The Pete Quiñones Show - Episode 1416: Reading 'The Nuremberg System' w/ Thomas777 - Part 2
Episode Date: September 1, 202662 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.Pete reads while Thomas comments on his new book, "The Nuremberg System: Conceptual Bases of World Order from 1933 to Present."...The Nuremberg System: Conceptual Bases of World Order from 1933 to PresentRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Buy Me a CoffeeThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas' WebsiteThomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
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I want to welcome everyone back to the Pekanjano Show.
And this is part two of reading the Nuremberg system by Thomas.
Sear. Thomas, how are you doing today?
I've known very well. Thanks for hosting me.
Of course. Of course. Thank you for joining the live stream yesterday. I think that went over very well.
Yeah, man. The subs were, the chat was real life, man. It was fun.
Yeah, that was a lot of fun. All right. So in the first episode, we read the introduction,
and I'm pretty sure that we can easily get through chapter, the first chapter today.
So I'm going to start reading, and I have made some notes on this where I think that some people may have some questions and some clarification.
So here I go.
Chapter 1, the Revolution in 1933.
The Nuremberg system of world order that supplanted the moral consensus derived juristically as well as symbolically from the Westphalian peace, and which had endured for three centuries, would not have been possible.
without the revolutionary restructuring of every aspect of American life.
Social, political, economic.
And economic.
The managerial and ideological revolution initiated and presided over by the New Dealers,
as the political cadre organized around President Franklin Delano Roosevelt,
came to be identified in the public mind and historical record,
was every bit as much a total revolutionary ideological scheme,
as was the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917,
albeit exponentially less bloody and destructive of human life.
When I read that, something that came to mind is,
it seems we always talk about conservatives
and we always have a very, you know,
we're always sober about what conservatives are.
It seems like conservatives,
all they're doing right now is fighting to conserve this regime.
Well, yeah, that's why I emphasize,
this aspect that it's not just essential to understand in conceptual terms the political development
not just the United States and ultimately globalism but this idea that the government you
live under is somehow the legacy government of George Washington or even of Abraham Lincoln and
the and the restructuring of the Civil War amendments there was a radical breach with what
came before. So if you're, you know, if you're, if you're, that's the whole reason why people
could speak of a paleo-con movement. I mean, whether that movement had real legs outside
of academia or not, that's, you know, that's, that's, that's arguable. But the fact that there's
even in an American context, a neo-conservative schismatic tendency, I mean, that in
of itself is perverse.
You know, a tendency is either conservative or it's not.
Like, you know, that's why, obviously I didn't agree.
There was many things I didn't agree with the late Alex Linder on, but he was a highly
intelligent guy.
And even though he'd kind of play stupid on purpose sometimes in arguments and try and
drive home polemical points, just kind of to act to be savage or controversial, you know,
he made the point to people, especially, you know, he came up through Evans and Novak.
He was a, he was like an editor for that show when it was big.
So he'd been very insinuated into kind of conservative media.
And he'd always emphasize, look, he'd be like, all, all conservatives are in America as they're, they're, they're, they're the less radical wing of, of the liberal establishment, you know, and he was right about that.
And that's why, well, you know, that's why we, you know, we're like, I.
I bring up the point about Robert Taft a lot.
You know, that was, like, for better or worse,
Taft in America first,
that was the American conservative movement.
You know, I mean, the truly conservative element
in organic cultural terms is the culture of the South,
you know, and the Confederacy was the standard bearer of that.
But, I mean, after the war and the great compromise under Wilson,
You know, and I defend Wilson quite zealously, you know, for a reason, not just because I want to be a contrarian, but people on the right don't understand what Wilson represented.
I mean, he wasn't some big liberal in the way people think about it or conceptualize it today.
It would be as it may.
Conservatism, once the great compromise came about, whereby there was a true moral consensus in the new era.
and an American identity took shape.
Conservatism was represented by people like Taft, okay?
And that's one of the reasons why, you know, again,
Taft was included in profiles and courage
because there's a eulogy to American conservatism.
So, yeah, I, that's also why, I mean, yeah,
we make fun of people like drear and boring.
I mean, those guys are pieces of shit anyway.
But aside from their ethical shortcomings, which are myriad,
that's why there's not any constituency for that.
You know, it's a non-movement.
It's a non-ideological subculture.
There's nothing there, you know.
But, yeah, we just continue.
The New Dealer cadre was also no less ideologically fervent
and uncompromising than their counterpart.
and mortal enemies who had devised and built the National Socialist Party state in the years 1933 to 1939.
The mandate for the aforementioned social engineering regime and the material resources and
mobilization of human capital that facilitated it was derived almost entirely from the anti-fascist
crusade against the German Reich, the kingdom of Italy, and the lesser constituentuate elements
of access Europe and the empire of Japan.
