why is there no
socialism in the United States the other one is the Jews and modern capitalism
the latter is quite controversial for I think reasons that are self-evidence okay
Uri Sliskin cited that directly and indirectly quite a bit in the Jewish century.
He essentially agrees with the core thesis that capitalism, and again, Sombart was instrumental in coining capitalism as a conceptual signifier.
So he was talking about a discrete worldview, not just a way of doing business.
and Sombard was a
contemporary of Max Weber
and obviously Max Weber
he attributed
he's a lot of what made America
successfully attributed to Calvinism
and the sociological aspects of it
that tended to favor
the creation of wealth
and a sort of active engagement
by people who in more traditional societies
would be viewed as commoners
and not particularly prone to wealth creation.
You know, Weber made a big deal about that.
Well, Sombard's book, The Jews of Modern Capitalism,
that he wrote that as an intended counterpart
to Max Weber's book on Calvinism and Prots and Ethics.
And I want to mostly focus on his book on the United States, but briefly.
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Saabert basically says that Jews were hostile to the guild system and they were hostile to fixed capital in lieu of fluid capital in large part for political and social reasons.
You know, because the guild system and the feudal system, it wasn't just that Jews excelled at finance aspects of national economics such that, you know, there were.
national economies in the middle ages and early modern period you know instinctively they had this
antipathy to other modalities of economic life because that to them that was axiomatically
associated with people who who despise them and oppressed them this wasn't even totally
conscious like somers not saying there was some rabbinic council that said see we we've got to do
away with the leather workers guild because they're dirty goals.
I mean, I'm sure some people thought that way, but, you know, intrinsic to the Jewish world of social existence was this antipathy, you know, and one of the reasons syndicalism took root in Europe, I think, it was an attempt to repair the social fabric that people were ripped out of by the collapse of the interdependence that characterized feudalism, you know, and that's one of the reasons why
even left-wing syndicalists were almost unfalingly anti-Jewish.
You know, it's not some accidents, and it's not just because everybody's prejudiced
irrationally or something.
You know, the, anything, any kind of labor, any kind of mobilized labor concern that,
especially that which tends towards fixed capital, and the idea of a self-regulating,
kind of craft guild extrapolated to modern production means, that especially,
tends to be just anti-Jewish.
You don't really have a counterpart for that in America,
but, you know, it's different than,
you know, and this tracks even, too,
even in places, even in places like Hungary or like Romania,
where Jews didn't just have power
in the nascent revolutionary movement.
on the side you know on on the on the on the kind of side of the
we're talking out the ranks of political soldier you know like like the check in the soviet union you know in places like hungary
and david irving makes his point of a uprising from inception throughout you know there there really was a jewish cadre
that kind of controlled the communist movement there and despite their uh proletarian sensibilities
they were hostile to traditional labor organizational modalities.
Like, make no mistake.
They wanted to replace it with something else.
And being,
at beginning class warfare is not the same thing.
You know, just to be clear.
But like I said, I don't want to deep dive into that book right now.
But moving on, the way to understand Sombard, this also relates to Marx because, you know,
like I said, a minute ago, and like I had the point,
emphasized as we've discussed marks you've got to understand where marx was coming from you know not
just in terms of his prejudices based on his own heritage and things that were intrinsic to his
worldview but marx didn't devise this idea of integrating sociology and political theory
and economics into this unitary body of of theoretical research that's that was the way the
Germans did things in their traditional academy.
This is kind of what succeeded scholasticism.
And that's one of the reasons why the traditional university system,
I mean, it's traditional to us.
It's what it came about really in the early modern period in Europe.
But what we think of as high academia,
that's basically a German innovation, or it's a German,
it's a German kind of conceptual structure.
The Gottengen School of History,
that's essentially the foundation of historicism.
Okay.
It was the University of Gottengen.
That's where, that was the original center of history
as an academic discipline.
You know, and not just something that was kind of
the domain, a churchman, and, you know, people who were documenting, you know, the guys in the
employee of political authorities who were documenting military events and things. You know,
history has a discreet domain of academic inquiry and, you know, philosophically rigorous
academic endeavor that really came from the Gothenian culture.
