The Pete Quiñones Show - Episode 1319: Pre-1945 German/Islam Relations w/ Thomas777 - Pt. 1
Episode Date: January 20, 202660 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.We continue our break from the 30 Years War series. Thomas starts a short series on pre-1945 Germany's relationship with the Mo...slem world.Radio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Buy Me a CoffeeThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas' WebsiteThomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
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I want to welcome everyone back to the Pekignano show.
I'm here with Thomas.
And building off of the episode that we,
the deviation episode from the 30 years war,
in the same in the same subject matter Thomas is going to jump in so take it away Thomas
I wanted to talk about the relationship of the Third Reich to the Islamic world
specifically Palestine and Palestine was absolutely affiliated with the access powers
in direct capacities
and there was very good offices
between the furor and the grand
mufti al-Husini
who despite what
propaganda and mainstream history suggests
he
came from a lineage that
very much had a claim to the mantle of leadership
in Palestine and from a very
proud lineage that
was and remains very respected
among Palestinians
across the
sectarian divide, Christian and Muslim.
In order to understand that relationship, though, it's important to deal with the relations
between the German Reich and the Islamic world generally.
And early on, the Third Reich viewed the Islamic world not in reductionist terms,
but as very much a political force that had to be a political force that had
momentum in the historical process, but that also was an important ally to be cultivated in the war
against Bolshevism and Jewry, as they viewed it. And this wasn't just pragmatic. There was a
basic affinity there with some qualifications, and this is important. And it's impossible to talk about
this with people in a rational manner
because they just go berserk if you mention
Islam. They've been that brainwashed.
Some of these people are just incredibly stupid.
But
you know, the majority
continues to take their cues from
legacy media
and from regime ideologies.
The only thing comparable
to it is people
go utterly berserk if I attack the president.
I don't know what they think the president is doing
for them lately or why they think he's
and some incredible personage.
But, you know, I'm not here to make friends
or to try and convert stupid people
to make them intelligent or reasonable.
It's just, you know, one of the reasons I disdain
social media is because it's impossible
to have serious conversations there
because aside from the paid agitators and disruptors,
there's just this whole pin a gallery of idiots.
You think it's like a video game or something.
and they've decided they've convinced themselves they have some take on everything and um
even though they spend their days like exclusively in their own house or walmart they decided
they have some take on islam when they have no understanding of it whatsoever so not just i mean
don't get me wrong i'm very blessed there's anybody who spends time with capital t traditionalist
authors
you know
Marcia Eliyadi
René Gannon
particularly
because I mean
obviously he was
a Sufi Muslim
Julius Evela
they all wrote extensively
on
on a
Dar al Islam and
Muhammad and his role
in the historical process
and things like that
and obviously
I've got a fair
amount of
Muslim comrades on the ground
Washia and Sunni
you know who are both good friends
and
and reliable partisans, but who I can seek out to discuss comparative theology with them things.
So I'm not suggesting I'm isolated in that regard.
It just reaffirms why I am a vanguardist, because most people aren't built for this in all kinds of ways.
And they don't even have their own prejudices.
Their prejudices are Jewish prejudices.
Or they're ones that, you know, they glean from legacy media.
apparatus or by fucking around on the internet with people who are probably paid agitators
or like random guys in India or something just saying things.
It's like a staggering degree of ignorance, but anyway, I'll stop ranting at the subs.
The general disposition of the Reich towards Islam, the Islamic world, like I said, they
They viewed it as a global force that was playing an essential role in the unfolding historical process.
They also predicted that although there wasn't going to be the imminent emergence of a new caliphate
to replace the seat of Daryl Islam that obviously was vacated by the collapse of the Ottomans.
and to be clear the Kaiser Reich and the Ottoman Empire were very close allies so the Germans had a particularly the German academic
which had a very strong Orientalist bent and the foreign service many of whom remained into the Third Reich they had a
fairly highly developed understanding of Islam and of the several cultures that constituted.
