The Pete Quiñones Show - Five Random Episodes w/ Thomas777

Episode Date: September 11, 2025

4 Hours and 56 MinutesPG-13The episodes:The Significance of Oswald Spengler and Francis Parker YockeyThe 50th Anniversary of Chile's Pinochet Led CoupThe Book Recommendation EpisodeA DNC 'On-the-Ground Report'Understanding Russia's Position in the World Thomas' SubstackRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.

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Conditions apply. Volkswagen Financial Services Arlen limited. Trading is Cooper Financial Services is regulated by the Central Bank of Ireland. I want to welcome everyone back to the Pekina Show. Let's talk a little bit about something different today, Thomas. How are you doing? I'm doing well.

Thank you for hosting me. Yeah, we can talk about, we can change up the, we can change up the subject, definitely. Yeah, we'll get back to the Cold War on the next one. But I've read Yaki. I started reading Spangler, one of the first. of the essays that you recommended. And it just speaks to me, really speaks to my heart. And I know that Spangler and especially Yaki are a big part of your thought and where you've

taken a lot of inspiration from. So I thought we'd do a little episode. And I think they go together because Yaki uses so many spanglerisms and seems to have really dug deep into his work and integrated into. to his work. So I guess let's start with the original. What is it about Spengler that attracted you first? Well, frankly, especially as the Cold War resolved,

Spangler was one of these, was one of the only what we consider esoteric kind of thinkers that he came to before the internet. There was a two-value, it was a bridge, but it was the two-value of a bridge version of the quine to the West that I think Harvard University Press had put out in the 50s. He would have to double check.

It's part of this whole series on political theory. Like Hans Morgenthau, who's actually worth reading, and yes, he was part of that, Morganthau family. And he was for a time, New York, state attorney general. And then he was some kind of state department, Hancho. But in any event, I think it was Harvard University Press. there's this whole series on like footable theory, okay? And they had those at like my local like Cook County Branch Library, like around like North of Glenview.

And I'd come across Spangler and stuff like Instoration Magazine and then like National Alliance Lit and stuff like that. And someone was over my head because I wasn't, I mean, this was like a teenager and I hadn't really dived into Hagel yet and like Aristotle and things. But what really joined with me was again, you know, this was like literally as a co-examination. World War was ending and there was

discourse was really weird then because it was still semi-serious and you had serious guys who were kind of weighing in what the implications were of Soviet collapse and what kind of globalism would look like and you know what the implications were just kind of like across the board you know

because everybody realized this was a profound event this was like an apoccal event to see what we can okay and I was kind of seeing out sources and trying to put this in better perspective And there was not much. I mean, it was just, I mean, admittedly, like I just said, you know, the tenor of discourse was elevated compared to the day.

But there was not a lot of, other than kind of like into history kind of midwit stuff. There, you know, there wasn't a lot to put this in kind of, especially for a young person. When I started reading Spangler, what such that I could understand it. And again, it took me probably about like a decade to really get like a complete understanding of Spangler. But what jumps out at me is the symbolic psychological. quality to cultural forms and what he called prime symbols of those

forms. And I've always been somebody who puts a strong emphasis on symbolic psychology, okay? And if you believe in true racial differences, I don't just mean, you know, like at the biological level. I'm not talking about, you know, I'm not talking about, you know, the relative

bone density of insular breeding populations. I'm not talking about, you know, people's ratio of fast-twitch, a slow-switch, muscle fibers. I'm not talking about their IQ. I'm talking about deep metacultural phenomenon that somehow some way

insinuates itself into people's minds and conceptual horizons across generations. It's not clear exactly how that happens, okay? It's a combination of biology. It's a combination of cultural learning. I mean, it's a combination of biology

and cultural learning as well as other, I think, epigenetic variables that aren't well understood. But Spangler really put this in perspective, okay? There are these prime symbols, these things that quite literally, you know, characterize, you know, kind of the core essence, the cultural forms. And these prime symbols resonate pretty much through everything that culture does.

You know, especially in power political terms, because that's kind of the zinous of cultural activity in all kinds of ways. it's the most critical because there's existential considerations there relating to racial survival. But even everything from like the food, kind of foods they cook, you know, the kind of colors that they favor and like, you know, the clothing they wear and, and the kind of, you know, artwork they create. You know, this, this is basically how people understand themselves, but not just how they understand themselves. It's how they understand themselves in the world relative relative, but also kind of like what they view their sort of existential imperative as like, as a self-aware culture. I mean, that itself is

kind of, not kind of, that itself is very much, you know, like a modernist, arguably postmodern sensibility, you know, people actually being like aware of things like cultural horizons, you know, cultural conceptual horizons and prime symbols they're in, you know, and how these things are impactful in terms of, in terms of how, you know, people create or sustain, you know, all the phenomena that we consider separately to be like cultural activity. But the fact that, you know, like, like, like, awareness of that, and awareness of it

is like a discrete phenomenon that doesn't somehow like put people like outside of it, okay? So, and Spangler accounted for that too, but that's the reason why, I mean, initially that's like what really kind of like got me into you know, deep diving into

Spanglerian thought. But also, you know, Spangler was a, one of the things I really put them on the map. You had to Renaissance in the 60s and 70s as people were kind of looking outside of the kind of international relations quantitative model for

understanding, you know, cultural behavior. You know, there's a lot. And like, I mean, that's the other than I'm talking like, Youngian theory, like came back into Vogue too. I'm not comparing the two. I think there's some value to be found in Yon, but I think Spangler is quite a bit more of a rigorous thinker. But my point is, this kind of stuff

came back into Vogue like decades later, but you know, Spangler, he really was like an interwar theorist, okay? And that's one of the reasons why, you know, Hitler wanted an audience with him. You know, kind of anybody's anybody in Germany, you know, people, you know, like people on the far left, you know, like reactionary modernist types. You know, Hitler himself, you know, Spangler was a man about town because he was up on something people viewed as profound. But beyond that, I mean, aside from, you know, kind of the merit on its own terms of his sort of conceptual vision or its kind of theoretical model. he was very much observing these things, you know, kind of like in their epoch, you know, and he was, he was very much, you know, if you want to talk about punctuated decline in crisis, and, you know, what, and kind of like, you know, a culture's self-conscious efforts to survive late bear, not just amidsteadity, but amidstead, you know, like an existential crisis relating to, you know, a power political event of truly, kind of like world-cheeking proportions. I mean, that was the Great War and that was a situation of the German Empire and a lesser degree, you know, they're also Hungarian allies.

But, you know, that, and there was not a lot of real scholarship about that that, that could be viewed as kind of the era parent of people like FICTA, in my opinion. But beyond that, I mean, beyond Spangler's cultural resonance, like in his epoch, he was, he was. trying to answer the question like what was happening in Germany like what you know what there was some kind of collision going on between you know the way people understood themselves you know racially and

and you know their ability to live in the world and uh you know this was both this this was both obviously like intrinsically bound up with the great war and that's why the great war happened but also just like internally it's not something it's not an accident that you know the Bolshevik revolution

you know happened you know just on on the immediate heels of World War I and it wasn't just because like well this was a crisis modality kind of attempted remedy you know as the Russian state kind of collapsed on itself like due to the fact they were losing the war I mean yeah that was like an immediate catalyst

but that that was not why it was that was not why it was approximately emergent in absolute terms okay it was these things came these things emerged from the same like nucleus of causal variables or operative variables and you know the inability of culture is to kind of like

not just live historically but survive as the street you know like kind of modalities of human life and organization that really is kind of like the crisis of modernity for European men like non-whites and non-Europeans that impacts them too in a huge way the Japanese were impacted just as much as Europeans were but what we think of now is the global south like they weren't really but like their kind of

apocalyptic event was you know the fact that European culture kind of collided with their culture like while the Europeans were enduring this process as well and that really really caused havoc that's a little more complicated but the fact is that you know now people are going to say

like well smangler this wasn't anything new you know Hagle dealt with this Nietzsche dealt with this and everybody like on the nose kind of way. And yeah, that's true, but Nietzsche was really talking about something different. Like, Nietzsche wasn't writing about, like, power political behavior and activity in, like, very concrete terms. I mean, Spangler appears, like, abstract, you know, to somebody who's, like,

inundated with either analytic philosophy or somebody who's kind of like, you know, or somebody who's kind of like, habituated, like, you know, the kind of Anglo, like, rationalist tradition. But, I mean, Spangler was very much, it's like, okay, like, you know, kind of like abstract and, like, airy and continental oriented. as he was in philosophical terms. He was dealing very much with like emergent, again, like existential crises that Europeans were dealing with in the epon. Okay.

And that's not something, that's not something that philosophers generally did. Okay. I don't, I think of Spangler is, it's kind of a pure, like, it's kind of a pure like, political theorist who's,

who's, who's, who's, who's, who's, who's, who's, the historical process, you know,

the historical process and his relationship to culture and race, okay, really large. I, I, I, I, I think the term philosopher is kind of a dumb term in the modern age, but I, I, I, I, I, I, I, I, I, I, I, I, I, I mean, even we accept that is totally valid. I think a Spangler is kind of in the terms that I just described, but bring it back a little bit, you know, so pre-internet, you know, is like a 15, 16 year old kid, you know, um, you're, you, you, you really, really the tools you had to kind of, put things in perspective conceptually

it was what you could find it like the public library or like what you could find you know by like poaching university libraries to grab what they had so I realized like reading Spangler I was I'm like okay

like this is pointing things in the perspective in a way that makes sense you know and this especially is understanding kind of like the tragedy of the you know the the kind of the German situation in the 20th century

and from there I'd run across the name Francis Parker Yaki a whole lot owing in part to I was always reading Willis Cardo's stuff you know American Free Press which I still like periodically pick up today but um Cardo is kind of a he was kind of peculiar because uh in a lot of ways he was kind of just like a conventional like America firster like right wing type guy like anti-communist but he's a guy really put yaki on the map um for uh you know for like American audiences is

of just like regular people. I mean, Yocki was doing some very strange things with his life. I don't mean, I don't mean that in punitive terms. I mean, he was probably, uh, he was probably a Warsaw Pact intelligence agent. Um, he was like kind of the costume in vanguardist. Like, Yocki wasn't trying to, like, convincing the man in the street of, like, the merit of his ideas. You know, he was distributed. I mean, he, I think the first, the front run of Imperium was, like, 500 copies.

And that, I mean, that wasn't just because, like, he wasn't flushed with money. He, he had no intention of, like, distributing this, you know, to millions of people. people. But at any event, Cardo, even though Cardo's personal kind of ideological, bearing didn't have anything to do with Yaki, he was one of the last people to see Yaki alive, because when Yaki was arrested, Carter went to visit him because he knew who he was. It's not very clear, like, how that is, but Carter was a rich guy, he was pretty connected, and he seemed just like no things until the end of his life. Like, he, I mean, that's a sudden for another episode that we could cover, like, kind of mystery of Willis Carver.

but if you read Cardo publications in the early 90s, whether it was like Noontide Press books or whether it was, you know, American Free Press, like for Andy Yaki, he was always popping up. You know, and so I'm like, what is this all about? And in inspiration, they made the point that like, well, you know, Imperium is the sequel to, you know, Spangler's, decline of the West and the hour decision and, you know,

man in techniques and all these things are going to severally Hasley like Spangler's you know like a diagnosis of you know the the 20th century the inner warriors um if you will so I sought it out I found Imperium at a use a bookstore they special ordered it for me because that's what we had to do in those days um and I started like diving into it and the case of Yaki um Yaki's polemic some people think it's overwrought to understand it Yaki was uh you know he was you know he was He was this upper class, he was basically like this upper class, like Norris Shore dude. You know, he was born in Chicago, although he lived a lot of his life in Michigan.

You know, educated in Catholic schools, which at that time were kind of elite, like, at least where he went. You know, people then, like, wrote in a kind of like florid language. It wasn't kind of like obnoxious, like moronic soaring language like people attempt today. But, you know, that told the fact that Yaqui was a trial lawyer, you know, that's kind of a way to understand his story. style, which I understand, like, put some people off, but... You catch them in the corner of your eye. Distinctive. By design.