Something that came to mind when I was reading that was that one of the things that you hear about Adolf Hitler and your buddy, Mold Bug, likes to bring this up, is that everything had to become German.
If you saw a magazine in 1936 and they were talking about cats, it was talking about the German cat.
But the propaganda machine here was no less different.
And so it's like you're basically just accusing your enemy of what you're doing at that point to throw, you know, to deflect away from the deeds that you're engaging in.
Well, it's also, it's just not true.
I mean, one of the things, one of the interesting things about national socialism and a telling you.
fascism is that there was
an internationalism
to it that was very curated
you know and
Hitler said
national socialism is not for
export you know the
NDH
the independent state of Croatia that was a
rare case
but even the NDH they
were very very oriented
towards
an almost kind of clerical
fascist model and you know national
Catholicism played a huge role.
You know, the Vofan SS,
there was almost
an aspect of pageantry to how they
outfit
the national legions,
making it clear that, you know, this is the Danish
Legion, this is the Estonian Legion.
You know, this is a
European crusade against,
you know, the
Mongol horde and the
Judeo-Bolshevik
juggernaut.
You know, the understanding
was that, was
curate a European identity.
You know, nationalism
was dead. You know, that's
why, I mean,
that's, that's, that's, that's a, that's a, that's
conceptually huge topic. I don't want to spin it off
tangentially, but, you know, Brendan Sims
makes that point effectively
in, in his books on
Hitler, and so does John Toland,
you know, that, you don't
understand the, the historical
catalyst for the Second World War.
If you don't understand that, you know, the axis, both the Germans, the German Reich and the
Japanese Empire, the ambition was to become a superpower.
You know, you become a superpower by enveloping, you know, dozens of related nations
or like racial brethren.
If you want to think about it in the terms that people did in those days, assimilating
dozens of
of nationalities
into this
penumbric
political order
at the center
which obviously
would be the Japanese
empire in the case of East Asia
and the German Reich
in the case of Europe
but I mean Germany remains the center of Europe
nobody denies that
it's the driving engine of Europe
you know obviously
but yeah continue
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All right.
I mean, I have a bunch of paragraphs here that are related, so I'm going to read here.
English language history books up to the present day are larded with anecdotes and blanket claims,
conspicuously unsubstantiated by data points,
suggesting that scores of Americans spontaneously flock to join the Republican cause in Spain
to save democracy from fascist and reactionary churchmen,
motivated by a fervent and uncompromising hostility to the perceived evils of Falunus politics and Hitlerism.
Subsequently, these same stalwart Americans' demands,
that fascism be eradicated owing to the singular threat presented by the Axis powers
deriving from an unprecedented evil that characterized and animated the German Reich
and the Empire of Japan. This narrative cannot, of course, be considered in terms
discrete from an independent of the categorical propagandizing of the subject matter in general.
For many decades, owing to the near absolute bully pulpit monopoly on academic writing and
publishing, facilitated by curated as well as structural barriers to accessing political information
and education resources and media platforms, enjoyed by persons and institutions you viewed their
role and mandate in academia and public intellectual life as first and foremost, guarding the
new dealer, read, anti-fascist, moral theology of the good war, and the Holocaust
from factual and ethical challenges from both within the managerial,
and bureaucratic structure of government officialdom and without, led to circumstances where
in the psychological environment of the United States and that of territories managed by client regimes
could be broadly dominated by a single ideological perspective, tending to reinforce the aforementioned
narrative. The structural dominance of historical narratives was buttressed by a broad constellation
of non-profit and nominally educational NGOs, the publicly subsidized university system,
and various political action committees.
Dissent, such that it existed, was relegated to an esoteric fringe
populated by alternative and privately capitalized organizations such as the Institute
for Historical Review, the Pioneer Fund, David Irving's Focal Point Publications, and
others.
To be clear, the scholarship and media products of the aforementioned dissident brands
were intellectually rigorous and abided a professional standard, but these factors were
largely neutralized by the ability of established media brands who enjoyed the patronage of
government and government adjacent structures to curtail circulation and availability of what
amounted to Samistat literature.
The aforementioned narrative confabulated in the immediate aftermath of cessation of hostilities
and the total victory of the New Dealer Communist Alliance in the Second World War is an enduring,
perhaps the only true enduring public mythology of what can be described,
however broadly drawn as the American regime, a constellation of public and private actors,
official and non-governmental, administrative, educational, legislative, and executive,
civilian and military that constitute collectively what the late Samuel Francis described as the
managerial state. So basically what you're describing is something that would be akin to a giant
propaganda industrial complex that had to be built to cement,
the narrative of the good war going forward,
and anyone who challenged it was marginalized at best
and dragged into bank,
dragged into court and bankrupted at worst.
Yeah, and just relegated to this sort of fringe,
whereby, you know, holding those sorts of revisionist's views,
what was viewed as almost criminal,
almost like being a pornographer or something.
and I raised the point about the narrative surrounding Spain.