You know, and it was one of the newest universities in Europe.
It was founded in the 1730s, which seems ancient to us, but again, most of the, most of the, most iconic universities, like, literally came out of the medieval Catholic Church.
You know, that's one of the reason it's a joke when these half-ass kind of new age.
atheists, like the
church, they would say the church
as if there's some monolith
that there's no such thing
as sectarian identities.
But, you know, the church
is anti-intellectual. It's like,
well, actually, like, what you know is
intellectualism comes from the church, you stupid
fuck. But
the, you know,
the people
in this kind of new university
structure,
they wanted to combine critical
methods that were, you know, very much privileged under the scientific revolution.
They wanted to combine that kind of methodology with traditional philosophical historians
and the way they did things, you know, like Voltaire and Edward Given specifically.
You know, but they also, they were, they were the ones who were responsible for first devising a scientific basis for
historical research. The difference is obviously the Angle-Saxon way was to crowd out all other
modes of analysis and inquiry in favor the scientific method. And that's a mistake, according to the
traditional European view, as well as that, you know, most other places. But as we
taught out before. I mean, if we're talking about the intellectual tradition anywhere, we're talking
about something derivative of the Western tradition, so I don't think I need to elaborately
explicate what I mean by that. But the German approach to economics,
academic economics, as well as to public administration,
and that held sway through the Third Reich,
was this historical school of economics
that combined historicism,
anthropology,
you know,
understandings of
the contingencies of political structures
and economic development
to race and ethnos and historical experience.
The idea of economics
being this discrete
departmentalized science.
That didn't exist in Europe proper until the 50s.
And you'll notice Joseph Schumpeter very much came out of this school.
Okay.
And I maintain the pushbag is going to be people saying,
well, how can you criticize the Austrian school and hold out people like Schumperer?
All he was with some speculative social.
No, he wasn't. Read business cycles. One of the strengths of it is that it's
incredibly rigorous in its application of the scientific method to economic data. It's an incredibly
difficult read. It will take you years to get through both values. I'm not kidding. The issue with
Schumpeter, though, is that he was also a historicist. Okay, and that's the point I'm getting at. It's not one of the
other. That's also why I object, honestly, I mean, just for the sake of intelligibility and the
tagline of this series we're doing is continental philosophy. That's the way you have to discuss things.
Continental versus analytic. And analytic is basically a stand-in for angle-saxon or angle-sphere
philosophy, which is essentially the philosophy of mathematics or formal logic. It's not one or the
other. Okay. Or rather, the way I think of it is analytic philosophy. There's an intrinsic
prejudice in analytic philosophy to non-empirical methods, but the converse isn't true.
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The German school economics doesn't somehow disdain
empirical methods.
Even Marx didn't.
It's just that his conclusions couldn't be borne out by those methods.
And he began with a conclusion because any political partisan does that.
You know, and if your partisan commitment is inseparable from your view of the ontological aspects of economics,
you're repudiating your own postulates, if you subjected to, you subjected to, you.
an empirical scrutiny in lieu of a philosophical analysis or would pass us for one.
Interestingly, the German historical school attracted a lot of American students.
We studied over there, particularly after Max Weber came to prominence.
okay, you know, and here's another example of a German historical school economist having a huge impact.
You know, and you see this even, that's one of the ironies too of these progressives and these new dealers who in part were aping anglophone sensibilities.
and, you know, when the English establishment lost its mind and decided to target everything Teutonic as their enemy.
And also, of course, you know, there's the Semitic influence that I don't think needs to be stated.
But everything about American administration, American national economics, the public education system, the U.S. military is essentially filched from Germany.
And even to this day, well, I mean, it's interesting, isn't it, that the U.S. Army in the late Cold War, they fully adopted mission-oriented tactics and sort of literally wearing stahl helms.
You know, and then all go to Americans send their kids to kindergarten.