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than he did, you know, an American. And a lot of that owes with cultural Catholicism. I'm not saying that punitively, quite the contrary. But, so, I mean, he conceptualized things a bit differently than somebody like I would in terms of, you know, what he initially found himself attracted to. or instinctively rather than initially. But, you know, Yaki put,

he kind of put the European experience in like an American context. He, you know, and tied this into like Hitler's significance, you know, to people in Anglophone societies, you know, who, who found themselves, you know, sympathetic to the access cause

in very absolute terms, which at that time, you know, was like very much like a hot issue. When there was more people who felt that way than is often acknowledged, I mean, the America First committee was not something that, I mean, they had Broadway support. So, I mean, that was, I mean, Yaki's book, it was, I mean, reading Imperium part of it is, you know, apologia for, you know, kind of America first in like deep philosophical terms. But also, you know, it puts in convex the then, you know, emergent Cold War and what, in Yaki's

view, was truly at stake. And that was pretty revolutionary. And Yaki made the point again and again. And one of his essays, which is hard to find now, it was called in the year 2000, Yaki predicted the Soviet Union would break apart, just like tenanted. You know, he's like, this isn't sustainable. You know, the USSR, as we know it, is not going to exist, you know, in 50 years.

But he's like, Russia will still exist. And at some point, we're going to have to deal with these people, number one. You know, like us says, like, you know, Occidental white Westerners or whatever your preferred kind of descriptor is, but also, you know, you said, you know, his point was that like Russia, you know, when it's, when the kind of artificial like modernist guys, you know, of communism, like sloths off of it, it's going to be truly emergent as, you know, a kind of antithesis element, you know, to the, uh, the, the, uh, the basically Judaic American, you know,

you know, ethos. And that's very true. I mean, Yaki was not like a Rousseophile. In fact, in a lot of ways, like, he kind of looked down on clubs. And I mean, that's clear. I mean, the guy was very much like a national socialist. So, everybody, people, people like to be stupid on purpose about Yaki

and either say that, like, he was sympathetic to quote Bolshevism, which is fucking retarded. or that he was like some kind of like rusophile who just like loved was like sitting around like I don't know like reading the brother's Carmosov or something like that's not at all what he's saying you know like he was saying is that you know a truly unipolar world um where you've got you know basically kind of uh you know you've truly got this you know you've got a single loci of of a global power in America and its kind of client regimes, all the which are basically, you know,

kind of reduced to appendages of this, of this is literally like, you know, Jewish and kind of deteriorated, you know, kind of like post-cultural anglophone mode of, of, of, of, of, of, of, of, of, of, you know, of, like, not as a cultural organization, but of, like, ethical disposition. you know and that's that's basically the worst possible outcome you can imagine for culture okay um and uh really the only way to mitigate that um is do uh it's for i mean europe's got to stand with russia for pragmatic reasons but also again like it doesn't matter if you like russia or hate russia

it's totally irrelevant i mean that russia is the natural counterweight to that tendency in all kinds of ways. Because Russia is basically anti-American and Russia is basically like rabidly anti-Jewish. Okay. Is Russia anti-European? Yeah, they are. And I understand the Bolshek revolution

is kind of like, you know, the kind of primitive indigenous, like, peasant Slavic element, you know, finding common cause and alliance with, you know, the cosmopolitan Jewish mercantile element to

literally exterminate, you know, the European overcasts that, you know, had reigned in Russia since the days of the Varangian Rus. Okay. But that doesn't matter again. It's not, there's not a risk of Russia becoming this, there is not, it has not been a risk of Russia becoming this, you know, truly global power since 1989. It's this idea that like, well, you know, Russia is just as bad as, you know, what we're dealing with now. That's not true at all. That doesn't make any sense and not just in terms of like power projection

capability and potentiality. But you know, the reason why it sounds like a trivial thing, but the one of the short companies of Warsaw Pact, command and control in terms of integrated forces, there was a short like Russian officers

wouldn't bother to learn German a lot of the time. You know, there was like literally like a language barrier between like them and like, you know, like, you know, like, you know, like national Volks Army forces under their command. you know, I think there was like a distance there. You know, the, like, if you want to understand how why the American kind of cultural genocide, social engineering of Germany was possible, it's because like an Anglophone society, you know, of a basic cosmopolitan European society, like America still was, like America was definitely in 1949 and still somewhat as today. That was Anglophone character that's able to insinuate itself.

into, in the German culture, almost like at the cellular level. I mean, people think of the thing of being silly, but I think of it almost like the thing, you know, like the little horror movie. Like, that was just not possible for Russians. You know, like the Soviet Union, even if they said about, even if, you know, even if that had been kind of like a dedicated effort there is like, look, we're going to, we're going to truly kind of like russify, you know, the DDR. It wouldn't have worked, you know, like it just wouldn't have.

You know, you're talking about truly, yeah, in like border areas especially, you know, like you would yeah there were them people who were basically like you know like like like slavonic germans but generally like you wouldn't you wouldn't have had like every like you know every like east german school kid like just like casually learning russian by osmosis and like you wouldn't have had like you know german ladies decided if y'all wanted to look like the russian women in the magazines like you wouldn't i mean like that just would not happen okay and that stuff you better believe that happened in the buddhist republic okay and it wasn't just because like oh america's got good propaganda and Coca-Cola.

You know, I mean, that's, these are real things, okay? So all of that, taking it back to kind of get an original query. I mean, that, that kind of is what being to, like, put the world in perspective to me. And I always knew there was something wrong. Post-Ragan, I think Bush 41 was a pretty, within the bound of rationality of, you know, kind of, of what

American government is and has been since 1933 I think Bush 41 is basically a serious guy and a good commander in chief even if I've got nothing nice to say about him otherwise but even by 1991-92 there was this kind of like bizarre

triumphal language creeping into American discourse that just made me wince and you know I could tell the culture has been coarsened I don't just mean like you know things becoming kind of like more like more like pornographic as part of it but I mean like

Things were becoming like less and less serious and just kind of like, just more and more like idiotic. You know, and it, um, uh, you know, I realized a little kind of like yawning chasm here where there should be like a culture, you know, and it though. And that, a couple of the fact that I realize it's, I'm sure everybody's sick of hearing this. And it, you know, some, I just sound like some cantankerous old guy telling people of comfort blessings. But the early 90s in America really were like really fucked up. I mean, you remember that. And, you know, like, Rageways was ruined a twillard. toilet, you know, like, I don't know if they, like, think about, like, where I couldn't, couldn't go.

Like, I'm talking about it was like, you like fucking get killed and like, you know, from being white. And like, that's not. Remember the freaking, freaking special forces was literally in Los Angeles. Oh, yeah. Yeah. In 1992. 2000 Korean businesses were burnt to the ground.

Oh, yeah. It's more in the streets. And the Marines, the back of my rack, we're fucking shooting it out with like the Grey Street trips and stuff. you know like it's not like bad people think things are today and then like a murder is in a bad place you don't get me wrong i'm not gonna like if i like disembark in garbiel park of the bus like i'm not gonna like get my ass like fucking stomped into the cement like for being white that's not okay um in 1992 that absolutely would happen okay so it's like all these things in like my teenage mind like yaki really put this in perspective you know i mean there's not i'm i'm always telling people especially youngsters like like you can't you can't like find answer to the world, especially like politics, like in books. And you can't. It's like the wrong way. It's not like a twist-nosed version into like, you know, political occurrences or something. But in theoretical terms, particularly in a place like America,

where there's, where there's, there's like bizarre signaling in terms of the propaganda narrative, it doesn't really make sense and is like abstracted for any kind of concrete experience. It is essential to have, you know, kind of like the pole stars, as it were, like, or the parameters, rather, like, provided by, you know, like theoretical scholarship. You catch them in the corner of your eye. Distinctive. By design. They move you.

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We'll mark your calendars from November 28th to 30th because the Liddle Newbridge Warehouse sale is back. We're talking thousands of your favourite Liddle items all reduced to clear. From home essentials to seasonal must-habs, When the doors open, the deals go fast. Come see for yourself. The Lidl Newbridge Warehouse Sale, 28th to 30th of November.

Lidl, more to value. And Yaki, yeah, I realize Yaki's a polemicist. I realize he's like a big national socialist. He's not, and he didn't like, for it to be like, oh, I'm this objective kind of like diagnostician of historical processes. But, um, Yaki really put everything in perspective to me, like, okay, this is why the, this is why the, this is why the, this is why the, this is why. the problem in the ground with the races of the way it is in America.

You know, this is why the culture seems so coarse and just like moronic. This is like what it's trying to accomplish. You know, this is why like the leadership cast seems so like flagrantly like either just corrupt or disengaged. This is why at that time in Europe too, like, you know, Tudjman's Croatia.

Like Helmut Cole in a kind of one of the singularly patriotic acts post war by a German chancellor. He immediately recognized the independent state of Croatia. You know, and then and Bush and Baker, hit the roof when he did that. But that,

that's what prevented, like, you know, some kind of, you know, some, some, some, some,

some, some, some, some, some, democratic Yugoslavia from enduring. And, you know, the,

the true, time of Croatia was a national social state, literally, okay, um, so I mean, that, that came into perspective,

too, and like, you know, um, like that, like, that was, like,

that was quite literally unfinished business, you know, from 1940, I mean, that's kind of how, I mean, that's pretty much like how I came to Yaki. And then I, from there, I've, I've kind of moved beyond, like, based just about everything I've read. I was reading my with a teenager, except for stuff like obviously like Aristotle and, like, Hegel. But, you know, I continue to defend Yaki particularly. And I found, I don't believe these, like, internet guys, especially in university types.

I mean, a lot of these guys, they never read what I write. I think they like see the way I look or something and they act like I'm stupid or something. Then they realize like I'm not stupid. So they just kind of like attack like what I cite as like authoritative. And I was like, oh, Yaki's ridiculous. That's just like, you know, you might as well read like skinhead magazines. It's like I don't believe you've read France as Yaki if that's your take.

I mean, it's not, it's intellectually highly rigorous. Like I said, you can say his language is like overwrought in the way that frankly, you know, people who's kind of introduction to to, you know, like adult intellectual life with the practice of law, and that's unfortunate, but like, you can't say it's, like, not serious, and then it's like some stupid, like, racialist, like, rant or something. Like, it's not, you know, so I don't, I believe a lot of, like,

what's levied against Yaqui, particularly by these, like, kind of self-appointed, like, academic gatekeeper types. I don't believe they, like, even write Imperium, you know. Plus, Imperium's, like, 700 pages. You know, it's, like, it's, and it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, pretty heavy stuff. You know, like, it's not just something you can, like, flip through, like, in a couple hours on a Saturday.

So I think a lot of, like, what people say, you know, to, they kind of make fun of, of people who say, yuck, you don't think they really read it. But they pretend it's, like, reading, like, George Lincoln Rockwell or something. Like, it's not, it's not at all. You know, like, it's totally... And, uh, I mean, the point of people, too, and this is a bit of a tangent, but, you know,

the Falcon and the Snowman, which is a fascinating. story and like a great film and Chris Boyce you know the guy I mean he was a real guy I mean that movie really happened and basically it happened to terms presented but he had a blog

in the 2000s when he got out of prison he didn't get out of prison until like 2003 or something you know but he you know and he didn't want to talk a lot about his espionage charges but he what he did say and we did reiterate

was that you know he had no affinity for the Soviet Union or for communism at all. You know, and he's like, I never started identifying as a practicing cat with. You know, he's like, but America couldn't be allowed to just win the cold war in absolute terms. Anywhere than the Soviet Union would be allowed to do that. And he was right. You know, boys had the energy and kind of fervor of a young man and thinking he could change these things. Like, you can't.

Okay, like, none than any one man, no matter what kind of, no matter what kind of secrets or intelligence he had access to. military knowledge, you know, could have, like, change the course of, of the Soviet Union. But his, his impulse was correct. Okay, even if it was, like, even if it was, like, youthful romanticism and it was ridiculous him to think, like, you could change the course

structurally the way the war's up back was going. Like, he was right that something terrible would happen. If America simply just, like, outright won the Cold War, you know, there needs to be that kind of, I mean, I think the American government is not. 933 is literally evil, but even if somebody's got softer or more charitable

perspective on it than that, you know, agonistic pluralism as well, like keeps, like, politics, like, productive and and, you know, it is what prevents, you know, the establishment of these, of these, um, of these kinds of deteriorated, like, monocultural,

uh, you know, um, mechanisms that, that, that basically suppress culture, words emerge in any form that's, you know, threatening this is. I realize it was a lot there, but that's the best way to explain it. All right. I wanted to go back to Spengler because in reading Russian socialism, there was something he said in there that I think a lot of Americans and Westerners would have a problem with, especially since, you know, I think he wrote that in 1920. So he said that the Englishman judges himself upon his riches, and the Prussian judges himself upon his rank.