You know, and of course, these these, these public intellectuals and literati like Hemingway,
that was part of their curated, um, public profile.
Like, oh, he fought with the Republicans in Spain against the fascists.
You know, so they, because what they, the reason why the regime became so invested in that,
in the Spanish situation, it's not just because that's truly where,
the anti-fascist crusade kicked off, but they've got to be able to capture some sort of starting point whereby they can claim that, see, there was a spontaneous mobilization of all decent people to, you know, answer to call to fight this unique and unprecedented and singular evil, you know, and that obviously removes from discussion.
it factors out the New Dealer regime literally being this cadre whose Rayzone Detra was finding a way to wage war on the German Reich and the Empire of Japan.
You know, so yeah, it's all related in conceptual narrative terms.
You know, and again, it's as the pre-Internet age, as pre-information age,
life were seeds into
historical memory.
You know, people,
I mean, people are, you remember this vividly.
People are aged and older,
but, and youngsters understand
it intellectually, but the degree
to which television,
particularly in the final
iteration of
its dominance and saturation, you know,
in the Clinton era,
the degree to which the psychological environment,
could be totally dominated.
I mean, that, that's insane.
And that'll never repeat itself.
You know, so there was, it was a neat convergence of circumstances that facilitated.
And behind the Iron Curtin, it was the same thing.
I mean, the narrative was totally different, but that's, that's how the Soviet Union was able to manipulate the psychological environment.
You know, they didn't do it as effectively as the United States did, but they had, they had,
They had unique disadvantages.
You know, the, it's interesting because then again, this is tangential and I don't want to spin off the conversation, but the Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact and contested battle spaces and what was then, you know, designated the third world.
They had advantages over their adversaries in the former sympathetic cadres in situ on the ground.
you know, and we've talked about that before.
But at the core, though, of Soviet power
and its immediate sphere of influence,
it was dealing with a bunch of aggressively hostile nationalities,
you know, like the polls, like the Czechs, like the Slovaks,
like, you know, like the Muslim ethnicities
on the southern frontier.
You know, America wasn't dealing with that.
You know, Washington didn't have to contend with
this continent-sized space but you know huge swaths of which are populated by hostiles you know um
we solve that problem in the 19th century you know well not only do they have to build you know
what seems like a propaganda industrial complex to to push this forward but it's also you know
a moral industrial complex so in i know this could be this could be tangi
but I mean, I don't care. We got time. When does this, when does this morality start entering into
war or politics at all? And when I talk about morality, I'm not talking about your basic individual
morality, but morality as a propaganda, you know, basically a secular morality complex needs to be
built in order to keep this in line?
No, it's on my mind especially because the Chetnik general,
Rathko Malagic, he just passed away.
And all these Cretans in media are declaring
that this monster is finally dead.
Mighty, these are the same people who think that Zolensky is a hero
and America spontaneously attacking other countries is a great thing.
but this Chetnik commander who was
you know incarcerated for life
at the Hague
on grounds that the Hague represents all of
humanity and the Chetniks are somehow this demonic evil
element
what did that come about
you know well I mean it really was without
precedent in Europe
you know within
I mean Schmidt talks about that
And that's why Satan almost of the earth is to deal with the political theology that came to animate the globalist order because that's something that was absent before.
In America, it was the lead up to the war between the states and then the aftermath.
This, and Thomas Fleming, who's interesting, he was a Catholic Irish American.
And maybe that's why he was able to be truly objective on the subject matter.
You know, but the point he makes is that John Brown was a lunatic.
And the kind of one-man crusade he took on was particularly Kehotic and crazy.
But his views weren't particularly rare.
These northeasterners, they literally declared that the South was evil.
you know they weren't just wrong they were evil and that's really not precedent you know in europe
the 30 years war became incredibly binary and within what had been a basic moral consensus
of christendom horrible things were done to populations that were essentially
essentially brethren, but sectarian conflicts are complicated.
But then after that, very deliberately, the Westphalian peace, you know, aimed a remedy that
discrete factor such that, you know, these things can be anticipated and remedied, which
I don't really think they can be.
but the point being subsequently, you know, and even through, other than some instances on the Western Front in the final year of the war, you know, the Vermacques proceeded according to Westphalian custom in fighting the British and the French and others.
you know i mean obviously all bits were off on the ost front but that was the the o k w hitler himself
the s s and s d they spoke openly about that you know how the barbarian other is outside of
the moral consensus you know and he's not just a racial other in their view um but this
this absolute um this this this morality propaganda
becoming the core of the narrative.
That's the key aspect of the Nuremberg system,
and it really is without deep precedent outside of localized instances.
So the answer is, you know, 1945.
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Okay. Moving on.