I mean, yet, you know, and Frederick List essentially presented their roadmap for what became Gilded Age economics.
yet, you know, the same people who were implementing these reforms were reeling against
German militarism and Teutonic barbarism and racism, which we call cognitive dissonance
writ large.
But, you know, the historical school, again, it's not just the sister discipline of historicism.
They're one and the same.
Its emphases are simply discreetly oriented towards economics.
You know, the German Historical School held that the key source of knowledge about human actions and economic matters was culture specific.
because all human activity at scale,
and particularly that of a political nature,
is culture-specific and historically contingent.
So it's impossible to generalize over space and time
about economic activity qua economics.
Now, mind you, people like Schumpeter and like Sambart and even like Marx,
they favored long views.
in terms of their data sets, but that's a different thing,
because you're talking about a discrete culture or nation
or the political configuration or constellation of nationalities,
you know, engaging in economics
in the historically contingent capacity
that discrete populations do,
you know, within the parameters of their politics,
that's a different thing. That's different than declaring that there's absolute economic imperatives that transcend, you know, temporal limitations and epochs and races and cultures. You know, you can say that all humans have economics, which is true. Whether you're talking about some Zandi tribe in sub-Saharan Africa, or whether you're talking about, you know, Japan and Zenith in the 80s, there is something called.
economics just like there's something called political behavior but that's where
universal criteria and characteristics end so that's that's why the German
school or the historical school rejected the universal validity of economic
theorems and it favored a historically empirical approach you know what is
the experience of this in the Asian
of these people, of this population,
just as one would,
in determining the prime symbols
that the feature most prominently
in the symbolic psychology
of a culture in question
and how that informs political and social values and things.
That's the way to understand it.
Their methodology
drew very strong
influence from
Leopold von Rank
who in the mind of
some he's considered the father of historicism
I'd say Ficta is but
that's academic
I don't mean that in a punning way
I mean it's literally like an academic
controversy
um
Von Rank wasn't
he wasn't an economist
but
he insisted on source-based analysis, you know, and a direct testimony and things of this nature,
and the little artifacts of the culture in question controlling for certain variables, you know,
of a temporal nature and other things, in order to identify any given society's approach to economic
activity and behavior. And also, I mean, another aspect of this is there's sectarian or religious
orientation, okay? I mean, things like this. You know, how they view authority, all this kind of
stuff. And not accidentally or not incidentally, you know, people recognize that methodology
is the kind of thing that I employ and that I learn from people like, uh,
David Irving and Norman Davies you know revisionism is something of a return to form and
tried and tested ways methodologically speaking so yeah you can think of you can think of
Leopoldon rank as as the father of source-based history and incident
the seminar teaching method, which is different than what people call the Socratic method.
And for those the subs are in law school, you're not actually practicing the Socratic method and what you're doing in law school.
That's just like what they like to call it.
And it's a pretext for your law professors to try and embarrass you and put you on the spot.
Maybe with the ubiquity of data devices, they can't do that anymore.
But that seminar method of a university lecture, that,
That's the German way of doing things.
And specifically, it came out of the German historical school.
And Van Rank, building on the Göttingen Schools Conventions,
he established this ongoing historical seminar,
where he emphasized original source documents,
you know, primary sources, narrative history, and in understanding the role of economics in the state system,
which again was a paramount interest of his, because he wasn't an economist.
You know, at base, he was a historicist and a political theory guy.
You know, he said, okay, what's the narrative history of this people in question?
How do they interact in the international system in their epoch?
And what's their impression of their role within?
those systems and this was so impactful on the continent in the UK and even in
American Ancadine he was ennobled thus the Vonnon in his name he wasn't born to
aristocratic pedigree arguably and this comes up a lot in Paul Gauphreid's stuff
Van Rack was probably the single biggest influence on 19th century historiographical studies.
Everything was basically in dialogue with his methodology or directly abiding it.
And I realize this is a long introduction.
This is essential to understand Sombart, but also Marx.
And essentially every school of socialism, including the first.
Frankfurt school which kind of misguided as they were there was a logical if flawed progression
whereby pure economics was almost totally eschewed from their analysis of revolutionary praxis and what
would be effective in the era.