I mean, there's some truth to that. Yeah, I don't, Werner Sombard made a lot of the same points. And the way to understand, I mean, that's why to be a bit more charitable to the English, you know the the UK and England itself at inception of the divided society there wasn't some like single ethnos that became the English people I mean you know all of this but you're an educated guy but like that's got to be

this idea of like this homogenous kind of England and it's one of the ones why I said it wasn't especially bizarre with this kind of cargo cult multiculturalism in England it's like England's always been like catastrophically multicultural role. They didn't even get a handle on this, arguably, until the 20th century. You know, like, the experience of Prussia was totally

different. I mean, Prussia was this Garrison state, you know, with like, with barely any arable land, no, no naturally defensible,

you know, border features. You know, it, it basically makes sense, and I don't disagree. And this, that's one of the reason why, like, you know, class antagonism has conceptualized. And that's one of the reason why it was off base for Marx to look at Germany as like,

this is where, like, you know, Marx's Leninism is going to be, or this is where, you know, this is where, you know, communist is going to be emergent. And later, like, Lenin, like, attempting the same enterprise, or attempting to implement that enterprise as theorized by Marx. Like, it, yeah, okay, Germany, like, obviously was going to be first over the line in terms the productive forces that can facilitate,

you know, like true socialism in a sense in a sense in my people like Marx, but the class antagonist catalyst is not really present in Germany.

I mean, it's not to say like the KPD wasn't very strong, but again, like the KPD got defeated in a, you know,

what amounts to like a fair fight by the right in Germany. I mean, that didn't happen in Russia. Obviously, the opposite happened.

Because, you know, in spite of the lack of, of techniques and infrastructure, the class antagonism was vicious. You know, and in the UK, the reason the British was paranoid, absolutely paranoid

about Bolshevism, they were for good reason. You know, I mean, there was a, there was this basic class antagonism. I mean, to the point that it's, like, you could argue that, like, in some ways, like the, what people kind of politely and you physically approve the English class system.

I mean, you're talking about people are based on about private purposes, like, different ethnic groups, and like they, and genetically, I think they would dare out too in some sense, okay? Like, it's not, it's, that's quite a different thing than, you know, a place like Prussia where, uh, like, like, you really do have, like a common culture. And yeah, I mean, there's people, you know, there's people, like, higher rank and lower rank, you know, and there's obviously, you know, people of vastly disparate abilities, but you don't have like one class of people concentrated

you know in like one function like looking across these other people who are like literally totally different from them like they like look different they talk different they act different you know like they their customs are different like this is not that's not the case so I think that's basically true and it's also it

you know Stambart's um and a Spangler's little point two was that there's something I mean the there's there is something you know

cultures are kind of somewhat adrift in history I mean the way I mean the way they manage these like emergent challenges I mean obviously that's like volitional but you know there's also this

this idea that this idea like if we ignore like this kind of impulse towards socialism it'll go away or if we like outlawed or if we you know ready for huge savings will mark your calendars

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Ireland Limited. Subject to lending criteria. Terms and conditions apply. Volkswagen Financial Services Ireland Limited. Trading as Cooper Financial Services is regulated by the Central Bank of Ireland. or if we just or if we make it clear to everybody that, you know, there's

there's not a limited amount of wealth in the world and, you know, if they just develop engumption and industriousness, like they two can become rich. There's not, this is not the way things work. You know, I'm not even saying in like ethical terms. I mean, it's just like not, like man individually or,

or, um, man severally or collectively, you know, at the cultural, level and as regards historical enterprises is not

it's a very limited participant you know and there's something continental Europeans always understood that or rather accepted that in a way that the English didn't it's not my purpose is here and just like trash England is you know I know it's a hobby for some people

particularly in our circles but this idea that you know oh we can just author you know like we just kind of we can just kind of like author, like a well-functioning society by, you know, resort to, you know, kind of like sound principles of economics or something like this. Or by resort, you know, like social science. Like that's actually a very, it's actually a very, it's actually like a very anglophone thing. I think that's part of it, all those things. But I don't fundamentally disagree.

You know it's sometimes overstated. When you read a lot of the writings from the early 20s, I just read Schmitt. political theology on the show, you see that they're struggling with this new world. You know, World War I changed so much. And now, you know, if you have a monarchy left, it's a parliamentary monarchy, it's a monarchy in name only. Right. When Spangler is looking at Europe and he's seeing those changes, how is he, how is he interpreting what he sees?

I mean The Well I mean It's again There's a common strain In Spangler and Schumpeter And in And in Sombart

The reason why socialism was on their mind You know Shumpeter was Shumpeter like Spangler Was probably the most like Anti-Socialist figure you can imagine Like they didn't say They weren't saying socialism's an inevitability

Because oh this is the march of history And this is progress They're saying that You know once like X level of development is accomplished and when you have universal suffrage, you know, people are going to like vote themselves more, uh, they're going to, they're going to slay the golden goose by voting themselves in, in, in, in the punery, okay, like as a culture. How do you manage that? You know, it's like, well, if you have the, you know, the Germans used to call the

mention material to kind of mitigate that because you have an industrious people, you know, you do whatever you can to, you know, kind of marshal those energies, you know, towards, towards things that facilitate, you know, competitiveness on the world market, you know, and that, you know, frankly, facilitate, you know, the ability to, to, to constitute a fearsome army that can appropriate what you can't produce at home. But this is an ongoing problem. And with the absence of a mitigating, you know, the kind of a fatalistic, the understanding of the kind of the kind of, like, fatalism of God's dominion. I mean, it's the way I look at it, it's on a Bible prod. Or, you know, if you're just some kind of agnostic, who nonetheless accepts, you know,

that, you know, the process of history is something that man is not truly the power to shape or control. You know, you've got to, you've got to become comfortable with like a certain amount of, like, you know, surrender to these processes that are like greater than man is, okay? The deterioration of government and this, you know, from, you know, kind of, you know, of the kind of you know from kind of like you know the on the nose like theological kind of symbolism of monarchy and it's just kind of like a parliament that they're just kind of like a parliament that's like a glorified public works administration that that has a very corrupting effect and uh

that's why spangler you know he held out the prussian state um it's not like spangler or some like military man or some prussian martinet himself You know, he was, he was, he was kind of like the consummate, like, you know, burger type. And he was, you know, like a bookish, kind of like timid guy. Like, what he was saying was that, you know, really the only state that can survive this process, you know, with an intact culture that is prone to, you know, things like, you know, sustaining its, it's, it's human quality with, you know, with appropriately hygienic practices. figuratively and literally.

And that, you know, is, is capable of, you know, generating the wealth that's going to be, you know, rapidly kind of cycled through and consumed, you know, by the voracious monster that is, you know, the, you know,

the, the parliament, the Europe, the modern parliamentary, parliamentary, parliamentary, you know, a, a state a state with the Prussian ethos extrapolated, you know, to to potentially a continent-sized

great space, great sovereign space would be what's required. And I basically agree with that. I mean, that's why that is obviously, in my opinion, like what got Hitler's interest in Spangler's stuff. You know, Hitler looked at maps all the time

for the time he was a little child. Like literally, like until he died, until like literally like the week he died. He always had his maps and his colored pencils. And, you know, he was fixated on geography and, you know, implications therein, both tactical

and strategic, as well as, you know, culturally and informative capacities. But Hitler didn't sit around reading, like, like, geopolitics all day. You know, he was into stuff like show up an hour. He was into, like, I mean, it was his favorite

philosopher, you know, and he was into he was into like art theory stuff like I've never heard of before you know and he was into like you know he was into like you know hero epics and German histories but it's not like Spangler was the kind of thing you ordinarily would have just like

been like oh this is great you know it got his attention not just because Spangler again was a guy who had a lot of clout in the inner war years is because like that what I just described like that is what spoke to Hitler and my basis for that is not just

the table talk but it's the December 11th 1941 speech to the Reichstag. And that's an important speech for all kinds of reasons, but Hitler's talking about the Prussian experience in 1813. But he's not saying the Prussian kingdom. He's saying we. He's talking about the German Volk is synonymous with the Prussian state. Okay.

And this was in Hitler with the Habsburg, Austria, saying this. I mean, that, to me, that it's been outside the scope, but that's what convinced me, that's what convinced me of what I just said. But that's basically Spangler's notion. I mean, there's a lot more there, like, in his body of work. But in terms of what he, in terms of this prescription for how the state should be configured and what it's, uh, and what it's sort of like guiding ideas should be, you know, that's, that's what he's getting at and that's what he's concerned with and that's what everybody was concerned with and uh you know it yeah i mean that's chumper and um sabart because like i said i mean they they were fundamentally concerned the same fundamentally concerned the same thing is because these are questions of of existential imperative significance let's um let's do yaki now um you and you already

mentioned this and this is probably the thing that anyone who finds out something about Yaki wants to question or wants to use to dismiss him. It's his embracing of the Soviet Union and his reasoning behind that. And I think a lot of people look at it, would look now and look at the world and be like, if somebody's honest, they'll be like, well, I think he was ahead of his time and his thinking in this, but it's still really hard because, you know, we've gone through this whole, we've had 75 years of the Soviet Union was our enemy. I mean, we grew up in that way. We grew up that way. The Soviet Union was, was our enemy, you know, well, if bombs start dropping hide into your desk kind of kind of crap. So by Yaqui saying that the Soviet Union,

was that he was supporting the Soviet Union at that point. Can you call it a little more into detail his reasoning behind that? Well, yeah. I mean, first and foremost, in the most basic terms, and the most basic structural terms, it's what I said when I referenced Chris Boyce, with nothing in common with Yaqui, but in geopolitical terms,

that was, that was the structural issue, okay? An American hegemon would lead to what you see today. You know, it would lead to the social engineering of race out of existence other than the Jewish race. As a matter of course, like literally a debate, that's not something conspiracy theory that's literally baked into the American ideology, okay?

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That's going to be a tyranny no matter what. So just an absolute, like, apolitical terms, structural terms is that. Secondly, Yaki always, Yaki's all big point was that he said that, like, and I mean, again, part of this is kind of like his cultural Catholicism, but I'm not saying that punitively at all. Yaghi's point was like, look, you've got to look at yourself. Americans, white Americans need to look at themselves as basically, like, Europeans who live in the new world. Okay? Because if you don't, you're going to make compromises that ultimately, like, write you out of it. history. Okay, and that's what happened

in 1933. New Deal, America, and beyond, it's singularly anti, it's anti-Western, it's anti-white, it's anti-European, and like, why wouldn't it be? It views all these things as an alien to itself, okay? It's basically Jewish, such that it has, like, a cultural

orientation at all. Like, the people who constantly do it who aren't Jewish, like, they might as well be because they don't care. And, like, what they don't view is hostile, they simply have no interest in preserving. Okay. The only way Europe can survive is Europe has to join with Russia. Now, Yacht would have preferred, you know, that to have occurred with, you know, the capture of Moscow in December, 1941, because that didn't happen.

Well, we have, you know, we have the world that we have, not the world that we want. So the only way that Europe is going to throw off the American yoke is by some kind of con-confored with Soviet. Utah. And after 1953 he said that wouldn't be particularly in city. It's like, yeah, Soviet occupation is a tyranny. But, you know, it's like, Elin de Benoit, it's a tyranny of the body. You know, whether Stalin intended to do this

for sectarian and ethnic reasons, or whether he just did it for practical reasons because these people constantly with a threat, you know, to not just his own mandate, but the enduring power of the party. Stalin literally purred Jews from leadership in the communist party of the Soviet Union. Okay. And he did so in a way that was fairly above board. That was, that was Yagi's point about the Prague trials, okay?

Every, I mean, out of the Prague trials were, I mean, of a satellite regime, you know, the satellite regime that was the subject of it, but it was not actual either, because that was kind of like a test case. every one of the doctors plot defendants with Jewish but one. Okay, and it's like, the Soviets weren't even trying to hide was underway here. You know,

it's like, we don't care. Like, these people are, these people are fifth columnists. Like, they're going to die, you know.

So, okay, yeah, like in Germany, a Germany in 1950 or 1960, you know, in Concord with the Soviet Union. Yeah, the people there were,

they'd have the heel of Stalinism on their neck. But, you know, they wouldn't be being genocided out of existence. you know, like churches were going to be replaced with Holocaust museums, you know, like black immigrants were going to be flooded into the cities. You know, like pornography wasn't going to be flooded

and made available basically for free. I mean, like this was a lot, lot less insidious, okay? Like being poor and having, like, to deal with a political police force, that's not a small thing that's fucked up, but we would say that's good. That's better than what I just described, okay?

And not only is it better in day-to-day terms in civilizational terms, you can survive that, you cannot survive the other. Okay, that was Yaqui's reasoning. Finally, again, Yaki was like Kennan.

He's like, look, the Soviet Union is not going to exist in 50 years. It's definitely not going to exist in 100 years from his then-preting 50. He's like, you know, when the Soviet Union's gone, there's still going to be a Russia, they're still going to be a Germany, you know, there's still going to be a Europe.