And obviously as the war went on, the non-European territories that were directly occupied by the Vermaqt,
were largely Islamic countries.
and
Sarajevo
which is the seed of European Islam
was occupied
by the Reich
so
that's important
all these
all these variables
been intertwined and
as I've written about in my manuscript
and I believe I've discussed
here with Pete previously
the
mass occurs
or the annihilation therapy
that was
perpetuated
against minority elements in
the nascent Turkish state.
The world came to know about that
owing to
a Max von Schuzener Richter
who was deployed there
and he alerted both the Red Cross
and the
and you know the Berlin foreign office and he was told in on certain terms to stop agitating for some sort of localized intervention or relief for these people because relations with Ankara are very important especially in these times of uncertainty and I make the point that well you know and not chubner richter he felt
at the Munich Pooch in November
1923 and Hitler went on record
is saying that he was the one,
he said the party never recovered
from the death of Schuvenor Richter.
He was an essential personage
to the National Socialist Party and the revolution.
And so I make the point in my manuscript,
So if from inception the NSDAP was this hyper-racialized, you know, murderous,
conspiratorial cadre that simply hated all non-Aryan races,
why was Richter the only man who was raising alarm about what was happening in Asia Minor?
Nobody seems to be able to answer that question for me.
They simply ignore it or say I'm lying or move on without addressing it.
but be as it may.
The Third Reich, although arguably there's the deepest sort of diplomatic rapport
and cultural rapport enjoyed with Darl Islam,
the other major access nations made similar efforts to curate
and mobilize Islamic support.
Mussolini, he famously, I mean, this was very performative and very stage managed, but in 1937, he arranged for this ceremony where he was presented with a quote, sort of Islam at a public ceremony in Tripoli, symbolically holding himself in the kingdom of Italy out as a protector of the Muslim world against communism.
and he went on to declare that the quote laws of the prophet would be honored
Gerbils actually made note of this in his diaries prolific as he was as a diary which is one of
the reasons they're such a valuable artifact he had kind of a cynical take on this he said
you know,
the,
Deuchy never,
never
passes up an opportunity
to glorify himself
as the protector
of other peoples,
you know,
which was,
which was true.
And I don't,
I don't think
Duce had some deep affinity
for Islam
or spent much time
learning about
its theological precepts,
but it was imperative,
particularly considering
the primary
battle space that
Italy was committed
to do it at juncture
to try and curate the support of these people,
or at least mitigate any hostility that might be emergent otherwise.
Similarly, the Shinto is Japan.
They established the Greater Japan Islamic League.
And simultaneously, the Tokyo Mosque was established at 1938.
and they've very much dedicated a lot of effort and resources,
both military and capital,
to encouraging an Islamic uprising against the Dutch,
you know, and radicalizing people in the Dutch Indies
against both the British and,
and the Nibylanders.
And like I said, in the case of the Reich,
this long predated the National Socialist Revolution,
the central powers,
particularly the Kaiser Reich,
the Ottoman Empire was an essential ally theirs.
And until they got knocked out of the war,
they played an essential role in,
allowing a
Germany to sustain a two-front conflict
there's so much emphasis on the Western Front
and the the maelstrom and slaughter that represented
there's not enough ink dedicated to the the us front of World War I
where it wasn't the stalemate that
came to pass in the West
because the open step
precluded it and facilitated maneuver um poison gas was used to greater effect in in the east as well
and obviously um you know until the when when the after the russian revolution the the
rites fail was victorious i mean that was one of the big sore points of the the
of the military in the wake of Versailles is they were forced to give up these territories that they won on the battlefield.
But, you know, before an entire army deployed to the east was freed up, you know, by the Red Revolution and the Treaty,
of Brest the Tusk, the Ottomans were playing an essential role in the Kaiser-Rex Jewish strategic
flank.
And Wilhelm, who was not any kind of great diplomat nor strategic thinker, he went out of his way to
sustain good offices with the Ottomans.
You know, Holveig was very much the
political mind behind the Kaiser Reich.