And that's fundamentally what they were concerned with.
They weren't trying to arrive at fundamental truths
about the human condition based on rigorous anthropological
inquiry and comparative analysis, obviously.
And we'll get to that too, if that wouldn't bore the subs to death.
But.
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Today.
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Sambart, the man.
Interestingly, Sombart, I believe he's the only economist that Julius Evela wrote about extensively
and sought out for correspondence, which is interesting.
Evela, despite his reputation as a mystic, which was not misplaced,
one of the reasons why he praised sombart is because he considered him to have an understanding of the
emphasis in research methodology that were significant to the traditional school but he his analytical
methods removed from the deformations and conceptual biases of materialist sociology specifically
the Marxist
Leninist type
according to Evel
economic life
is composed not just the material
quantities and physical
processes and biological organisms
but there's a spiritual
or if you prefer
an idealist
an abstract
conception
of it that's essential
that culminates in a symbolic
psychological
overly.
There is such a thing
as an economic spirit.
And this is value
centric.
That's what Weber is getting at.
And his discussion
of Calvinism is a sociological
imperative and an
anthropological phenomena
and an animating principle
that
not just characterizes,
but
renders possible an entire mode of economic life.
You know, and obviously
Sombard's book on the Jews and modern capitalism
emphasizes that, but so does Sambard's book on America.
And Adolf Hitler very much agreed with Sombard's
diagnosis, which was very unflattering to Europeans,
almost punitive.
and I made the point, I believe, in one of our previous discussions, when we were talking
specifically about the Brendan Sims historical biography of Hitler, you know, Hitler made the point
that Europeans were deteriorating and that a lot of the best European racial stock in his
estimation had ended up in America and that psychologically, in many ways, Americans were more
robust and the Americans of that era you know an America born in the frontier and racial warfare
and all manner of creative destruction you know they were unwilling to be servile in a way that
Europeans a big condition to be and even physically a fascinating data point in the
battle of the Hurdgen for it.
You know, and among other things, that was the cost of defeat ever issued to the U.S. Army.
American soldiers and German soldiers with similar wounds caused by similar identical caliber weapons.
Americans tended to survive something like two to one compared to their German enemies
because physically they were just more robust.
They just had more fat and muscle on them.
It was harder to break them by shooting them.
And that's not a minor thing.
You know, and part of the National Socialist imperative, you know, I made the point, Hitler wasn't going around saying Europe is the master race.
The Germans are, Europeans are.
Quite the contrary.
He was saying, we need to become that way because we are losing.
And, you know, from the 30 years' war onward,
Europe suffered a series of punctuated catastrophes that if weren't remedied would lead to the death of Europe as a civilization.
You know, and Sombart echoed a lot of that, or Hitler echoing a lot of what Sombart observed.
And like I said, there's data points to shore this up. I mean, additionally, too, the, you know,
contained the bulk of the world's remaining natural resources and that's
that's true still and that that changes things too just on its own terms but the
racial stock or the element that constitutes the majority or at least the driving
engine of economic and productive life they've got to be able not just
extract those resources but
convert them to be utilized or render those things into value added manufacturers, obviously.
And the ability of Americans to do that at scale itself in a prima facie way was demonstrative of the concern.
It was a concern, but also it was, like I said, rather pramacially.
of American mentioned material contra that in Germany, which is really interesting.
But the, I realize that was tangential, but I think it's, I think it's important, not
just demonstrative, but the, you know, and again, I'll wrap up this Ebola discussion
in a minute, but I think it's significant on its own terms, but
also to demonstrate what wasn't as important about Sombard to the rightest intellectual canon.
The immediate and instinctive purposes of production processes are somewhat secondary to what animates
pursuit of the capitalization, literally, of those processes and of those processes and of those
raw materials.
Laving in this way
is
an objective in itself
to great races and cultures.
And increasingly,
you know,
in the 20th century
where potentialities were truly
becoming
what there to fore
that seemed impossible.