You know, it's, you know, this idea that, you know, this idea that like, you know, what, if we capitulate, if we capitulate the Soviet Union now, you know, that the world's going to become this,

you know, is going to become this kind of like, this kind of like giant gullag hell, you know, is, you know, that's facile. I think some exception to, I mean,

I don't want to get into my own view on this because it's, it's, it's outside the scope. But, you know, his point was that, you know there's nothing

less cosmopolitan than the truly like kind of like Russian cultural soul okay so even if you have like a Europe and particularly in Germany like dominated by Russian perpetuity you know gradually like they're going to slop off you know either the appearance of

communism and even appeal to it as some kind of you know ration like purported rationale you know for what for what the regime does you're going to be left with days this kind of like this kind of like nationalist Russian

regime that you know might be brutish toward the Germans but it's not going to be it's not going to be trying to racially exterminate them out of history and it's not going to be able to insinuate itself into the culture like no like in Russian not do that they can't do that you know again like you were not

going to see like Russian kids all just kind of spontaneously speaking Russian because they view the Russians as the higher culture you weren't going to see like you know German women like decided you want to dress like you know like Russian women. You're not going to find, you know, German saying, you know what? Like, you know, our own intellectual canon is just inferior to that. We're being produced by the Russians.

Like, I'm not trashing Russia, but this is a fact, okay? Like, that would not happen. And also, again, I mean, I use the example, which seems like a kind of narrow, narrowly focused example of, you know, warsoppaque commanding control and having certain challenges, you know, because there was, like, language barriers. I mean, that's, that part of that was just like a Russian, thing. I'm not going to learn German. I'm the Occupyer. I'm the boss.

I don't care about these people. Fuck them. I mean, it really is kind of like a crude show. It isn't a lot of Russians do. I don't even think that's pretty bad. I'm kind of the same way in my own, like, fucking Yankee pecker sort of way, okay? I'm not some fucking... I'm not so many things like being cosmopolitan is this

great thing, okay, at all. But whether it's good or bad is incidental, like, that's not what the Russians are like. That's not how they do things. Okay? So, that was Yaki's point. And, you know, at the end of the day, I mean, he was, he was right because it's like, even if you, you can look at the big rebuttal of that would be like people, you know, the kinds

of people who would say, like, we'll look at what the, look at what the soy did in the colored world. You know, they were radicalizing all these people against the West. But like, what was the West, what was the West then? Like, the West was, they, they were open borders. They were, you know, we've got to, we've got to eliminate. you know this this leg of equity between the sexes we gotta we we we've got to destroy these parish communities where people are insisting on retaining their own kind of purity of ethnos

and and cultural practice you know we got a you know we got to we got to we got to create this kind like global model culture where there is you know like we're we're we're beyond race like the soviets were doing all of this yeah okay I don't think it's good that the Soviets were to you know in the cubans were deploying and forced of you know it's a Africa to annihilate, you know, the Boer Republic. But, I mean, okay, in the grand scheme, what I say is there's out, okay? There was Washington wasn't as far, far, far more radical, far more actually communist, far more insidious, far more destructive than Moscow ever was.

Okay, and that was the case in 1950, okay, as it is today. That was Yonji's story. Let's, let's finish up with this. so Yaki gets caught, he gets thrown in jail, and he ends up killing himself. Indeed. Why do you think he did? I think Yaki never, and H. Keith Thompson, who was his good friend, and even like decades after the fact, I mean, Thompson, the Thompson realized that he was a witness to history in some sense.

So, I mean, he, he was relatively open with interviewers about his own life and his own kind of experience. I think he always played kind of coy about Yaqui. Like, Yaqui had no visible source of income, but you know, according to his friend, he was always dressed well, and he never had a lot of money, but he was never, like, starving. You know, and he, uh, it's pretty clear to me that, you know, he was, uh, that he was in the East Block intelligence asset. I believe that he made contact with Otto Reamer, um,

and the socialist Reich Party. when he was briefly a war crimes prosecutor and he deliberately lost his cases or tried to for like lesser war criminals but he wanted to, he was hell better trying to get to Germany and he did that's why he wanted to go over my opinion I believe he made kind of the guys like Reamer

you know Reamer was Reamer had the view that I mean I mean you know The Socialist Reich Party was the, they favored alliance with the Soviet Union. I mean, that was their whole, that was their whole, that was their whole, uh, regional detro. We've got to skew the, the, what remained of the German nationalist right towards, you know,

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Visit OptionsCard.I.E. today. I believe that through Reamer, he got introduced probably to the elements of East German intelligence. and definitely the KGB types. And I think that that was Yaki's... I think that was Yaki's role. And I think part of what Yaki was doing was he was working on neutralized...

Like him and everybody so deployed as he was... It was basically their job, like, neutralized with the allies who are trying to accomplish with their kind of Operation Gladiot notions. You know, um, there were, like, the Warsaw Pact was basically swinging like, uh,

the European, like, patriotic right and, like, the fascist right, like, towards their camp for the reasons I just said. And Washington, uh, and people like Dulles especially, that was, they were very upset about that. Because obviously, like, um, this was a key part of kind of like their, their strategy for, if there was a general communist assault on Europe, you know, their stay behind element was these guys. Like, like, Yaki was flipping to the Soviet side, you know, stuff like that. And he also, he had like four or five different passports in different names. He was arrested. Like, and this wasn't like today where, you know, if you know the right people, we can get that done. Like, he could print a passport in 1950, you know.

Like, you couldn't do that on your typewriter. I mean, I believe that very, is very clear. Do you think, from reading Bolton, do you think there's a chance he was originally intelligence for the United States? he goes AWOL in the beginning of World War, in the beginning of World War II, disappears into South America and then comes back and he doesn't do any time or it doesn't seem that he's even reprimanded, or if he is reprimanded, it's a slap on the, it's a slap on the wrist. I mean, it's possible, yeah.

And he also, he wrote a, he wrote a speech or two for Senator Joe McCarthy, which, you know, the subject of the speech was like, why, you know, we need to, rearm Germany and like embrace Germany as like allies. It's really interesting, I think. But, um, like, why, why would Joe McCarthy like know who Yaki was? I mean, McCarthy was like a big deal then. I mean, like his, it's kind of, his fall from grace proverbially was dramatic and profound, but, you know, McCarthy was, one of the right into the left still like burns him an effigy today is because he was like a big deal. So it's like, why, why does this big shot senator at all? This kind of like random, right wing lawyer. Like that doesn't really make a lot of sense, you know? So,

like yeah so i mean there's a very good chance yeah definitely all right let's leave it there and uh we'll come back to the cold war on the next episode and i think this had cold war implication so um that that's good oh yeah absolutely and we can come back to this on another date um drop some plugs and we'll end this yeah for sure man thanks for the time being i'm still on twitter i think that's probably going to come to an end soon so i behoo people follow me on substack you know my substack is a real Thomas 777.substack.com. You know, there's like a whole like, there's a whole like chat feature there, you know,

people are pretty active on. I'm on Tgram, you know, I still am the time being on Twitter for the time being on Twitter at real underscore number seven HMS 7777. I'm working on the channel still in earnest. I'm going to start shooting dedicated content for it. by the first week in April. So I mean, be looking for that. It's Thomas TV on YouTube.

Once I start uploading like real original content, I'm going to start saturating like Odyssey and other stuff. But right now I'm on YouTube so people can find us. I realize that that's not long as earth. Once they figure out what I'm doing. But I will hip everybody to that like on my substack because I have been doing and stuff. And that's all I got for no.

Well, thank you very much. Thanks for this. No, thank you, man. Take care. Yeah. I want to welcome everyone back to the Pekignano show. Doing a little timely one here. We're going to be releasing this on September 11th. And I guess somebody, some people would think we were doing a 9-11 episode. But, no, this is actually the 50th anniversary of the coup in Chile.

And I wanted to have Thomas on to give his appearance. of what it was and how it went down and how it benefited the right. Does that sound good? I mean, yeah, I mainly, I mainly want to dismantle misconceptions as well as out and out confabulations about the situation in Shilly, you know, cultural, political, and historical. because all these things play into the equation. You know, I'm not just being a historical researcher who's insinuating his own fetishes for anthropological data

into this discussion. It really is significant in a way in the case of Chile. In Latin America, generally, but Chile in particular, we're going to talk about what happened there and why it became such a critical question. Cold War Battle Theater. And that's the way to understand this. That's the way to understand this.

That's the way to understand the totality of what became Operation Condor. That's the way to understand the situation in Argentina, which was a lot more murky and conspiratorial than that of Chile. I mean, that weren't the discussion all unto itself. But particularly the, you know, what developed in Nicaragua and El Salvador and Grenada was key as well in the final phase of the Cold War. And people, they don't fully understand. At the time, people generally did, it's interesting how they kind of tortured rationales

people would resort to these Peter Arnett types. And even Oliver Stone, who made a pretty nakedly partisan. movie about you know central america i think it was actually called salvador i don't know how these people could rationalize i mean i know how they did superficially i mean i was alive during the time but how they could sort of redact in their own mind the fact that central and south america you know maybe maybe we refer to as latin america um in total was was an active battle space in the final phase of the Cold War. And it was a truly critical battle space

because not just in terms of American credibility vis-a-vis the Monroe Doctrine and things, but that would have rectified the strategic imbalance that Warsaw Pact was always disadvantaged by owing the facts of

geography and the fact that in that epoch, the way force structures were owing to the technology of the day, it conferred a tremendous advantage on NATO, potentially, that it could strike, you know, basically from, you know, within critical range, decapitation range, ultimately we're talking about strategic nuclear platforms, a Soviet territory.

But the, and finally, and I'll bring it back to the discussion at hand in more precise terms. In the Dayton era, the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact in adjacent states, they were winning the Cold War in military terms. It didn't matter that Warsaw Pact was a basket case in terms of its internal situation. It didn't matter that the Soviets were negotiating a, you know, a crisis within the Kremlin itself, a leadership as, you know, this kind of agent. gerontocracy, like literally died off. You know, America was soundly defeated in Vietnam. Nixon mitigated the significance of that

by decoupling Beijing from Warsaw Pact, but that didn't entirely nullify the impact of the outcome, obviously. And that led to, in turn, you know, the America ended up backing the Khmer Rouge against the People's Army of Vietnam, you know, because the Khmer Rouge were China's proxy. So this three-way proxy war developed, you know, between the Khmer Rouge, you know, who were victorious against Launals forces, you know, between the Khmer Rouge and the People's Army of Vietnam, you know, the Chinese had their own agenda there. but the United States and the people's Republic of China were nominally backing the chum bagging the Khmer Rouge against a Soviet client in Vietnam. The Soviets responded, you know, by throwing heavy military developmental subsidies at India, you know, and reaffirming their friendship pact as a hedge against China.

America responded, you know, by taking on Pakistan, you know, and then bagging Pakistan in the Indo-Pagistan War, you know, and drop off, Oostanov and Grameko as the kind of trifecta of executive. Airgrid, operator of Ireland's electricity grid, is powering up the northwest. We're planning to upgrade the electricity grid in your area, and your input and local knowledge

are vital in shaping these plans. Our consultation closes on the 25th of November. Have your say, online or in person. So together we can create a more reliable, sustainable electricity supply for your community. Find out more at airgrid.i. 4.Northwest. Employers, did you know, you can now reward you and your staff with up to 1,500 euro and gift cards annually, completely tax-free. And even better, you can spread it over five different occasions.