The true significance of the good war myth vests not in a purely
ethical scheme tailored to inculcate the body politic with a
conceptual basis for a secular humanist Erzatz morality, premised on a fantasy of heroic martyrdom
and a concomitant triumph of the Jewish people, a people who were and are in perpetuity,
arbitrarily targeted for persecution and irrational hostility by a reactionary and bigoted majority
culture, whose standard bearers are inundated with and hobbled by an outmoded and
intrinsically fascistic cultural mindset.
within the American cultural mind, curated by intense propaganda since 1945,
the good war myth and the Holocaust narrative are essentially synonymous,
constituting the essential narrative basis on as well as the ethical rationale
and symbolic and psychological basis of the American managerial regime since 1933,
thus rendering cognizable what would otherwise be unintelligible abstract to the majority of the body politic.
This is the foundational basis of the Ex-Nan-American regime, established by the New Deal
Revolutionaries in 1933, as well as the subject matter of an Erzat's state religion.
The latter of which is a pastiche of enlightenment conceits about the human condition
of the sword originally proposed by the standard bearers of the most banal utopianism,
such as Bentham, coupled with a naked and obtuse reverence of and for the Jewish people,
casting the Jews as both a martyred race while also present.
the Jewish revolutionary spirit, born of a primitive and rather vicious particularist hostility to anyone outside of the tribe,
as a commitment to redeeming man by way of an indefatigable impulse in service of the moral improvement of Occidental Christendom.
Adelda's Western civilization and its people are by racist, sexist, and categorically white supremacist prejudices.
can you elaborate more on what enlightenment conceits are?
Yeah, I mean, this stuff derived from, I mean, I mentioned Bentham because he really was a,
he really was monstrous in his banality.
You know, he, the penopticon, the literal structure of which until the last few years,
when they closed on Stateville prison, that was, you know, the Stateville had what they called
the Roundhouse, you know, and
in the days before people could be monitored remotely.
The idea was from a central location,
a guard or observer could, you know,
view the entirety of the prisoner population,
you know, simply by casting his gaze, you know,
over the 360 degrees within his field of vision
from that central location.
Bentham devised that.
You know, and this was a wonderful thing in Bentham's view
because, you know, the way to make, the way that people can be made to behave morally is if they know they could be under surveillance at any time, you know, and that that externalizes the conscience and that this is just a great thing, you know, and people like Rawls, you know, who were the spiritual and ideological heirs to those sensibilities, this idea that war and conflict is not intrinsic to the human condition and it's not ordained by providence and the cunning of reason.
You know, we, we, we, we, we, we can strip away all, all identitarian characteristics.
We, we, we can abolish cultural activity. You know, we can abolish anything born of a passion that could be transmuted in the service of, of, of, of, of practical reason, you know, like, we, we, we can, we can abolish anybody's attachment to historical commitments relating to identity and,
and religious belief, you know, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's the, the, the prison of the nursing home is the ideal sociological model, you know, which is the distilled essence of, um, enlightenment liberalism, you know, and that, and that very much is in the proverbial DNA of, of Nuremberg morality.
But then there's also this, but then there's also this martyrdom narrative whereby the original sin was, you know,
Occidental Civilization and white Christendom being addled with this hubris and this intractable evil impulse towards racism.
And, you know, the politics, you know, the politics of the West culminated in fascism, which was a conspiracy.
to murder the Jewish people, you know, and from this original sin of, of, of, of, of the Holocaust,
you know, man, man can be redeemed by this sort of endless atonement, um, by abiding this sort of like
suicide ideology that also, you know, that all that also, uh, internalizes, ironically,
internalizes Zionist precepts about Jewish supremacy as some sort of moral imperative, you know,
because, because, because the Jews.
Jews as a people are, you know, conceptually and existentially are this martyred population
of our betters.
How does that cast them, though?
I mean, it almost seems like you're, if you want to replace Christianity, if you want to
replace Occidental Christendom, you need new sacraments.
Like, you know, like the gas chamber becomes the cross and six million dead Jews is.
is Jesus and you, you know, you have to pledge your, you have to, the way you're saved is by
by believing upon the gas chambers and the six million. And then, you know, now you're saved
as long as you, um, you see them as your betters. Oh yeah. Yeah. That's what all this involves.
Well, it's also even these people acting like insane people over, or pretending to,
nobody actually believes this, but these people like going berserk and like tearing at their clothes.
because they're pretending that they love George Floyd.
Like even if, I mean, that doesn't make any sense.
And if your whole thing is, okay, supposing, you know, considering in a light most favorable,
you know, just abstractly speaking, suppose somebody who acts that way, you know,
they're kind of a simpleton, intellectually and morally, and they just find the concept of slavery
being so abhorrent that
its echoes
resonate into the present
and you know
they believe because they're simple-minded that
some some guy with real problems
like George Floyd had the kind of
unhappy life that he did
because of the descendant of an enslaved population
slavery proceeds written language
in the fossil record slavery exists today
like literal slavery like if you want to sit around
feeling bad about that
I don't think that's a good use of time
but you can seek
it out and you can try and elevate people who are actually enslaved today, if that's your thing.