You know, this
this was especially poignant and
relevant. It's not
prosperity arrives
because superior races
that's the
bounty of their laborers. That's not the
reason why they do labor. This is
a better way to think about it.
And despite people think
people like Sambard
weren't anti-money or anti-wealth or something
or they weren't hair-share to
view the American
way is being inherently corrupting.
There is obviously serious problems with America
even back then, and some would acknowledge
that, but
you know, again,
great wealth is the bounty
of great
and imaginative labors.
And also,
wealth makes all other things possible.
You know, the idea is a surplus,
not so you can hoard things and be greedy
and indulge yourself.
It's because it frees up man collectively for high cultural activities.
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things that are transcendent and truly great. You know, whether it's the conquest of space or whether
it's, you know, making great works of art, or whether it's improving the human conditions,
towards physical and spiritual and intellectual and intellectual excellence or whether
it's creating instantaneous and global networks of communication you know like
we have now people take for granted how remarkable these things are I don't
sound corny but like I was thinking today every time I buy groceries at Target
I realize people don't like Target, not really either, but I'm on a budget because I'm kind of a poor writer.
And they've got the cheapest produce and stuff.
But it's, I've got a giant tub of coffee beans in my kitchen.
I got fresh fruit from like three different continents.
I got a case of bottled water I can grab whatever I want.
I got a carton of cigarettes.
I got the kind of chewing gum I like.
I live better than I.
a great condid.
You know, and I'm like, I'm some poor guy who writes stuff.
That is truly incredible.
And I don't think people realize that.
You know, in my pocket, I've got what's nominally a phone.
But I can talk to anybody anywhere on the planet,
except maybe the Amazonian Basin or Antarctica.
You know, and being just some random guy
who can do that and have all that stuff.
that's completely insane
even
even in the 1950s
it was a luxury
to have decent coffee
in a lot of Europe
you know what I mean think about that
and yeah
I mean too much of a good thing
can make people complacent
but
it's it's incredible
the
that these kinds of things
were devised
and can yield what they do
I mean obviously
that's an expiration date, you know, and that needs to be taken seriously too, but I don't think people realize how remarkable this is and the amount of research and man hours and labor required to generate these modern conveniences. I really don't. I mean, I know they don't because I hear the way people talk. You know, it's as if this stuff literally just falls out of the sky or something. But, uh,
You know, and that itself is a Faustian imperative.
You know, that's why there's something misguided.
I remember, I think this was years back,
but this sentiment is repeated, or at least it's conveyed
in slightly different, you know, metaphors or language.
When that movie, Fatherland came out,
it's based on the Robert
Harris book. You know, it's about a
third-right victory, and the
movie slash book opens in
1964
where the Reich is preparing
for Hitler's 75th birthday
and President Joe Kennedy
who in this counterfactual
timeline becomes president. It's
his big state visit to Berlin because
this cold war is going on between America
and the Reich since the Reich won the war.
And
there's a really
it's a combination of matte paintings or matte paintings and early CGI
that renders this futuristic Berlin and some reviewers said
yeah there's the perverse collision of this racism and this
reverence for the past but with this dystopian futurism it doesn't make any sense
I'm like no it absolutely makes sense if you don't understand the future of
sensibility of national socialism you don't understand national socialism it's not
reactionary that's the whole point
The whole point was we're not trying to turn the clock back.
We're not trying to go back to the time of the Peasant's War.
We're not trying to make our people ignorance that they're not worldly and thus are our childlike and their morals.
Nothing like that.
You know, it was in a, it is about overcoming what there to four had been the realities of,
of cast even in higher races.
You know, like Younger said, the concept of the anarch,
that was a concept taken very serious
of a national socialism.
The new national socialist man,
he's neither a master nor a slave.
He's a self-contained god man almost.
You know, it would be he's not a slave
because he couldn't be a slave.
He's not a master in the traditional sense
because of in his racial community,
there are no slaves.
You know, the only formal equality can exist between, you know, a race of Anarchs.
And that's important.
And incidentally, that's the kind of equality people like Sorrell or Sambart we're talking about.