But the Kaiser himself, particularly in dealing with
fellow monarchs and
we make no mistake.
You know, even in its waiting days,
an Ottoman Sultan at great authority,
it was essential for
dictates and
declarations and
as well as insinuations, both subtle and flagrant,
come from the Kaiser himself.
But, you know, so German-Ottoman authorities,
they collaborated and tried to cultivate
Pan-Islamic consciousness in North Africa,
in the Near East, in Russia, and India.
I mean, this was a long-standing effort.
It's not just a question that emerged in 1939.
And in World War II, as the Vermeck and the Vafn-N-SS, even early on, as they found themselves deployed to Islamic lands,
German authorities were explicit that Islam was of political importance and sold out and were instructed to respect religious customs and show respect for Islam when dealing with Muslims and to treat them as friends.
unless they, you know, exhibited disrespect for the Reich,
and it's heraldry or for, you know, the personal honor of soldiers and officers.
On the Ost front, the Reich went as far as, they ordered the reestablishment of mosques and madrasas,
and they set aside pious endowments for their reestablishment of Islamic religious life.
I mean, they did the same thing with Orthodox churches, but I mean, that goes up saying,
you know, the history of the conflict and the political side of things.
But, you know, this went a long way to undermining Soviet rule because Muslims were targeted
with as much hostility as the Orthodox were, you know, and Gerbils himself made the point that
the early Soviet cadres, the NKVV and the Czechha, they hated the Muslims for ethno-sectarian
reasons as much as they did the Christians and he viewed them as their oppressors and
did incredibly brutal things and tried to extricate related sensibility from Islamic
communities.
Varamag authorities also, they very much cultivated, you know, the Ulamas,
in eastern territories.
And the Balkans especially,
that's how
headway was made.
And as
the Balkan theater
became this counterinsurgency
quagmire, that became very important.
And Ante Pavlovich
Poglovnik of the independent state of Croatia,
he was raised in a town
early in his love.
that had a very large Muslim population.
And Pavlovich himself, he knew a lot about Islam and their rituals.
There's photographs of him wearing a fez when he's meeting with Bosniaks.
It's very interesting.
And he famously.
he viewed Bosnia X as quote racial Croatians and Sunni Islam was viewed as a state religion alongside Roman Catholicism, albeit secondary to it.
But that sort of expedited these efforts in the Balkan theater, which would have been a lot more
difficult if the eustachia was openly hostile to a Bosniak populations and the
the the Vermak and the Bauffin SS they they granted a lot of religious freedom to
Muslim recruits and a
Muslim formations, the religious calendar was taken into account, dietary laws with respect to, you know, the mess hall and things.
Both the Vermak and the Vof and SS had imams, served as chaplains, and they launched ideological education programs to explicate how,
you know, a Muslim should live as a national socialist, you know, and what the meaning was of
national socialism to non-Germanic, yet allied races. This was very, very detailed, whatever,
if any, whether anybody agrees with this or not. You know, and these education programs were
almost unfailingly
delivered by
military imams
the only times they weren't
is when an imam wasn't available
and
Bosniic imams in particular
played
an outsized role
again Sarajevo
only about
2 million Muslims lived
in Sarajevo
but that's the European seat of Islam
and the way
Muslims viewed it throughout
the Muslim diaspora
was
you know being
being sort of the
the seat of Islamic culture in Europe
and also
being very directly threatened by
communism
they're
was a peculiar interest in the fortunes of the bosniaks of syrivo and reciprocally
pious sunnis uh you know pious uh the bosniac sunnis they had a strong interest in the fortunes
their core religion is you know behind the they were still behind the verbal wire in in the
soviet union um and in uh in palestine you know i
the formal military policy towards Islamic peoples in broad strategic terms.