You know, and again, I don't think it's a good use of time.
But if those people, if this was actually the source of this kind of behavior and thought,
that's what they'd be doing.
They wouldn't just like randomly decide, I'm going to act like some crazy person and fetishize
of black people.
So, like, slavery doesn't really matter.
It's just kind of there.
but in the case of black slaves in the new world 160 years ago,
it's the most evil thing ever and it's so evil it almost can't be spoken of.
And all black people in the present day,
but only in America are the victims of this monstrous institution.
Like that doesn't, that's a religious belief based on weird cultic imperatives.
It has nothing to actually do with, with morality as we think of it.
and, you know, in any rational sense.
So that's what it is. Yeah, you're absolutely right.
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All of these alleged moral and historical factors, according to the ideological strictures underlying
the Nuremberg system of world order, conspire to deprive the oppressed and the wretched
of the earth of the equal dignity to which they are entitled as human beings.
As praxis, the aforementioned is manifest as the restructuring of every aspect of human
social and political existence by way of violent social engineering.
To be clear, to succeed, the standard bearers of New Deal Revolution needed to pursue a total
ideological war against counter-revolutionary and fascist elements.
Agents and actors, as much as the Bolsheviks a decade and a half previously, had needed
the punctuated crisis of the Great War and the mobilization of proletarian violence against
class enemies both within and without the Kremlin Tsarist Empire to sustain momentum within
the collective perception of the body politic and thereby establish a sustained practice within
the then extant zeitgeist.
Basically what you're describing and what, you know, a major part of this and something that
is throughout the whole book is basically a war to destroy the war.
Western mind.
But not only the Western
mind, it's basically
to destroy everything that could
possibly be metaphysical,
Qualia, anything,
or else they can't,
they see,
they can't have their vision
of what they want in the future.
No, that's
affirmative. And that
distilled essence of ideological warfare.
You know, and that's
an important aspect,
of the book as well in terms of the core thesis.
I mean, this is very, this is spoken of very openly in the case of Marxist-Leninist.
You know, that's why I make the point that Democratic Campuchia wasn't really an outlier.
Salasar was a fairly orthodox Marxist Leninist.
He was very educated.
He, it caught for somebody like Mao, you know, and, you know, in the case of,
in the case of the
of
revolutionary communism
any potential
challenges
to the revolutionary
idea had to be
annihilated
because you need to deprive the
you need to deprive the
proletariat of the ability
to conceptualize the alternative
because otherwise even if they're
even if they're basically compliant
and ideally
even if they're committed
in ethical terms
to the revolutionary enterprise
there will always be
that potential of
doubt or there will always
be the potential
for a
a deleterious
alternative to emerge
within the
mind of
the body politic
you know and that kind of
thing can go viral
so to speak.
You know, and
in the case of
in the American situation,
obviously
the Revolutionary imperative
was very, very different.
It had very different objectives,
different but related objectives,
but nevertheless distinguishable.
And it called for
far less physical brutality,
but quite a bit,
more manipulation of the psychological environment.
It's like the difference between smashing somebody in the head to sort of lobotomize,
or it's the difference between lobotomizing somebody to make them compliant and docile and
essentially eradicate higher thought.
It's between that and identifying a way to manipulate chemical reality.
actions within the brain and the effect on the structures of the brain to encourage or
inspire or facilitate desirable outcomes with respect to certain kinds of stimulus, you know.
But yes, that's why, like I'm always saying, there aren't resource wars, but even if,
even if you want to argue that point, well, okay, but the, the, the, the 20, what characterizes
the 20th century in the conflict paradigm was the purely ideological character of conflict paradigms,
which in turn leads to annihilation therapy at scale as an essential aspect of praxis.
I want to ask you about this, the footnote. Basically, you're saying that Burnham in managerial revolution,
any kind of entrepreneurial capitalism was being turned away from,
and not so that socialism, qua socialism could be implemented,
but a managerial regime, like a managerialism.
Can you explain how this managerialism,
especially when it comes to economics,
has to relates to all of this?
Yeah, because there's essential structure to the modern state that owe to the scale of its organizational model and the discrete factors they're in, particularly, a particular concern is industrial economics and sociological and structural factors therein.
you know, the management of data obviously is what facilitates modern life and what makes technology possible.
That's why the information age changed everything.
And that's why, you know, when we think of modern computing, the seminal, that sort of announced that the need to master and develop such a capability sort of announce itself with, you know, the, you know, the
book Cybernetics by Norbert Wiener or Viner, but, you know, Wieners is the Anglophone
bastardization. But, um, so if you're going to manage, if you're going to manage people
and processes at superpower scale that calls for a, a certain type of organization,
top-down organization, you know, the standard of areas of which were,
you know, people like McNamara, or to the lesser degree, Peter Drucker, as well as these,
you know, and everything, it doesn't just relate to calculating, you know, and trying to predict,
you know, business cycles and things.