You know, of course, there is a...
you do need slave labor to build something like the thousand-year Reich that was envisioned,
but those slaves are drawn from your vanquished enemies outside of the race,
you know, and the race, including all of Europe.
And that's a very brutal proposition.
But, you know, I used to point out to this lady that I was tight with,
I used to take her, she was nice on a kind of museum campus with me a lot, like when we were in law school, and she really liked the Egypt exhibit at the Field Museum.
They've got a whole, they've got a permanent Egypt exhibit, like incredible stuff.
And one of the exhibits, they've got a pyramid stone.
You know, it's like 7,000 pounds.
and it's on these skids
on this
on this thick plexiglass
thing and there's sand there
to cut the friction
and there's a chain
and like kids climb on it and stuff
but they invite you to try to pull it to get a sense
of
of the sheer weight of this thing
you know and
she was always saying me to task
for
once she perceived as like really callous things that
say about historical processes and I'm like look you know I'm like you know she'd been to
Egypt and and been to like the Valley of Kings and stuff and like you know it was it was
slave labor and it was strong men who were breaking themselves hauling these giant
stones you know to build those pyramids I'm like where do you think they came from you
think robots built them you know I was trying not to be too mean about it but the degree
to which all high culture is literally built on the backs, the once strong backs, you know,
broken by the weight of their burdens of slaves, you know, millions of them.
The historical process is an endless march of slaves.
Their backs stooped by these giant stones and things, you know.
And that's not something people should shy away from.
Except it's anything about Salvard's personal background.
he was born to wealth.
His father was a liberal politician in the 1848 sense.
And to be clear, a lot of a lot of,
I mean, there was a lot of the 1848 revolutionaries
with the descendants of Jacob in the real sense,
but a lot of them also were very Catholic
and were very concerned with equity
between the classes and things.
And the sense of they had sympathy for liberalizing tendencies.
This wasn't a Jacobin type sensibility, you know, to be clear.
I'm not saying they were right, but these distinctions are important.
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He's a son of a wealthy industrialist and a state owner
and, like I said, politician, Anton Ludwig Sombart.
He initially studied law.
economics. He received his PhD from
Berlin, mostly in the direction of Edolf Wagner.
Edel Wagner was kind of the other Wagner, and there was no
relation between him, as far as I know, and I've looked into it, and
the Wagner family, you know.
But Edel Wagner, to this day, you crack an economics
textbook or take a class in political account.
your teacher and or your text will refer to Wagner's law, also known as the law of increasing state activity.
And Wagner's law postulates that the public expenditure in any modern state axiomatically increases as national income rises.
and there's no exception to this date to this rule.
It's closely tied to industrialization,
but that's not the dispositive cause.
It basically predicts that the development of an industrial economy
will always lead to an increased share of public expenditure in GNP
and that welfare states always develop,
from free market capitalist paradigms,
because once the budget comes up for vote,
which really is all we're talking about
in a late capitalist state ruled by a managerial system,
or somebody like Sombard, what it called a parliamentary system,
the body politic will always vote for entitlements.
You know, and even, it's not even a question.
And there might be entire political cultures built out of people saying we need to cut entitlements.
But as they're saying that, they're remaining an office based on the distribution of entitlements.
So it's almost this conscious irony or this kind of polite fiction.
You know, and I mean, you see that here, you know, I mean, writ large.
Like, how are the Republicans some small government party?
you know they uh i mean that's it's it's it's not even standing on ceremony it's just it's there's nothing
um there's nothing there's nothing there's just uh it's it's it's not even performative because there's not
even there's not there's not there's not perfunctory cuts to the uh permanent bureaucracy and
the entitlement structure i don't think it's an accident um i'm not some
like Elon Musk fanboy.
I've had some serious
I don't think he's a good guy at all.
However, it's not an accident that
when Doge became, appeared
to, you know, have some actual momentum
at least
with regards entrenched
interest groups
outside of the deep state, suddenly
suddenly Musk became this bad guy.