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I think like we talked about, like they were convinced that the Afghan regime was going to, the Afghani regime was going to pivot towards the United States. And they thought, that you know um they thought that carter uh was heavily cultivating that especially owing to the loss of iran but also i mean that would you know um afghanistan was the decapitation range of kazakhstan and kazakhstan was you know that's where star city is i mean that was critical to soviet strategic nuclear command of control so i mean this was uh you know um basically detaunt would ended it i mean was

the invasion of Afghanistan and other things. But it, you know, the communists run the move on every continent. And Goal is another one, okay? And there was neither of the political will nor the forces in being anymore for America to force to enforce the Truman Doctrine and then code of the direct aid

of these, you know, friendly states under siege by communist elements. And, you know, the military, itself, you know, the draft had ended and the Revolution of Military Affairs hadn't, you know, gotten off and been implemented yet in any meaningful way, although these weapons systems, this command of control technology like did exist. It just hadn't been integrated into, you know,

force structures in being in a meaningful way yet. But, you know, looking at a map in in 1973, again, in military terms, the Soviet Union is winning the Cold War. Chile is an oddly situated place. And kind of like Argentina, there was high hopes for it. You know, people used to talk about Argentina, like it was going to be the United States of South America, which obviously didn't happen. But, you know, despite the racial kind of mixture in these countries, they're more European. than they are like America or Canada. You know,

Chile became a pretty major regional military power after what was called the War of the Pacific. This took place between 1879, 1884. Chile

fought against a coalition of Peru and Bolivia and won this kind of like like Prussian style like Blitz victory, okay, and acquired a lot of territory and a lot of clout. But obviously, again, owing to its situation on the cone of South America, I mean, there's a strategic significance there regardless. You know, it's not like the South Atlantic, you know,

and access to the South Atlantic, and specifically the ability to engage, you know, the U.S. fleet and the Atlantic potentially, you know, before it even, you know, is able to deploy beyond, you know, the Western Hemisphere potentially. I mean, that was huge. But it's also, you know, there's a, there's, there's something to the idea of, revolutionary ideology being sort of like a fire that catches or uh some kind of virulent baccalaus if you'll forgive the kind of overwrought metaphor but that's true and people are accepting that more and now not not because they've taken on some kind of punitive view of communism and history or something and not even that that's that's that's not even really in the contemplation of most of these kind of like neuroscience types and you know kind of like cultural psychologists but you know people talk about the way like memes become truly viral and like information becomes viral you know that's kind of a narrow

that's kind of a whittled down version of what the phenomena i'm talking about and you know um revolutionary momentum uh is something that is is a real thing you know it's um the analogies are myriad you know across um accounting for racial and cultural differences and you know really a um really uh controlling for all variables suggesting true diversity you know this this can't really be denied so all else aside you know like as i've talked about with respect to vietnam and you know previously one of the ways that part ways with people like meersheimer but this idea that um you have this kind of like materialist view of warfare this kind of clousel withs on steroids view of warfare like well you know credibility doesn't matter you know

and so long as you have you know strategic forces in being to devastate your enemy and there was no quote you know key there's there's no um essential interest in in vietnam it didn't matter you know in the 20th century like wars weren't fought you know to control you know access to rubber plantations you know or like you know fur trade routes like vietnam became world war three by proxy because like that's where the bad lines were drawn like that's where the communes attacked, you know, and that's where, that's, that's where Washington had to draw the line and respond. You know, it didn't matter that it was in Southeast Asia and there's not some, quote, key interest there, according to, you know, traditional paradigms of political economy. So in Chile,

even if there was nothing in Chile, I mean, there wasn't, there is, but even if there wasn't, there wasn't, it didn't matter, you know, a communist revolution there, um, was. of would have developed tremendous momentum that had profound significance beyond its borders and probably even beyond, you know, like the South American continent and into, you know, central and North America even. So I don't think to keep in mind. Now, what was the situation in Chile generally, like, because this is important. It relates to like out of the junta, punishing himself and why

they were such a test case and staunch resistance to communism. And taking a cultural anthropologist, they used to write quite a bit about this. You know, why some of these in their mind, and this is a superficial view in my point, like why some of these Latin American states

seem almost like mirror Franco with Spain. But Spaniards and Portuguese and populations derived primarily from those cultural melus. These people don't represent a martial race in the way we think of like the Spartans or the Prussians, but there's some deeply insinuated military culture there.

Okay, there just is, you know. Whether it's the code, is it, you know, the quote of Adelgo kind of like writ large, is it, you know, there's something sanguinary, in my opinion, to Spanish Catholicism. I don't mean that in punitive terms. I think that's actually quite fascinating. You know,

the um you see this to some degree in france too but in the iberian cultures it's more pronounced um but the military had an outsized role in chile you know like it did in spain like it did in portugal like it does in italy or didn't italy okay there's just a fact um there was a it was a culture and to itself okay um now there is a chili as i just mentioned chili has unusual geography It's always susceptible potential encirclement by rival states to the north and to the east. So its institutional orientation of its armed forces was always on the possibility of fighting a multi-front war. Now, who exactly does that sound like? That sounds exactly like the Prussians and what gave rise to the staff system, which ultimately every modern army imitates.

But there was, going to this first. fact, even before the Chilean military modernized, you know, in the, in the wake of, you know, the great war and what have you, there's always certain, there's always an understanding that, you know, the Chilean army, particularly the army, had to be built around a kind of cadre structure, you know, where some version of mission-oriented tactics that have to be cultivated, you know, whether that like, you know, anybody in a leadership role from like NCO upward would have to exhibit, you know, superior training, efficiency, motivation. You know, basically man for man, be better than the enemy, okay? Because again, Chile was basically always facing a kind of like von Schleifen-Quagmire, if that makes any sense.

And there's certain anthropological factors, too, of a more kind of cultural nature, okay? like the the Chilean army was very very very Catholic um the background of Penichet himself as well as Admiral Marino Jose Toribo Merino Castro they were the two most important figures in the junta peniche was out front but this was you know ruled by a military committee basically and not Marino was

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Our consultation closes on the 25th of November Have your say Online or in person So together we can create a more reliable sustainable electricity supply for your community. Find out more at airgrid. i.e. ford slash northwest. Employers, did you know, you can now reward you and your staff with up to 1500 euro and gift cards annually completely tax-free and even better. You can spread it over five different occasions.

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They were both like exemplars of the Chilean military culture after 1920 or so. And they also were absolutely the most significant personages in the emergency government. Both of them, Pinochet went to said to a journalist. He said he was like St. Peter, like literally. You know, he said, God's elected us, you know, us being the Chilean army to fulfill missions and prepare the path. you know, and we're just preparing the path, you know, for, for salvation, you know, of all, of all, uh, of the entire church, you know, we're, we're literally like Christian warriors, you know, um, and Pinchot believe that, 110 percent. You know, he wasn't just, he wasn't just saying that to kind of, you know,

shore up, uh, his, is, is, his, is, his, is, his, his, is, his, his, is, his, is, is, is, is, the way he'd go about it. I mean, even then when there was, you know, kind of a Catholic moment going to the only certain things related to the Cold War and the situation in Northern Ireland and other stuff. But

in any event, um, after World War II, obviously people, you know, think about, um, they, you know, they,

they conceptualize, uh, these, these Latin American states, you know, taking up with a America, for out of strategic convenience, as well as going to the kind of pentagons, like, outsized influence, going to them on Roe Doctrine and other things, and just kind of like historical variables. You know, plus the fact that direct capital subsidies were always coveted, you know, by these countries, you know, even though these states weren't ruined by World War II, they were like untouched, you know,

there was they still um there was still short on development and perpetually short on capital um but there was something superficial about this on the side of uh these states who were coveting american patronage um like u.s military influence never really took in Latin America you know none of these countries like Argentina, Paraguay, Chile Panama, Honduras, El Salvador, all these states where, you know, that America, all these states of basically America set up things like the school of the Americas to cultivate military independence with, like, U.S. military influence never overwhelmed the kind of local traditions and professional soldiers there. You know, there was a massive streak of anti-communism, like,

throughout, you know, the professional military cast in Chile, in Chile especially, but throughout Latin America and this long preceded, you know, what we're talking about, like the efforts of, you know, the successive American regimes to kind of, you know, cultivate this ongoing alliance structure with, with Latin American, you know, like military type regimes. It, uh, and the, um, you know, the, and even, uh, even in terms like professional development and things, like all modern armies need to be habituated to technology and like comfortable with really you know relatively high tech um you know weapons platforms and uh that very much like like a very like in chili as well and elsewhere um very much uh like a a technically competent class within the army developed But beyond that, the kind of like managerial and leadership style and like institutional culture of America like didn't really take there. You know, like no, no, why is that? It's interestingly in Chile, there's a hugely disproportionate number of officers who came from immigrant backgrounds.

Now, against in Chile, those immigrants were German. They were English. They were Italian. They were French. They were Syrian. They were Croatian. that's why when you look at like a roster of a of a Chilean officer corps

like first of all it's a bunch of like white and kind of like Arab or like you know Italian looking guys and they've got like European surname you know so you've quite literally got this kind of European and Europe in Europe adjacent officer corps in a country that's you know frankly majority mixed race

you know so it's you're talking about like literally like a culture within it within a broader culture you know not just of an institutional sort but of you know an actual you know like like like ethnic type you know ethnic sort rather like categorically um like uh there were two german speaking lutherans on uh on uh in the hoonta it was uh fernando matai uh the air force commander and rudolfo strange who was the chief of national police i mean there you go and uh a lot of these immigrant families, if they weren't moneyed, you know, like they, they encourage their sons to become military officers, because that was really the way you, that was the only way you could get clout if you weren't part of the national majority.

You know, the, now, of course, the Marxist of you, which is faded somewhat, obviously since the Cold War, but it's kind of like this, it's kind of like this cockroach that won't die. it just like emerges again and again. And it doesn't help that like Howard is in kind of has like new life now in U.S. academia. But most scholars, even most military sociologists, they're tainted some of this idea that like, you know, look like South American soldiers, like, you know, from the officer corps on down, you know,

to the level of NCOs. They just represented the, they were basically like mercenaries who like represented the interest of global capitalism, like backed up by the Pentagon. on, you know, and they, and they were like basically like the security force of technocrats and, and, you know, in factory owners, you know, and, you know, they're raised on debt with destroyed left wing politics, you know, and empower these technocrats who can facilitate, you know, the assimilation of these countries, like, into the globalist structure. Like, that doesn't

really make any sense. Okay. And like it doesn't, it indicates a real lack of understanding of kind of human motivations and what attracts people to. you know kind of institutional trappings of like heritage and ritual and stuff like nobody a bunch of a a bunch of salvadorian national police types and a bunch of Chilean officers weren't just like pretending to be Catholic because they're like they were worried about their public image you know and they weren't they weren't goostipping around the parade deck because they thought that that would make people they thought that they thought that like like help their image okay I mean like it's it's not um you know plus the kind of stuff that you know that you know that's the kind of stuff that you know

we'll see, you know, guys like Pinochet, you know, this was not a situation like Zolensky where, you know, some sort of crisis, I mean, you couldn't really have a Zolensky situation in the Cold War, but my point is not, it's not like, it's not like, it's not like Pinnishay was just like pocketing a bunch of money and him and his generals were all getting rich and picking up teenage mistresses and like ripping around in Mercedes and in the streets of, you know, um, Santiago or whatever. You know, it, um, these guys lived almost on a nastic life, you know, like they, they, they didn't, they didn't live in poverty, but they, you know, they didn't, they didn't have means. You know, like, even, um, uh, like, Penachet prior to, prior to the junta, and even, he, he, he basically, like, lived like a pauper and didn't really own anything, you know, so I mean, this idea that, um, this idea that, you know, oh, well, all these, all these, all these kinds of weird. I mean, not weird in a punitive way, but all these are unusual.

Let me, let's, let's, let's employ that descriptor. This kind of like unusual features of Latin American military life that somehow these were just like super structural trappings, you know, that kind of like hid what amount to do a literally mercenary ethos. Like, that's, that's just like nonsense. Now, what was, we, you know, we got into the fact that America didn't really put a lasting stamp on the

Latin American military culture generally and specifically Chilean military life. But what did? Well, after the War of the Pacific, which we talked about a minute ago, which ended in 1884, the president

Domingo Santo Maria, he realized that the army needed to modernize and reorganize it the model of a European army. They basically outfought Peru and Bolivia, you know, but it, they, you know, the world was changing and he, and the army was still low tech, like basically, which carried the day was, again, like a very game officer corps, you know, and an encodeary of NCOs, they're very kind of mission oriented tactics.

And frankly, you know, just a lot of, a lot of men who are very tough and very hungry for prestige. and to serve the fatherland. Airgrid, operator of Ireland's electricity grid, is powering up the Northwest. We're planning to upgrade the electricity grid in your area, and your input and local knowledge are vital in shaping these plans.

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And even better. You can spread it over five different occasions. Now's the perfect time to try Options Card. Options Card is Ireland's brand-new multi-choice employee gift card packed with unique features that your staff will love. It's simple to buy, easy to manage, and best of all, there are no extra fees or hidden. catches. Visit options card.orgia today. But what the Chileans decided on, they fixed their sites on Germany, who they viewed as, you know, kind of like the zenith of a military prowess.