Although that's obviously a huge component of it.
But also, you know, look at the late Cold War, particularly as conditions,
The parody emerged.
You had these people like Thomas Schelling.
He wrote the proud profit,
um,
strategic nuclear war exercise,
which was a,
other naval archer, right?
That was about the,
that was about the most highly scaled and engaged
nuclear war simulation ever,
ever devised.
But, you know,
shelling, uh, he was basically a game theater.
He wasn't a military guy.
He was a game theorist.
He was a, you know, like a logistics expert.
You know, he was a consultant on macroeconomics and things.
You know, kind of like Warren Buffett, but with more of a pure game theory background.
You know, these, this is the kind of skill set.
And this is the sort of, these are the sort of academic categories that dictated policy, but also steered.
executive decision making and in major institutions, you know, and also, too, I mean, there was this,
obviously you want to eliminate uncertainty as much as you can in, when, you know, when you're,
when you're dealing with economic or military or, um, social enterprises, all in sundry at,
national scale.
But this became a particular concern owing to the Great Depression and the structural collapse
that prompted it, you know, as probably the, if not the primary proximate cause,
sort of the most essential cause of many.
It was the lack of information awareness and the lack of the ability to corral and analyze
data and factor out what wasn't relevant contra what was and to do everything possible to capture
current truly current information to build a conceptual picture as it was happening with respect
to global economic events okay so and burnham's point was that the modern state i mean obviously
he was talking primarily about
he was talking primarily about the German Reich
and the Soviet Union and the United States
and the Japanese Empire. Yeah, the ideological
motivations of these
of these super states
were radically different, but they weren't structured radically
different. Yeah, I mean, the point of people all the time,
one of the reasons is assonine that there's still this Cold War
vernacular of democracy versus not
democracy. There's not that that's a meaningless paradigm anymore. Like the United States, the Russian
Federation, the people's probably like China, they're not structured radically in radically
different ways. It's not like some it's not like there's some competitor system, you know,
that has like a king or something. You know, it's, uh, the modern state, uh, essentially only has
one structural modality.
And yeah, there's discrete permutations therein.
But that's what he was speaking of.
You know, and I know people like these Matt Walsh types,
there was like, you know, sociology is nonsense.
It's like basket weaving.
You study at college.
Like, okay, fine.
Like I realize like your assault of the earth working man.
It wasn't like that highfalutin fag stuff.
But sociology actually is a real discipline.
The fact that at Cambridge or Harvard,
it's it's it's it's like this non-subject where they that that that simpletons you know get to major and
that doesn't mean in of itself it's not a real discipline i mean like i said people like peter drucker
people like burnham they were sociologists i cite see right mills all the time you're with a power
elite i think that's actually something of a compliment piece the the managerial revolution
mills was um left wing he was like a labor socialist type
guy, but it was well worth reading.
Werner Sombard was a sociologist, okay?
I mean, to some degree,
every political theorist is as well.
So it shouldn't be categorically disdained in that way.
But that's, you know, we could do a whole series of episodes on that,
you know, but that's the best explanation I can give with, you know,
while being aware of, you know, the time that we have.
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All right.
I'm going to read through to the end here.
As was documented by the eminent historian Thomas Fleming in his seminal and exhaustive book
on the Roosevelt administration and the New Deal Revolution.
During the first six months of 1941, while British and American military staffs met
secretly in Washington, D.C. to plan a future war, Roosevelt struggled to create the incident
in the North Atlantic that he hoped would draw America into the conflict. Quoting,
I am not willing to fire the first shot, end quote, he told Harold Dickey's, quote,
I am waiting to get pushed into the situation, end quote, he told another cabinet diary keeper Henry
Morgenthau Jr. But the Germans declined to cooperate, even when American destroyers ordered by
FDR on ever more extensive Atlantic patrols dump depth charges on their U-boats.
In reality, a surprisingly robust and one,
well-organized, fascist international, was highly effective in mobilizing thousands of ordinary men
from scores of nations to answer the call to arms to defend Spain, and two years later, Europe as a
whole. The New Dealers, in other words, were not a stride history, nor was the common man,
or an international proletarian brotherhood, eager to eradicate perennial modes of life, ancient
folkways, and sacred beliefs to usher in the end of historical time, and bring about the equal
dignity of all humans. The Spanish nation in particular were seen as a bastion of traditional
religiosity as well as the designated battleground between a vicious and homicidal Bolshevist ideology,
the standard bearers of which sought to annihilate the Christian faith, and with it, the ability
of European men and women to live historically, in a manner connected to their forebearers and
sires going back 40,000 years, and the defenders of the European and Christian way of life.