Really that policy paradigm first originated on July 25th, 1940, just after the fall of France,
you know and
as the Battle of Britain was getting
underway a man named
Max von Oppenheim
he was a retired diplomat
and an Orientalist scholar
he
spontaneously sent
a memorandum
a seven page memorandum
to the foreign office
suggesting that it was
was both imperative to cultivate the populations and the enemies, Islamic territories,
and do everything possible to incite a rebellion against the British authorities there,
and moving forward to give whatever military, material, aid,
and diplomatic encouragement was reasonable and,
feasible.
You know, and he said if, he said that time is nigh for a comprehensive strategy to mobilize
the Islamic world against the British Empire.
But he said also if the British have time to consolidate forces and suppress a nascent rebellion,
and while, meanwhile, holding, you know, German forces at bay,
in theater, the opportunity will not repeat.
He's also Oppenheim, who'd spent most of his adult life
traveling and living in the Islamic world.
He'd reached out directly as a private person since his retirement.
He was in his early 80s, I believe,
to pan-Islamic religious figures like Shikib Arslan.
And more significantly to the grand Mufti Amin al-Husini.
And they became very close.
And largely at Oppenheim's behest, Hitler, who had a somewhat tempestuous relationship with the foreign office.
He took this seriously.
And German officers were deployed.
to the entire
Muslim corridor
where there was
a British
Imperial presence from
Egypt to India.
And of course
subsequently
the grand move to
Yel Usenia
was able to gain a
personal audience with the Hitler, and we'll get to
that.
But this was the
origin
of what became
a
a strategic imperative
in political and military terms.
I mean, that's important for its own sake,
but also
Ribbentrop's other cast
of some sort of fool or an incompetent
or the foreign office is cast
as in the same sort of terms as the
abvara as this sort of a posth of a fifth columnist
and Hitler's cast
as this provincial nationalist
who didn't understand the felt politic.
I mean, all that is,
is ridiculous. And this, the relationship of the Reich to the Islamic world in particular is,
uh, stands in rebuttal to that inference. And um, so this is an important subject matter
for that reason. Um, and Oppenheim, he, he'd served in the Kaiser Reich for
decades and few there's few people then living who knew as much about Islam and Islamic
societies as he did and more than any one man he was responsible for shaping the
Kaiser's disposition towards Islam generally he was trained as a lawyer and
by education.
He'd become fluent in several Middle Eastern languages,
including, you know, various Arab dialects as well as Turkish.
He traveled for years through Africa and the Middle East.
And in 1896, when he was officially recruited by the foreign office,
he himself was only posted for 12 years in Cairo,
where he directly monitored political developments
and cultivated enduring relationships
with Arab and Islamic leadership.
In Sudan, during the Madi Rebellion,
he'd been on the ground there.
And what he attested to in subsequent years
was that's when he first encountered Islam
as a political force.
he always understood the deeply integral structure of Islam in conceptual terms,
but this had all been abstract or academic until this point.
In Sudan, he came to realize that Islam had a strong role to play in the burgeoning political process,
that it had an ability to animate pious elements towards,
direct military action and therein it was a force multiplier and that there is a peculiar interplay
of deep theology and political and military imperatives in the Islamic world and the uh the western
power that could integrate that into its own political soldiery
would carry the day in theater.
And he,
he'd been able to gain,
Oppenheim had,
he'd been able to gain audiences
with the Ottoman Sultan,
with a number of other luminaries,
both reactionaries and reformers.
What they were held in common was
a belief in advocacy of the Pan-Islamic cause
in lieu of this sort of narrow ethno-nationalism
that was still characteristic
in the colonized world and substantial measure.
And Oppenheim's dispatches
were delivered personally to the Kaiser
who basically viewed them as gospel
in terms of how to proceed
in the
Near East and North Africa
and the Kaiser
Wilhelm
for all of his shortcomings
which were myriad
and he was
in many respects
the Reich was unfortunately
saddled with him
he did delegate to experts
and the reason
it's Holbeg subsequently
had the sort of power he did
and
on matters relating to
a
veldt politic
the Kaiser
tended to
defer to people he viewed as the experts.
And that's
very
Prussian.