You know, and then that's kind of when German clout was added, was added zenith, I would say. okay um the uh the chilean regime it was it was already familiar with germans as a people like in the south of the country um basically the german colonization down there like it had led to tremendous capital development you know and um the uh there's basically a sense of like well what can't these people do you know like it uh we we want to cultivate interdependence with the germans anyway because you know, they're like we, basically like we need these people, you know, it's like a shot in the arm of our, of the entire paradigm of national development, you know. The embassy in Berlin, the Chilean embassy in Berlin, was in the charge of a guy named

Guillermo Mata. He contacted the German military directly. He apparently had some kind of good rapport with Marshall von Malt, you know, who was like a heavy, heavy personage. And he was ultimately put in touch for the man named Emil Corner, who was an artillery captain, a Prussian, and he was stationed at the artillery and engineering school of Charlottlenburg. So basically, he had a background, minus the calorie experience, like blackjack person. This is like exactly the kind of man you want, you know, if you're looking for like a single man, you know, of a mid-level officer rank to bring your forces up to par, you know.

They really kind of struck gold of them. The guy was also like a big war hero, you know. He signed on for a five-year work agreement with Chile. and he basically the Chileans told him like you know basically they turned our force into the Prussian army okay and after becoming a Chilean officer himself uh coroner served the army's inspector general for a decade from until 1910 okay so the army that the army that Penachet joined Pinnishy joined in 1933 okay that's an auspicious year right um and uh basically this army had just been like restructured into kind of like the prussian army of latin america okay it was a total leader in institution then uh then that um that that was you know

people entered you know like a generation earlier you know that like peniche's father like you know would have would have encountered um Beniche was born he was born in November 19th, November 25th, 1915 He was the descendant of Breton immigrants and Basques His Basque heritage was maternal The family had been in Chile since the 17th century The Breton immigrants were recent

But that's a very interesting pedigree at least I think so um Penne She always wanted to be a soldier uh his great uncle was a veteran of the war in the Pacific um his uh you know his godfather told him about you know serving in the French army in World War one

um eventually his father kind of like relented even though he wanted him to study medicine you know and pursue a more kind of traditional path the clout because like Penne She's family was well off you know they weren't they weren't people who needed you know um a military officer's son to enjoy upward mobility um and uh what was common uh what was common among this coterie of officer is including um

you know historians who taken the oral histories of these guys who came of age when penisesh did and there's actually a fair amount of like decent conflict literature on this Um, you know, I'm not a not necessarily friendly variant, but it's pretty value neutral. But these guys, it wasn't just Pinnish it. He wasn't just kind of like romantic dreamer outlier. Like the officers of that generation, pretty much to a man, they talked about pious Catholicism and a childhood fascination with like military heroes. You know, and like the discipline of, you know, these, you know, these, you know, these officers who were, you know, who in like Prussian uniforms, you know. What, like, flawless, like, parade drill and things like that. You know, like, this is basically, like, any, like, any kid of, like, European stock,

like, European or Arab or, like, you know, adjacent stock in Chile. Like, this is what he wanted to be. You know, like, they can't really be overstated. Like, Roberto Kelly, who is Pinnichese economics minister, you know, and again, you know, a guy of European pedigree, his grandfather was a was a navy man in the weather the Pacific like he said um like in his biography it never

his autobiography had never recorded it never occurred to be to be anything else than a sailor without a doubt the Navy is a vocation like the priesthood not everybody is called to be tied to the post like that's the way these guys looked at it again you know like we're the we're the vanguard of the fatherland and we're you know and we're and we're you know we're we're the church militant you know that's

That's a remarkably powerful combination of cultural, identitarian variables, you know. And there was a, the army, in there, a, even, even when a military draft was implemented, pursuant to the, you know, 20th century reforms, like the way, like, army literature, like, they're like recruiting literature at the time. and kind of like they're they're sort of, you know, after these like kind of like after action.

What amounts are kind of like these kind of like romantic novels of like the daring do of officers in the world of Pacific, but it's kind of like dressed up as like after action reports. Like it was like all like the theme that is like on the nose like through all this stuff is, you know, the, you know, being a soldier is, it's different than any other vocation

because soldiers give their lives to the fatherland. You know, like a, like a, like a monk gives us life to the church, you know, and it's, it's not, um, that, that's unique, it's uniquely Catholic. It's like, unique, it's both uniquely Prussian and uniquely Catholic, which is, you know, a collision of, uh, of opposing tendencies, but, you know, that's, uh, that there's a syncretism there that's really interesting. But, um, the, uh, there, it also something, and this was, again, like another Prussian tendency that was brought to bear, there's a really strong devotion to continual study of warfare.

Penachet said that he first started reading when he got to the military. His first reading assignment was the rebellion of the masses or the revolt of the masses by Jose Ortega E. Gassett, and a lot of friends of ours will be familiar with it. And the Gallic War was by Caesar. After that, he became this bibliophile. Penneche when he died. I went approximately 55,000 books, like many of which were rare and one of a kind.

So he was another, like, man of books. That makes me feel a bit better about my own book hoarding. Frankly. Now, here's what we're getting into kind of like the nitty-gritty of what created this, you know, kind of irreparable divide between, you know, civil society and the Chilean army. You know, it wasn't just the kind of factors we talked about a moment ago of an

identitarian sort, but very, very few military personnel actually voted in elections in Chile, even though they were technically allowed to. It wasn't illegal. But it was considered unseemly. You know, soldiers aren't supposed to be political. And, you know, not just because they're supposed to serve, you know, the fatherland first and foremost and not discreet, you know, political factions or, or interest. they're in but it's also like it's it's it's viewed they viewed it as like beneath them you know um particularly we consider the kind of elitist and and um you know uh monastic sort of i kind like self concept these men had and also the uh when the um when the draft was uh when the when the conscript

when the conscription regime was implemented you know uh the like the new conscripts i couldn't vote You know, because they weren't, they weren't 21. What's interesting, I saw an interview with Michael Flynn. I think Patrick Med David was interviewing him. And Michael Flynn said the same thing. He said, when I was in, I never voted. Yeah, yeah. No, and it's really dysfunctional.

I mean, the U.S. military is like as awful as the rest of the fucking regime. But it's, it's really, really, really dysfunctional. It's on its own face for you to have, you know, like, what you're talking to the officer, core of the enlisted ranks? to be like committed to some, you know, to some like electoral position. Yeah, you know, it's some people can tell me it. I don't know what I'm talking about, you know, because you don't have per service. Fuck you for Beijing.

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I'm not going to argue the point because it's obvious. But considering the size of Chili's electorate, and the number of commission and non-commissioned officers and the forearm services taken together. This is both politically and statistically significant. Like military votes, like, if, if an enlisted man and officers had voted in appreciable numbers, it may not have decided any, any, any, you know, any presidential contest, one way the other, but relatively, but relatively small. pluralities decided national elections regularly in Chile and particularly in 1958 and 1970 where something like 39,000 votes you know like like like we're what

put the winning candidate over you know it's um the and also too like it was it was it was it was against the law it was literally it was literally a crime for you know that would have been to court martial to protest. You know, and that was a pretty, that was a pretty widely, that's pretty loosely interpreted, okay, I mean, anybody, you know, a man going to be brought up on charges and availed to courts martial, you know, not just for joining, you know, some, not just like throwing bricks in the street at, you know, at, at, at, at, at, at capitalists or whatever, but just if you associated with, with parties that were considered to be, you know, have an, have a platform that

tended towards, you know, if I discredit the political process, you know, based on ideological commitments or, you know, associating with parties who's, you know, dues paying members, you know, had said things that impugned the honor of the fatherland. Like, it is just not something they would have fucked with, okay? Like, even, even where they inclined and they weren't. Um, and, uh, Pennish A, too, I mean, starting his service, you know, quite literally in 1930, there was even greater kind of technical aptitude demanded by new officers, especially in the Navy in the Air Force, but I mean also in the Army, particularly as regards command and control, you know, the, so as these officers became more worldly because they had to be, like they'd send them,

they'd be sent to, you know, they'd be sent to Africa, Asia, Europe, other places in Latin America, a liaison capacity and to like learn from other militaries. And like as these guys developed, you know, linguistic aptitude for foreign languages, as they literally saw the rest of the world, you know, if they talked, you know,

they talked to, you know, they talk to, you know, French officers, they talk to guys, you know, like serving in, in, you know, in Mexico,

close to the American border or whatever. Like, they developed a worldly perspective. And they came to understand, you know, as time went on, they, you know, they came to, they came to understand the Cold War, you know, and they developed an idea of, like, where Chile featured into that, you know, by the Penachet era. Like, what I'm getting is that these weren't just like a bunch of provincial rubs or something,

like we're trying to turn back the clock or whatever. And they weren't just, you know, mercenaries for hire in the service of, you know, basically acting like, like, you know, like, like Pinkertons on steroids to, you know, beat down recalcitrant, like labor types. They developed an understanding of like Veltpolitik and were Latin America featured into that equation, you know. And this brings us to what was insidious about Allende, okay? Soutre Allende in the 1960s was a very busy boy, okay? His schedule took him to North Korea, North Vietnam, and East Germany. Allende believed that the DDR was his best bet in terms of identifying a patron, which is very interesting.

And the DDR, it wasn't just the spearpoint of Warsaw Pact, like the National Vokes Army. It wasn't just the spearpoint of Warsaw Pact. And not only was East Germany, kind of like the crown jewel of like the Stalinist satellite states, East Germany practiced the kind of world politic in a way. that the Cubans did, but like a little bit more sophisticated even. Like there was East Germans in Angola. There was East Germans in Yemen, which became South Yemen. There's East Germans in Ethiopia, Eritrea. There's East Germans on Grenada when, you know, the U.S. Army assaulted Grenada in 83. for a for what amounted to a rump state of 20 million people um at a regime that was constantly

dealing with an existential threat on its inner border like literally like these guys were remarkably active in uh in in waging the cold war and in like a direct action capacity you know to say nothing like the badder minehoff gang to say nothing of you know uh them bankrolling and training the popular front of liberation in Palestine. Like, it's remarkable. But Allende knew this, okay? In East Berlin, Alende met with the party secretary general and de facto, you know, head of state, Walter Ubrich. Who preceded Hanuker.

From 49 to 71, Ubrick was general secretary. And then he was on a ceremoniously sideline in favor of Hanuker from 1970. one until the end. But he ubrick put him in direct contact with Herman Axon, who was the Central Committee Secretary for International Relations. He quoted to the foreign minister. Okay, Axon's assignment for the duration of his tenure, particularly in the 60s and 70s, he was to function as a liaison with communist parties throughout the world.

You know, and basically to... There's a stuff that smacks of, you know, like the old days, is the communist international, you know, which, uh, which Stalin, you know, put an end to by Dick Todd and, and turned it to common form. But it, um, but, but it goes to show you how, uh, how these, these things never really went away. You know, they developed a certain operational sophistication, um, and kind of institutionalization and kind of, and kind of a streamlined, um, operational, set of operational tendencies. but it, you know, they remained the same beast of prey,

but with different, slightly different stripes. It, as it were. But whether Elendi met with the Stasi directly and Eric Milk, it's not known, but I imagine he would have, okay? Eric Melke was a he was in direct content with Daniel Ortega With with uh with Gaddafi with um Minjitsu with uh you know all these um all these uh all these proxy um all these proxy elements that uh the wars up pact was was uh you know directly supporting um

And Stasi men, their role was not just as, you know, policemen and as espionage agents. They had a role that we considered a more kind of, the more suggestive of a special operations command. It's complicated. But the East Berlin basically treated accents recommendations like they came from on high, okay? he was that good. I think him is kind of like a good, I think him is kind of, it's kind of like a red crowd

version of George Kennan. Like legit, I mean, like all respect. A lot of these DDR functionaries were damn impressive. Definitely the best that the Warsaw Pact produced. Of course, what Alinda was doing didn't go unnoticed. CIA,

defense intelligence, CIA at that time, it was losing what remaining cloud it had had, but it was still primarily like the eyes and ears of American intelligence behind the East Blot, behind the

Berlin Wall. You know, so CIA, they took notice immediately when Alende was started popping up in East Berlin. Nixon Nixon said, said to Kissinger, he's like, look, you know, this,

Alende's not, he's not some, he's not some simple farmer or some starry-eyed, you know, just, you know, self-styled, you know, agrarian revolutionary. Like, this guy's serious, you know, and he's, he's not what, you know, American liberals are presenting him as, and he's not benign, you know. And Kisinger obviously agreed. I mean, I, you know, it, uh, the, uh, the The Chilean Communist Party was

it was by far the largest and best organized in South America Okay, and that's one of the things That's one of the things that made it Appealing to the DDR. And also we were talking about the Germans and the wonderful things they did for Chile Well, some of those Germans were unfortunately Communists and they

You know, were building up Political architecture on the other side, you know, And this was this was very much a problem. I mean, from a geopolitical view, I mean, think about that, like the cone of Latin America just becoming communist, you know, or all of Latin America

falling, and maybe Brazil remaining kind of in this like garrison siege capacity. I mean, that changes everything, you know, and like I've always like I'm always saying, it didn't matter that these Marxist-Lenance regimes are totally dysfunctional and created economies of shortage. There's all kinds of

governments that don't really work right, that shamboline perpetuity. It was very possible. It was not at all the stuff of kind of like fever, dream, nightmare fantasies. To imagine a world where post-de-taunt, like the entire

developing world, or colored world goes red, like kind of the remaining like American friendly regimes outside of Northern Europe and Japan, you know, just like eventually just kind of like succumb and fall. And America becomes kind of just like to say

garrison state like surrounded by like a hostile communist world. Like that very easily could have come about. Okay. And that that would be a very dangerous planet. You know, we can argue at some or we can discuss at some point whether that's preferable or not to the current situation, but it, um, that's Monday morning quarterbacking. Um,

in the epoch of, you know, say, 1973, you know, 74, 75, um, this was absolutely a very real possibility, okay. Um, now the minute, uh, the minute, um, the moment of the moment of Lende was elected President Chile, the East German regime, like, through Stasi support behind him. Okay? Within a couple of weeks, a dozen, like, covert operations and guerrilla warfare specialists who were from the Stasi. They were dispatched to San Diego under diplomatic cover. They were joined by other East Block special operations capable elements, including from Czechoslovakia. and the Soviet Union itself in all probability.