The most famous of the pro-Franco foreign volunteers purposefully exercised from American and British historical volumes
were the Irish Brigade led by Iain O'Duffy, a veteran of the Ulster Irish Republican Army and the Irish War of Independence and a pious Roman Catholic.
O'Duffey mobilized 700 Irish volunteers who traveled to Spain and joined the nationalist cause.
Lesser known as a comparatively massive contribution of Italian volunteers to the nationalist cause,
including Italian Americans such as Vincent Joseph Patriarcha, who served in the Aviation Legion.
Italian pilots flying for Franco's forces logged 135,265 flight hours in over 5,300 sorties.
16,000 citizens of the German Reich and Volksdeuts volunteered for the Stored Legion Condor,
as well as for armored and infantry elements under the command of Will Herald.
Helm Ritter van Toma.
Portuguese Prime Minister Antonio Olivero de Salazar called upon Portuguese manhood to
defend the Iberian way of life and the Roman Catholic faith against the Communists in Spain,
and between 8,000 and 12,000 answered the call.
The Vatican declared that pious Catholic rebels who were persecuted and murdered in
communist and Republican-held areas of Spain to be martyrs of the faith.
Likewise, a 500-strong, ethnically French company of the Spanish.
Legion volunteered for combat duty with the nationalists. In addition to approximately 11,000 other
volunteers from Spanish Guinea, the Philippines, the United States, Brazil, Colombia, Uruguay, Haiti,
Mexico, Venezuela, Puerto Rico, Peru, Paraguay, the Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, El
Salvador, Honduras, Ghana, Bolivia, Ecuador, Panama, Chile, Guatemala, French Guiana, Hungary,
Romania, Greece, Costa Rica, Suriname, Turkey, the Netherlands, New Zealand, and Australia.
A contingent of several hundred fins who volunteered to fight for the nationalist cause in Spain,
a contingent of several hundred fins also volunteered for the nationalist cause in Spain.
Notably, YPI Kaila, who went on to serve with distinction in the fifth division of the Waffen SS in Ukraine,
as did most adjud several other veterans of the Edvard Carvonen National Socialist Lapua movement.
Renowned filmmaker Carl von Hartman, Hartman was not anomalous.
There were a great number of authors and artists, intellectuals, and cultural luminaries who lent their fame and cachet in support of the nationalist cause in Spain.
Among them, J.R.R. Tolkien, George Bernanos, Wyndham Lewis, Ezra Pound, Pierre Dr. La Rochelle, Carl Schmidt, Martin
Heidegger, Hilar Belloc, Evelyn Wauk, Paul Claudel, Giovanni Papini, and dozens of others.
The truth of what occurred between 1933 and 1945 to any historian worth of the title has nothing in
common with the ideological fictions that underlie the American regime.
The European civil...
Oh, I stopped there.
So what I wanted to point out here, and I wanted you to elaborate on, is the fact that FDR is absolutely losing his mind because he can't get the Germans to engage so that they have a, they have a pretense to go to war.
Yet people don't, they don't want you to know that the fascist international, which I believe met in 1933 for the first time.
that they didn't need to be told that they had to go to Spain.
They all just went.
Yeah, and there was, there was not, like, I make that point,
not just because I'm one of these people who substance data for meaningful argument,
but the narrative is that, you know, Hitler was a demagogue and the Italian fascist and
and the national socialists,
they essentially only were able to
capture the executive of the kingdom of Italy
and the German Reich, you know, by a combination of ledgered main and conspiracy
and brutality and fear, but that there was, you know,
and they cast, they cast as this kind of like Darth Vader,
Star Wars Empire type of villains.
There was this massive resistance to them.
And everybody but this sort of narrow criminal element, you know, was totally opposed to this.
In reality, they had huge support.
You know, even before he was bought and paid for by the focus, you know, Churchill was talking about Mussolini is a great man.
He's one of the greatest statesmen of the modern era.
You know, the four powers pact, which is a really interesting.
subject matter.
Yaki writes about it in
Imperium when he's talking about
the lead up to the
Munich crisis and things.
You know, and the
Four Powers Pact ultimately
it was ultimately gutted of its
substantive provisions by the time Penn went to paper.
But it was this
model, it was this collective security model
of a, whereby the UK,
France, Germany, and
Italy would
sort of hash out spheres of influence,
and ideally move towards a kind of multinational force
that could intervene in contested regions,
you know, like the Sudaten land,
without, you know, triggering a hostile response from, you know,
from any of the combatant states.
And Mussolini presided over the Four Powers Pact on those negotiations.
And everybody, that was viewed as a very,
He was viewed as a very worthy sort of emissary.
You know, Mussolini's a great statesman.
You know, the New Europe needs men like Mussolini.