And that's
why
despite
Germany not having
a global
profile in terms
of directly
administered colonies in the way
that the United
Kingdom or France
or the Spanish or the Portuguese did,
they tend to do
very well
at
at
cultivating
allies in the
developing world.
And
this went
some of this was, and we'll get into this
in our 30 years war series, as an aside,
I want to cover this, but I'm about to
discuss,
as well as the sort of proxy war that was going on in Japan during the 30-year's war between Catholics and specifically Dutch reformed elements.
But the Ottomans had granted asylum to Protestants, both Lutheran and Reformed, who were either refugees of hostilities in the 30-year's war or were wanted by the Inquisition.
and a sort of cultural rapport developed between Protestant Germany and Sunni Islam.
And I think that that's something that's understated in a lot of these otherwise very complete accounts of the subject matter.
but even
limited as the
Kaiser X Colonial profile
was
the Kaiser
like did in the colonies that did
have rule over
um
did rule over Islamic populations
in Togo and Cameroon in Germany's
Africa and now in Namibia
you know and
obviously it was
far easier
I mean, I mean, Africans are, sub-suran Africans are, there's challenges to managing those populations just because of profound alienage.
It's obviously, but the colonial authorities obviously found it easier to deal with Islamic elements than pagan ones who described to some sort of folk animism or something.
and from the outset, curated good offices with Islamic elements in these territories.
And local Islamic structures weren't disturbed so long as Muslim leaders accepted the colonial presence in German Africa.
Sharia courts recognized Islamic endowments weren't touched or taxed.
Madrasas were left open.
religious holidays were acknowledged and the Germans wisely they ruled through
Muslim intermediaries and Islamic dignitaries you weren't generally going to be
visited in your township by some by by by a white man or a German colonial administrator
and it'd be an African Muslim intermediary or a a or a
a respected man in the local mosque who you deal with and he in turn to deal with the Germans.
And on the one hand, this left colonial governor somewhat isolated, but in the other hand,
it also meant that these intermediaries, they had the might of, you know, the Kaiser Reich behind
them in the event of an uprising.
So indirect rule was highly effective and that it's not discussed enough that, again, in comparative terms, limited as the German colonial profile and experience was, it very much was a school of political rule, you know, and high political intrigue.
and they were very good at it.
And I think that's,
I think that's not often enough acknowledged
other than in very perfunctory terms.
And this also led to,
as these kinds of colonial,
as more and more business was done in the colonies,
and as a geostrategic imperative
developed around the German,
presence there was more and more of these sort of colonial congresses formal and informal
between military and political and business authorities within the Kaiser Reich this led to the
development of a a a a a um a cadre of experts in Islamic studies in German academic studies and
there was always a street
of Orientalism in modern German academic academia anyway.
But these guys who previously really only were focused on classical Islam and, you know,
their relations with the Greeks and things, they shifted their conceptual focus very much
the contemporary Muslim world and what a proper imperial policy should be towards Islam
quah Islam and there really wasn't something comparable in the UK or France
there was philology type stuff and you know obviously a very advanced cultural
anthropology but a kind of political science of how
European Christiandom
should index
with Islam and
power political capacities
that was pretty much exclusive
to the Reich.
There was a
German Colonial Institute
formerly established.
One of their big
luminaries was a guy named Carl Heinrich
Becker and a couple of
his colleagues, Martin Hartman
and Dietrich Vesterman.
Becker was centered in Hamburg, Hartman and Vesterman in Berlin.
They placed themselves and their faculty at the full disposal of the German Empire.
And the entirety of their labors and their endowment was putting the service of investigating
and studying Islam and the colonies, accumulating knowledge on its spread, historical and contemporary, its impact on power political affairs.
There was these massive surveys undertaken by Becker Hartman and Vesterman in 1906, 1911, and 1913, respectively, which were then submitted to the Kaiser.
through the
Colonial Institute
to the foreign office, onward to the
Kaiser.