You know, and it's not
that that wasn't
just Trump's decision. Trump's something of a
cipher, you know? I mean, I realize this is a
tangential thing, but that's
that's not an accident. Then it's not
you know, it's not
it's not because
Musk be a liability by saying politically incorrect
things or something. I mean, if that was the case,
Trump would fire RFK2
immediately. You know, it's what I
said it was. You know, and again, I'm not
saying Musk is some good
guy or something, but he was correct in some of his sentiments.
And Doge was something, I mean, the way he went about it was stupid and the branding was
stupid, but the sentiment was correct.
But that's a non-starter.
Because Musk is literally autistic.
He doesn't understand why that's not going to work.
They can't come from some policy perspective.
They can't come from the Oval Office.
You can cut taxes, but that's a different thing.
And that's always popular, even if there's not a real impact in terms of the percentage of a GNP that's dedicated to public revenue.
but in any event
fleshing further out
Wagner's law
concomitant obviously
with this increased
share that outlays
occupies occupy a GNP
the public sector
and the share it occupies
and the national economy
grows continually
and ultimately this becomes
unsustainable
you know and
so
sociologically, this increase in state expenditure, it derives, according to Wagner's law,
from three sources, which, although long term, this slays the golden goose short term,
it's in relative short term, I mean, I don't mean in terms of weeks or years,
we're finding decades, but really the only way the modern state, the late capitalist state,
can sustain itself as through these state expenditures that fund social activities, the state,
you know, social engineering and welfare state outlays, administrative and protective
actions, you know, mostly relating to the aforementioned activities and three direct welfare
functions, you know, old age pensions, you know, things of this nature, like the public
health bureaucracy you know um and this is you know vaguen't will point is this is why it's a
non-starter to not treat all economic analysis as a study of political economy you know
because all economic decision-making even a nominally lays a fair uh regime you know you
you know, decisions are made based on socio-political realities with a body politic demands
or what's going to vote for itself. You know, there's economic imperatives where there's
going to some outlays are necessary, you know, some market hostile outlies are necessary, you know,
outlays are necessary, you know, of a science and technological nature, of a military nature.
you know, you don't, you don't build SDI for the hell of it.
You know, you do it when you're in a strategic paradigm that is totally zero sum,
that if it resolves in war, there's going to be 80 million people dead.
And, you know, that as human decision makers are increasingly being sidelined,
there's a very real possibility that, you know, a nuclear war is going to happen
when there's not even any direct intent to make it happen.
That's just one example.
Okay.
So you find yourself having to dump, you know, $800 billion in the SDI because the alternative
is, you know, possibly the death of your entire country for practical purposes, you know.
And finally, there's physical contingencies that need to be.
be planned for like whether you're talking about natural disaster or whether you're talking about
you know the state having to service loans that uh it it took on to cover contingencies or real
crises that emerged you know and the sum of government debt and attendant interest grows
you know
servicing this
debt expenditure
requires physical
processes and energies to do so
you know
and that's
you know again there's no way
to neutralize that or
to mitigate that
people claim the empirical evidence has been
mixed
um
there's this broad
those broad-based empirical study
undertaken to try and prove a refute Wagner's law was by these two guys named Alan T. Peacock,
which is an awesome name, and Jack Wiseman, that tends to prove the truth of the matter asserted.
And from 1891 to 1955 in the American situation and in the United Kingdom,
they found that
Wagner's law, it pretty much
described public expenditure to a T.
Okay.
You'll find
especially stuff from
the 90s and beyond
that
claims this is, you know,
socialist economics and shit.
But again,
I've never
seen a persuasive
study
that was as thorough
and was complete in terms of the variables
coded as the Peacock and Wiseman study.
So if somebody has one, I'd love to take a look at it,
but I don't think you have one.
But I guess we're coming up in the hour, man.
I'm sorry if I was due ScatterShop.
There's a lot I wanted to get out to sort of lay the foundation.
And I realized I almost didn't say anything on this book.