You know, maybe it's kind of swagger and bomb-ass, you know, people sort of chalked it up to a Latin cultural convention that, you know, is sort of discreet to, you know, the Iberian Peninsula and Italy and what have you.
but people like Mussolini and Hitler
were reviewed as the future
you know and we
we need we need great men who
are able to
overcome the
potentially catastrophic class
class divisions that
you know
destroyed the Tsarist state
and you know that are creating
intractable revolutionary conditions on the ground
on all continents
you know
And specifically, you know,
Ion Mota and Vassil Marín, you know, we've talked about,
there were these two Iron Guard volunteers who were killed in action in Spain.
There was a huge outpouring of sentiment by people of all nations,
you know, and not just national socialists and fascists.
You know, this was a deeply felt thing.
and I mean it speaks for itself that the
you know the the final defenders of the
Reichstag were Frenchmen you know the
the guys who filled out Army Group Vistula
and these other doomed formations in the final days
you know it was it was men from you know
two dozen nations you know the
this idea too that
you know, oh, there was this, you know,
the Republican cause were these good guys secularists who had nothing to do with the communists.
These guys were, the order of battle was on the red side was being wholly dictated by
Soviet advisors in the NKVD.
You know, it doesn't matter what you called yourself.
I mean, that was the reality.
and
you know like I'm always making the point
that there was
there was more
in three years of
of
of warfare in Spain
the communists slaughtered more clergy people
than the total number of people
sentenced to death by the Inquisition
over three centuries
you know
things changed a bit
in America after
the bombing of Pearl Harbor
but even then
hostility to the German Reich or to Germans in general was basically negligible.
What happened later is complicated, and a lot of these kinds of gross excesses were carried out by
people who were very much committed to the cause, you know, company level officers and the like,
but also the situation
the last year of the war
an engendered very bad feeling
you know but even then
it's not as if
there was some
patriotic fervor
bubbling over in the ranks
I can't remember if we've
if we've done an episode on the execution of Eddie Slavic
you know he
I don't believe we have
okay yeah well I mean
poor Eddie Slavic was
you know people kind of view it the wrong way
They're like, oh, well, this was, Eisenhower was trying to look tough and uncompromising.
It's like, Eisenhower was worried about a general mutiny.
You know, the reason why the Hurtkin 4s were so catastrophic in a way that even the muse are gone, you know, a couple decades prior was not, is because these guys are being sent into a meat grinder.
And they were just going to start refusing to do it.
you know, like why, why, why, why, why, why, why, why, why, why, why am I going to get slaughtered to help the communist reach Berlin first?
Because, because, because Nazis are evil. You know, it doesn't cut it. It, um, you know, so that's why, uh, I think it's, um, relevant and not, not, not just, you know, from a, as some kind of cheap, polemical device.
I'm going to me if that was a bit scared or shut.
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No, it was perfectly fun.
It was good.
All right, I'm going to do the last two paragraphs here.
The European Civil War, at least the phase of the conflict that raged from the summer of 1941
until the final destruction of Germany and Europe in May of 1945, can only be understood
in the context articulated by an eminent French philosophical novelist who declared that
the Battle of Stalingrad was where right and left Higalians met to settle their different
once and for all time. The West ceased to exist as a historical actor in power political terms,
in the wake of Europe's total and complete destruction by the combined forces of the Soviet Union
and Stalin's allies in the New Deal regime in America and the zealots of the focus in London,
who owned Churchill's debts and thus owned the Prime Minister himself. As without the largesse of his
patrons, the prime minister and his family, would have quite literally been reduced to penury.
When you say the West ceased to exist as a historical actor and power political terms,
I mean, that's not the only way it ceased to exist. It's, it was basically destroyed metaphysically as well.
Yeah, no, indeed, indeed. But, uh, and that, and that's, I'm going to get into more of that in
subsequent volumes, but the subject matter of this book is power political relationships in
world order.
So that's that's the emphasis.
But yeah, most definitely.
All righty.
So chapter introduction in chapter one are in the books.
And I'm going to, I'm, I'm linking in the show notes and the description of the videos,
which are all public.
a link to Thomas's book.
Go buy it so you can follow along with us.
You will not regret it.
You will, I've read it three times.
This is my fourth time.
And, yeah, I'm seeing, I see new things every time and new things jump out at me.
So you can also find Thomas at Substack, which is the best place to find him.
RealThomas777.com.
and Thomas 777.com where the T is a 7.
And that's where he posts up everywhere that he links to everywhere that he's appearing and everything that he's doing.
All right.
So I guess until the next chapter.
I appreciate it, Thomas.
And I'll let you go so you can get to the landmark.
Actually, today I'm going to go to the landmark, but I need to get some cigars too.
The Binney's not too far from my house.
They have diamond crown, and that made me very happy.
Awesome, awesome.
All right, until the next time.
Thank you very much.
Appreciate it.
Boy, howdy.
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