And
this became
viewed as
power political dogma
in terms of
how to proceed in
policy terms, both
formally and
you know, below board.
The German
Society for the
study of Islam.
It published a periodical,
the Veltz de Islam's,
the world of Islam.
And that became
regarded as
the seminal
European academic
journal on
on contemporary Islamic
faith and practice and politics.
And you know, most people, too,
even in
the UK, which supposedly is full of these, you know, progressives and people who have a,
I don't have saying progressives and know what they're talking about, obviously don't.
But it's characterized supposedly by this sort of progressive sensibility in academia.
And then on the other hand, these sort of Machiavellian types have a deep understanding of alien cultures
and how to establish and maintain
power they're in
most of the
most of these German experts
their counterparts
they just looked at
you know
indigenous religions
whether they actually were savage
you know
forms of animism or paganism
and Islam is just so much
you know so much nonsense
or something
you know primitive
it was
it was these German
philology
and cultural studies types and orientalists who, you know,
emphasized the Kaiser and demonstrated within and without of their own closer to
academia, you know, look, Islam is a formative civilizing element.
the higher races within Darul Islam, if you'll allow the descriptor, produce extraordinarily high culture.
And Islam has brought millions by millions of people out of ignorance and savagery.
And even if one doesn't accept that, it's a singular power of political force that is playing in a
essential role in the political process underway into then nascent 20th century.
And to be clear, this is when Christianity was under full assault by the communists.
And it was when this, however contrived it may have been, this enforced secularism reigned
throughout the Western world.
That's one of the things that set the stage for the Bolshevik revolution.
You know, so Islam is this catalyzing element really stood alone among world religions.
I mean, don't get me wrong.
There was pious Christians who were quite literally waging a holy war against the communists.
And I, yes, I believe in symbolic psychological terms and anthropological terms that all politics is essentially theological.
But I'm talking in terms of conscious religious practice and the ability of religious imperatives to animate political affairs in the early 20th century.
century Islam really stood alone in that capacity at global scale. That's what I'm talking about
for clarity. And that this was not lost obviously on these people that were talking about.
Probably the best known political theorist who devised a praxis of imperial rule,
vis-a-vis Islam was Carl Heinrich Becker.
He emphasized again and again, he said,
Islam wasn't as the British claim, a threat,
the colonial government.
He said not only is it not a threat,
but that it should and can be used to bolster imperial rule
and to guarantee peace, stability, and public order.
He said that the main reason why
the white western powers
were coming into hostile contact with Islamic cultures
was because they were either treating Muslim populations
like they were animus or pagan savages
or they were viewing
observance of
Islamic practice as somehow inherently subversive
you know and that integral aspect of Islam not only did it render it an essential
essentially political confession in a way that other faiths are not but it also meant that
to attack any aspect of its observance
was to
attack every aspect of
the reigning way of life and theater
and this wasn't a minority opinion
among the German colonial authorities
both political diplomatic and military
German colonial officers didn't
have a hostile disposition towards
Islam and
they correctly viewed the
anti-imperialist elements
and the pro-communist elements
in theater that claimed
to be pan-Islamic
they weren't really
because the two
it was an irreconcilable
velcichung
there was superficially
Islamist
language in Moscow's propaganda, as well as within some of these anti-colonial ideological subcultures.
But there was no depth to it.
Johann von Lears, and we'll get into him next episode, he's a lesser-known
personage within the Third Reich, who
and it was an essential
personage to the
national soldiers' resistance of the
defeat. I hold him in great esteem, but
he correctly
recognized. Islam's not reactionary.
In fact, it tends towards a revolutionary
paradigm, but
it is socially conservative
in
terms of its view of authority.
And a
a sultan
or a king or a colonial
governor or a procurator
or an occupying general
even if he himself is not of the faith
and not of your people
if he protects Islam
from its enemies
and allows the
free observance of Islam, you are obligated as a good Muslim to not revolt against him, for example.