And that was like my whole intention was a question.
cover this book. I promise next time I will cover this correctly. And we'll devote like half
of it to dealing with this and then we'll deal with George Sorrell and maybe even say a word about
Vablint and stuff. But I promise I'll move on from this foundational stuff. But like I said,
I think it was essential. I'm saying the subject matter. You know what I mean?
Yeah. A couple things.
Sambart, you initially talked about Jews in modern capitalism.
One, that book wasn't always controversial.
I mean, the first person who translated into English was a Talmudic scholar.
Yeah, it's not particularly, it's not punitive against Jews.
It doesn't say, oh, Jews are these bad people when they're doing these bad things.
I mean, like I said,
Yuri Slisking cites it extensively.
I mean, that's the reality.
If you don't accept that,
if you don't accept that there's conceptual prejudices
built into Jewish political life,
I don't want to tell you.
There is every population is like that.
You know, I mean, not like them,
but I mean that that's the reality is that there's,
you know, conceptual prejudices
born of historical experiences.
Go ahead, I'm sorry.
Well, yeah, another question I had is the original, the German title is
De Juden Das Wierchhaftersleben, which translated literally means the Jews and the economic life.
Yeah.
Yeah.
That translate, the way that's translated approximately is late capitalism.
Why that is, I don't know.
German's a tough language.
I can read it passively,
but there's nuances
not just of enunciation
and stuff, of a conceptual nature.
I mean, I go like this.
Geist. Geist literally means
ghost, spirit.
But zeitgeist, we're not
talking about an age spirit
or a world spirit. That's something we're talking
about something like American Indians are into or something. Like that doesn't, I mean, this is
one example, but presumably if you're talking about the modern life in a German, particularly in a
German academic sense, you're talking about the way people live, you're talking about the way
they think, you're talking about the technological features of the lives they live, you're
talking about the way the government is configured, you're talking about what's important to people.
it encompasses all these things.
So in the context of it,
English is very literal language.
English isn't really versatile.
There's 10 words for every noun.
But it's also very literal.
But in context, if you say in German, for example,
the attitude of Jews towards the modern life.
You're not talking about how Jewish people
like washing machines and the internet.
You're talking about a whole orientation towards this entire constellation of things that characterize modernity,
you know, including late capitalism, which is a somber concept.
You know, that's the best way to explain it.
I'm far from fluent.
I'm semi-fluent in reading it.
Excellent.
All right.
Well, we'll pick up, start talking about the book the next episode on why there is no socialism.
in the United States.
And, you just...
No, I'm just kidding.
It's so ridiculous that we've been socially engineered to think, to hear socialism and think
it's just one thing and not ask questions of, oh, why were people who obviously weren't
socialist calling themselves, you know, like Marxian, the Marxian conception of socialist, why
Why weren't they active, you know, why, why did Adolf Hitler take power and actually privatize some public works?
Yeah.
No, and why did, like, I mean, one of the Air Hardin Milch, he founded Luftanzah.
I mean, among a, Eric Miltz is a fascinating dude.
I mean, not just because of his weird background, which was just interesting.
But he wasn't just a military prodigy, but he was, he was basically the world.
first airline CEO, you know, and it's like airline CEOs aren't guys who are into state socialism,
as we know.
You know what I mean?
Yeah.
Not even close.
Yeah.
Do plugs real quick on this.
Yeah, man.
My substack and that's that's the best place to find me.
And also unlike platforms like X, which I despise, I actually stand by substack.
I think they're a great platform.
but that's where you can find really good things it's real thomas seven seven seven
substack.com I've got a website it's number seven HMAS seven seven seven
com all my social media and my Instagram can be accessed from those two places
as well as my YouTube which I'm gonna try and do more stuff on I've been reluctant
because I think they're gonna try and ban me if I get too comfortable there but um my
My homie, Jay Burton, and my friend Derek, the guy, what are you messing the scabs guy?
They've been following their example on some content stuff, and they both really like YouTube.
But anyway, my social media is at Thomas Sear-777.
That's my government name.
It's T-H-O-M-A-S-C-Y-R-777.
And that's it.
All right.
Thank you.
Until the next time.
appreciate it. Yeah, man.
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