They set up a camp near Valparaiso, the Soviets furnished weapons, prefabricated huts. They literally just set up this kind of like guerrilla warfare school. Like bam. It's like if you buy like a McDonald's franchise, it's like you buy like a revolutionary communist franchise from Ivan, and they show up and it's just like bam. You know, here's like your franchise literature.

Here's a bite of Klashnikovs. Here's some like snazzy freaking, you know, uniforms and, you know, here's some, you know, like, here's some like enameled, like, red star pins for your freaking cap, and, like, you're good to go. You know, like, go, go, go, go, go, go, go, go, go, go, go, go, go, go, go, go, go, go, go, go, go, go, go, go,

but the, um, uh, and milk actually wrote, he, he, he, he sent out these what amounts to enter off his memos to every directorate of the Stasi periodically. And on December 18th, um, 1972, um, he said,

uh, you know, the Czechos or the DDR will welcome with enthusiasm and happiness, the great victory of the international celebrity movement for obtaining the freedom of the Secretary General of the Communist Party or friend and comrade Louis Corvallon. Like Corvallon was some guy who'd been like in prison in Chile. I can't remember exactly what the, and Milk would call, he called Ministry for State Security

Officers like, Chequess, you know, they were, because it was a callback to his days as a, as an NKVD hitter, you know, during, during, during the war in Spain and later the, later, the Second World War. But my point is, like, he was attuned, like, Chile was very much, like, a key, like, theater in his mind. Okay. That's why he was um that's why he was uh like braying about you know, these, these, uh, these kind of like like like little chess moves in Chile like in lieu of other theaters. Um, the, uh, air grid, operator of Ireland's electricity grid is powering up the northwest. We're planning to upgrade the electricity grid in your area and your input and local knowledge are vital in shaping these plans.

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It wasn't, Elende wasn't in the driver's seat long enough for Santiago to become, you know, like a giant version of East Berlin. But like I think I mentioned to you, I can't remember if we were on air or not. But like Ali North mentioned that when he was, when he was, when he trained. traveled to Nicaragua in 1984, like when he himself was under diplomatic cover, like he relayed back by like Telex that, you know, like, Managua now is, it like, it's like a scale model of checkpoint Charlie on the inter-German border, you know, and it, um, now what, um, what happened during Pinnishay's, um, rain, or like the junta's reign.

Chile deteriorated into something comparable to the years of lead in Italy. Okay. There's leftist urban guerrilla terror groups. They began a campaign of bombings, assassinations. You know, exactly the kind of bread and butter stuff that the Stasi taught people to do. You know, there was a, there's bombs exploding in Santiago and Vina Del Mar, in all the major, you know, know, kind of commercial hubs and larger towns of Chile, you know, they were, they were, they were they were they were targeting supermarkets, buses, government offices, you know,

like shopping centers, you know, just like indiscriminately like blowing people to hell, you know, um, this really ramped up in earnest by the 80s, um, which is interesting in between 1983 and 1986, there's more than a thousand bombings attributed to the clandestine, communist front. and this grouping that called itself the revolutionary movement, which was probably an umbrella of, it was probably like numerous non-state actors, like under this kind of like rubric, you know. But be as it may, like they,

a total of 21 national police and military casualties were attributed to them. In just four years, between 1984, 1988, East Germany contributed $6,795,15 to the Chilean Communist Party. That's a huge sum for 40 years ago. And this is East Germany doing it. So they're basically just like they're throwing everything in their cash reserves, basically, that they've availed for, you know, foreign operations of a military.

They're just like throwing this into the at their proxies in Chile. You know what I mean? This was a this is a this is a highly valued battle theater. Okay, um, the, uh, the most serious incident, I guess of a, in terms of potential harm and in the most kind of spectacular, not not not like literally spectacular in terms of the spectacle that it created, not spectacular. Like, it's more. Like, it's more. Wonderful. September 7, 1986. Gorillas ambushed Pinochet's motorcade near Santiago. Pendercet survived. He didn't take any lead. But five members of his escort were killed. Ten people were wounded. It was basically like a kamikaze kind of attack. Twelve gunmen from calling themselves the Manuel Rodriguez Revolutionary Front. like simply assaulted with

automatic weapons and grenades there was never a trial the government never announced any arrest presumably these men those that were not killed at the scene were hunted down and and done away with

eventually there were some including including um Clitomiro Amieta, you know, who broke up with the comedies completely, owing to what he claimed was discussed with, you know, the repressive nature of the East German government, which he stated, and I'm sure he, I think he probably believed this. You know, he's like, I came to realize that if, if, you know, what was then my side won, you know, we'd end up no better than the East Germans and what, what? have you and um he broke with communism and he managed to convince everybody including

peniche's people that he uh that this was um like a genuine conversion and he went on he went on to in post peninsche chile to be a like a heavy personage but and he actually uh his um he was posted as uh as an ambassador of moscow i got i don't know if it was like like hoon to humor or what but the um it uh you know the i mean the list goes on and on of uh of these um you know communist attacks uh even after pennishy stepped down you know these these kinds of attacks continued um there's one um i mean not in the same kind of earnest but uh some of these revolutionary types they there's like this crate in in 1996 december 1996 um they escaped uh they escaped uh they skate from the yard of this of this political prison they were held in like with the help of these

these original IRA operatives like just like a helicopter like pulled them off the yard just like you know stuff like you'd see in some fucking like john wick or jason born movie or something but the you know the and um you know not not for nothing either like uh or maybe maybe people maybe people don't know this um like honaker uh eric er eric He was buried. He was buried in Chile, like, after he died, and they laid the DDR flag on his coffin and everything. You know, like, this was, like, this idea that, you know, the Alendaya regime, they were just these, like, kind of like, social Democrats, you know, who, you know, just, kind of like, give an alternative system a chance. And these fascists, you know, just, just, just destroyed that potentiality. You know, I mean, it was, it was real war. Okay. I mean, there's no choice about it. And if people want to, I'm sure, very, very. nasty things happened um to people who were suspected of being communist or communist sympathizers but i

mean i what do people want like war is a terrible thing you know and you can't you can't only tell one side of these stories you know i mean i don't know the stasi was doing pretty nasty things to people at the same time and uh the stasi were agents of a foreign government who were trying to you know determine the political fate of uh of a sovereign country so that's that's that's about all I got for today. We can deep dive more into, I mean, there's a lot of here, and frankly. I mean, we can deep dive more into like the personage of Pinochet, if you want, when I get back from my trip, but that, you know, I kind of want to give an overview with a situation as it was, you know, politically and strategically and culturally and everything else. I hope I've accomplished

that. Well, one of the things that people bring up now because of a Netflix, uh, many series called a sinister sect. There was a German colony called Colonia Dignidad that is accused of doing all sorts of like acts of torture. People now say Pinotche knows that there were active child molesters operating in the country and he would protect them. I mean, I hear people I know saying these kind of things. And when you start deep diving into, to it. It's like, I mean, the guy was at war the whole time he was in office and, you know, to say that he was aware of all these things and, you know, he just allowed him to happen. But it's like, why would that even, it's like every, the story always changed. I remember,

I remember when I was in college and this guy was going around and he wrote a couple of books. He was some journal. He was claiming that at the soccer stadium, Panishay's loyalists, they'd sit around watching people be beheaded and cheer it and they'd tie women down and train dogs to rape them and they'd watch it for entertainment in this soccer stadium. I mean, that's like gross for all kinds of reasons, but that's so like fucking weird. This is like not shit that happens. You know, and it's like why. And plus it's like who who like, what's the source for this? Like guys who were watching this like came back and told you like what?

Like I. It's always like something. sexually perverted and just like really really really gross and just like outlandish like it's you know the like for some reason pinnish has kind of become this like fixation of theirs you know like air grid operator of ireland's electricity grid is powering up the northwest we're planning to upgrade the electricity grid in your area and your input and local knowledge are vital in shaping these plans Our consultation closes on the 25th of November. Have your say, online or in person.

So together we can create a more reliable, sustainable electricity supply for your community. Find out more at airgrid.i.4.North-Northwest. Inflation pushes up building costs, so it's important to review your home insurance cover to make sure you have the right cover for your needs. Under-insurance happens, where there's a difference between the value of your cost, cover and the cost of repairing damage or replacing contents.

It's a risk you can avoid. Review your home insurance policy regularly. For more, visit understandinginsurance.i. forward slash underinsurance, brought to you by Insurance Ireland. It's really weird. You know, it's like, why, why not, why not Salazar? Like, why not Strassner? Like, why not Peron?

Like, why punish it? you know, Panishay was kind of like what you see is what you get. You know, like he was a, you know, he was very much like, I mean, he was very much a, like we talked about. He was very much like a military officer with the kind of the Prussian mold who was also like a very, very, very like pious kind of warrior Catholic. I mean, there's not, I mean, there's not, there's not really a lot there. But I mean, you know, not not, not in terms of. you know, these these kinds of like deep, dark and dirty secrets. And plus it's also too, like the kind of, there's a banality of the kind of horrible stuff that goes on at war. It's not like exotic, weird stuff. Like, there's this like neo-Nazi colony of child molesters who are like experimenting with people's DNA and like a soccer stadium or guys like practice bestiality. Like it's not that's that's something from like the warped mind to somebody who like watches too much hentai or something. You know, like I, it really is.

You know, it's like, but it's like for years, you know, people tell me in dead earnest, like, that Nazis, they'd, like, take people's skin off. And if they had tattoos, they'd make into lampshades and, like, show their friends. So it's like, why would anybody do that? So you're basically saying that, like, the Germans are like a bunch of Jeffrey Dahmer's. Like, why, why would they even occur to anybody? You know, like, beyond the fact that it's like, okay, like, where you go? getting this information and like who's like telling this to people like oh hey and what i did today like i i like i hung out with these child molesting germans and then like one of the stadium

where like this chip got like raped by dogs it was awesome i mean like like where where's this coming from like who's just closing these things but yeah yeah well um hit up some plugs and we'll live on this for sure uh you can find me at real thomas 7777 that substack that You can find me on Twitter X, Real, capital REL underscore number seven, HMAS 7777. I'm going to Utah on Tuesday and I'm recording dedicated content for Thomas TV, which is my YouTube channel. It's number seven HMAS space TV. And I think people will appreciate what I'm going to be dropping there. By the end of the month, season two with a Bindfeasor podcast is going to drop.

And at which point, all season one content is going to be free. So you'll be able to access everything from season one and all special edition content for free. And subscription of season two is only $5 a month. And that's as low as I can go and still remain and still not eat a loss. So unless you're a hobo, you can afford that. And I'll make it worth your while. Like I'm constantly like uploading free stuff too. That is a that is what I got.

Well, I appreciate it. And I'm sure I echo everyone else when I say this, safe travels. Yeah, thank you, Pete. I will see everybody in a few days. Thank you. I want to welcome everyone back to the Peking. You know, show. Thomas returns.

How are you doing, Thomas? I'm doing well. Thank you. All right. this is long awaited. Last time we did a stream together, people asked, you know, we're asking about books and things like that.

So my idea was, I told you before, right before we started recording, was like books that every partisan should read and should be familiar with. So jump right in whenever you're ready. Yeah, I always include the caveat.