Wilhelm went as far as, in the autumn 1898, the Kaiser went on a tour of the German colonies and of the Holy Land in the Middle East generally.
He visited Damascus, specifically to visit the tomb of Salhadin.
And he gave a speech to all these, you know, assembled masses of people,
where he declared himself to be a friend of Islam and the German Empire to be a friend of Islam and of, quote,
the world's 300 million Muhammadians, you know, to give you an idea of the priority that Berlin
put on the cultivation of this relationship, it wasn't just a minor consideration
emergent in the foreign office or something that colonial officers posted in theater,
you know we're we're we're we're trying to force the Kaiser and the government to take notice of um you know and uh
this this this paid dividends i mean not you know again not only uh did it maintained good offices
with the ottomans who were in real trouble then but who were an essential ally for
you know, within the bounderationality of the power political paradigm that, you know,
um, reached critical zenith in 2014.
But there, there was an enduring affinity between the Reich, the German people, and Darl
Islam.
That endured through the Cold War, in my opinion.
You know, it was, uh,
This is a bit of a tangent, but, you know, the only Marxist-Leninist Arab state was South Yemen.
And it was a cadre of East Germans who really were the intermediary between the Warsaw Pact, the East Block, and the indigenous Arabs there.
that
the book
John Culler
is this
Cold War
State Department guy
he wrote a really
interesting book on the Stasi
I mean he's very much
a
a pro-regime kind of guy
Cold Warrior type
but he
and I believe he was probably
like a lot of State Department
people I think he was probably
an intelligence guy
under diplomatic cover
but he uh he wrote about the the stasi and the national folks armeese presence in yemen you know he
he tried to cast as pejoratively as possible you know suggesting that you know all these these
these germans swaggering around like colonial overlord it's like well i mean they they're doing
something right the yemen the yemenes didn't they didn't open fire on them and send them packing i mean i
and the Yemenis aren't exactly a people who take a knee for others just because, you know,
and if anything, there is impossible to govern as the Pashtuns.
And they, it was the DDR that really sold them on the idea of Stalinism.
I mean, there's South Yemen, there's a confusing pastiche of,
of political intrigues in Yemen.
But, I mean, obviously, and not suggesting that the sole
or even the primary proximate cause of them,
align with the East Block,
was East German persuasiveness or intrigues.
But interestingly, one of the Yemeni militias today in the southern country,
they ride under the flag of South Yemen,
you know and they claim a drag lineage to that polity you know so it's that there's something there
but yeah that i think that should be adequate foundation man there's still look there's a couple
other authors i want to get into relating to the orientalist academic culture in the kaiser rake and
then later in the Third Reich and the impact that had on conceptual matters.
But I want to get into the Grand Movede El Hussini and Palestine and its status as an axis element and things.
And then I promise after that we'll get back to the 30 years war.
But this is important and it's particularly timely in my opinion.
Okay.
Do you think you're going to be able to talk about the Grand Mufti and Van Von Leer's in one episode, or is this possibly going to be three?
Yeah, they might go three, but I'll see what I can do.
I'll try and expedite it.
Well, don't, yeah, don't leave anything out just to, you know, we can do three episodes.
That would be perfectly fun.
Okay.
Yeah, thanks for hosting me.
Of course, always.
Head on over to Thomas's substack, Real Thomas, 7.
77.substack.com and his website is thomas777.com. The t is a seven and you can connect to
everything from either one of those places. And if you want to try and find him on X where,
um, where you know, his account could be gone one day and, um, back the next. You can try.
Yeah, they're being, they're constantly. I mean, X is a total pile of shit. Like it like it really is.
I'm not trying to play murder, but I only maintain an account there because people of some reason can't move on from it.
And it's kind of the one-stop place to index of people and stuff.
As a kid say, as a kid say, or used to say this phrase is probably played out by now.
It's really fake and gay.
Yeah, it's garbage.
It's just fucking garbage.
And yeah, it's fake and gay as well.
All right, Thomas.
Talk to you in a couple days.
Thank you.