And I think people, I guess I come off as like annoyed or people perceive, it that way because people are constantly asking me like I'll I'll I'll I'll drop like a postulate about something you know like on the Spanish Civil War or about you know the Third Reich or about the world between the States and they'll be like what's a book recommendation on that but what they mean is you know like where can I find some sort of concise Cliffsnotes version of you know like the revisionist perspective of World War II or

something like that doesn't exist You know, some constantly having to admonish people, like, look, like, not everything is in a book. There's not, there's not, like, the big book of World War II and why white court narratives are wrong. Or there's not, you know, why the war between the states, like, wasn't about, like, people being mean to black people. You know, like, it's, there's not, you're not going to find that. However, there are, there are seminal texts that you kind of have to have more than a rudimentary familiarity. with to be considered an educated person. And what books are used for is, you know, books are a tool.

I mean, not only for, you know, not only their record of, you know, raw data and, you know, like literally historical record. But it's also, I mean, you use them as conceptual tools to, you know, to help identify variables and phenomenon, you know, that, that shape, you know, a conceptual horizon of an epoch, you know, for example, or that identify, you know, variables that, you know, constitute as a causal nexus, you know, the reasons for, you know, historical events, you know, be them like seminal or, like, rather prosaic. So, you know, I, uh, I want to include a caveat here, too. Like, I'm not dropping a list of, this isn't some, like, top 10 list where, you know, like the answers to all of your questions about

what's wrong with the way historical questions are presented or, like, found within these pages. That's not how it works, you know. But at the same time, again, I think for anyone to have any kind of meaning, for anyone to be able to call themselves educated on political or historical affairs, like on the theoretical side, you know, they'd have to be acquainted with these things. I mean, first and foremost, you've got to read Aristotle's politics, not just all political philosophy in the Western world derives from Aristotle. That's an arguable. Okay. The relationship between Plato and Aristotle and the kind of tension they're in and to what

degree, like Aristotle is a repudiation of Plato. That's another question, and that deals mostly with metaphysics and things, okay? And yet you can't extricate metaphysics from politics in some sort of discreet way. But the point is, like, that's not, that's not what I'm up on for purposes of, purposes of why I'm, of what I'm suggesting here. Like, what I'm suggesting is that, you know, if you're talking about, if you're talking about the Western tradition of political philosophy, you're, you're beginning with Aristotle. Okay. And even those who aimed to break with Aristotle to greater or lesser degree, like they were in dialogue with them and relying on the pre-Socratics and things, okay?

So the politics and Nicaramaki and ethics have got to be on your list. And in order to put those things in context, there are secondary sources. You know, Leo Strauss and a guy named Joseph Cropsey, There's this book called The History of Political Philosophy, which is an outstanding book, and it's not, it's not full of, like, Straussian bullshit or anything like that. It's like, really much like a hard and fast, sort of condensed version. I mean, it's a hugely voluminous book, but it's got a section, um, basically, uh, it begins like Xeno, Zeno and Heraclitus, and it ends with, um, you know, Heidegger and, uh,

And I think, I can't remember who the final entry is, but it ends in the mid-20th century. But that, that I consider it is like a great, like, secondary resource. And, you know, the, if you want, if you want, but Aristotle, I think any, any translation that's worth anything is, is got, you know, it's got a complete annotation such that, you know, you should be able to, you know, kind of get by with, um, without, you know, having to move mountains to, you know, put things in context, but with secondary sources.

If you're modern political theory, um, is the progeny of Hobbs. You've got to read Leviathan. Okay. Um, I think a Leviathan, Leviathan is a political philosophy, kind of like Moby Dick, it's a literature. It's like this daunting, voluminous, incredibly wordy

Tomey, okay? But it's, there's nothing in it that's wasted, or there's nothing in it, there's nothing in it that's, that's superfluous. There's, Hobbs is a, haves is fascinating because on the one hand, you know, like, I think of, I think of, I think of, um,

Carl Schmitt's relationship to Hobbes has been kind of like Merce's relationship to Hegel. Airgrid, operator of Ireland's electricity grid, is powering up the northwest. We're planning to upgrade the electricity grid in your area, and your input and local knowledge are vital in shaping these plans. Our consultation closes on the 25th of November. Have your say, online or in-person. So together, we can create a more reliable, sustainable electricity supply for your community. Find out more at airgrid.I.E. 4.S. Northwest.

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For more, visit Understandinginsurance.I.E. forward slash under insurance brought to you by insurance Ireland you know Schmidt very much repudiated um Hobbes's ontology and kind of is uh you know kind of kind of what he posited about man and like anthropological terms but um hobbs's description of authority and man's relation to authority and uh the essentially theological characteristics therein were and are tremendously insightful. And the, uh, for better, even if were that not true, um,

you know, again, every, everything subsequent, um, in, uh, you know, the Enlightenment tradition, if you accept that, sort of conceptual timeline. And, um, you know, even, um, things that were pure. the kind of modernist perspective and you know on on the political side of things I mean like derives from Hobbes as well So I'd say that I'd say that Leviathan should probably be number two I

Machiavelli is the prince if you take like at least traditionally if you went to a liberal arts college and you took like political theory That's one of the first books they'd assign you it's not that there's such great insight in it I think it I think it captures it's just sort of a snapshot of the European political mind

but it did represent the kind of it was the first book of its kind that was widely circulated among literate classes okay and obviously like my list is going to be like heavy on

political theory such that some people might object like you know owing to their own sort of conceptual prejudices um number four i'd say probably uh hagel um a study of history if um hagel is kind of like marks nobody i mean aside in the fact that there's there's a kind of There's a perverse, figurative and literal, like, association between the two thinkers, but Hagle is cited constantly, but almost nobody actually reads Hagle.

Reading Hagle, kind of like reading Aristotle, is, I think, a lifelong endeavor. You know, and you'll return to the same text again and again for clarity, and because, as one's own sort of, understanding comes into high relief, proverbially speaking, you know, you'll come to

understand more and more, you know, what is under discussion and what's a fundamental concern in a Gaelian thought. But if you're any kind of, if you're any kind of political theorist, you know hegel is a kind of like your meta you're starting point for like metaphysics as metaphysics is is such that it it dovetails and extricably with the political you know and um there's more than a kind of narrow overlap there um my uh i uh i don't know how you i'd say i'd say for five or six you should read the federalist papers not because there's like incredible wisdom there. Like, there's really not. And other than Hamilton and Jay, like, I don't get a lot out of the Federalist papers in substantive terms.

But if you want to understand, you kind of like the confused, like, pastiche of what supposedly, you know, was the underlying rationale for the American Revolution, which really wasn't a revolution in any meaningful sense. You know, it's,

I, it got branded as such. One of these kinds of romantic instincts of people like Jefferson who had kind of an absurd and distasteful

reverence for Jacobinism but if you want to understand even to this day although it's like faded because you know there's not there's not any like substantive discourse in America about anything of a real importance

but you do still see at least in the federal courts occasionally you do still see like reasoning directly lifted from the federalist papers you know the degree to which it's you know the degree to which that's cosmetic versus substantive i mean is arguable but i think um at least a once over um And even this goes for people who are like, you know, in Europe as well, too. Because obviously this, this, the occupation regime that they're unfortunately availed to is, uh, it is, is the American regime. You know, I'd say that, and you can find, um, I mean, you could probably download like a PDF for the federal's papers, like in, and after like a two-minute, freaking Google search. You know, um, I'd, um, getting into the more esoteric, um, um, getting into the more esoteric, um,

I'd say Mercia Eliotti, the sacred and the profane, I think is a very important book. It's, I really get a lot of the stuff like René Guillaume, too, but I wouldn't say that that's essential reading for most people, unless they're deeply intrigued by comparative theology as well as, you know, what I think of as kind of deep politics, you know, the kind of the kind of conjunction of anthropological and cultural phenomenon with the political. But the sacred and the profane, it very much bears on the 20th century. And I think it's a splendid rebuttal to this kind of preference for secularism that you find among the postmodern right. At least that's one of the reasons I initially gravitated towards Marcia Eliotty. He's written a bunch of other, he wrote a bunch of other stuff too. Like he wrote a book called shamanism.

That was great. you wrote a book called The Myth of Eternal Recurrence, which is great, but not, but again, those kinds of things are really obliquely related to the topic at hand. Carl Schmitz, Nomos of the Earth is essential reading. If you want to understand the world system, post-Westphalia, the book I'm writing now about international jurisprudence since World War II I consider it

I intended to be a compliment piece or a successor to no most of the earth it's an arguable that the world system is fundamentally grounded in juristic reasoning and that's why the seat of sovereignty vests in the judiciary now and not not in any not not in the executive branch of government

and it's that way like on a planetary scale okay i mean there's the every every government on this planet is structured basically the same you know like that's one of the reasons as we talked about it's ridiculous people talk about democracy versus not democracy as if this is still the cold war um and yeah obviously there's systems where you know the executive branch wields more power than actually or symbolically but the rationale

of government activity in war and peace terms is inextricably it derives from juristic reasoning and that's inescapable

and for no other reason that's why one should read Numbus of the earth it's voluminous It's about five or six hundred pages, but it's a dense read, but it's actually highly readable. And it's better than any, it puts post-war political order in context, better than any other kind of single volume. A lot of people, what pops up again and again, like the Karlschmidt text that pops up on most people's list is the concept of the political. and there's nothing wrong with that.

That's actually, I believe the concept of political was a lecture, like a two or three lecture series that was transcribed. And it's not, I mean, it's, yeah, it's important, okay, because that's like the political, that's the ontology that underlies, like the Schmidian perspective. But it's not, it's a very incomplete understanding, if you're just going to read like one one Carl Schmidt text. And like I said, I think, as plus the earth was his, is like post-war,

kind of like magnum opus, you know, it puts, it puts the experience of the first half of the 20th century in perspective. And as a follow-up to that, or as a compliment to that, I'd suggest anybody who consider themselves right-wing. Read Imperium by Francis Yaqui. I don't consider Imperium to be as esoteric as some people do. Maybe that's because of my background in terms of what I was kind of gravitated to instinctively

as regards to theoretical texts and things like that. but for those that aren't as familiar with sort of the source material that Yankees relying on, there's a book called Profit of Decline by a guy named John Ferrenkopf. He's an independent scholar who for a long time was based here in Chicago. This book, Profited Decline, is both like an intellectual biography of Oswald's. Spangler as well as he kind of um kind of a like an abridged explanation of of his whole body at work and core concepts um you know i it uh because frankly it's not on the cards i think for a lot of people to read uh the two volumes or three volumes of decline of the west in its original form

and then you know kind of kind of pour over that an imperium like some kind of scholastic and try and decipher you know the

context I'd I'd say George Sorrel is a essential reading I can't remember if We're on number six, number seven. Sorrell's reflections on violence, I think pretty much everything Sorrell wrote is worth reading,

but reflections on violence is highly significant to a, to a revolutionary paradigm. and as well as there's if there's some additions that have kind of a there's this essay on um Sorrell wrote a great essay on

why and why Socrates deserved to be executed and that's a peculiar significance to the radical right like it all

in all times. And it also, it distinguishes the partisan from the radical and, you know, there's, there's all kinds of, like, remarkable stuff there. Some people who I think probably

haven't actually read Sorrel, or they've read, read him, but don't fully understand the context. Like, they seem to, like, look at Sorrel with some, like, heterodox socialist, or, I mean, and he was that, too, but that's not really the key takeaway.

He's not just Werner Sombart, but with a but with a kind of um anthropological streak interspersed

therein. He's one of the he's one of the most I'd say I put him on a part with with Lenin in terms of his understanding of praxis

um in uh within a revolutionary paradigm um i'd uh this is probably going to strike some people as peculiar but um i'd uh i'd include men among the ruins by julius evela that's a remarkable book and um i think a lot of eva's other stuff it's certainly not a waste of time to read it but um it's totally different than men among the ruins and specifically the addition that was put out by

Inner Traditions Publishing House which is Michael Moynihan's outfit, or it was, um, because that that one contains a lot of stuff that was later redacted by, for whatever reason,

by like various publishers, but, among the ruins, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's lacking in,

evo is, uh, kind of like symbolic, his music is on symbolic psychology and metaphysics and things and all of that. Uh, it's very much,

diagnostic in character and it's about the best description of the European political situation in the later Cold War that have come across and it

it's very very accessible so long as somebody has a rudimentary understanding of the Great War in World War II it's a remarkable book the King James version of the Bible is essential reading, even if you're not a Protestant, even if you're not religious. It's arguably the most significant text written in the English language.

and um if you want to like the anglophone kind of inner world um conceptually it derives from uh it derives from Aristotle it derives from stuff like Arthurian legend and it derives from

the King James Bible which is kind of a which is kind of a conceptual reality into itself. I can't explain any better than that. And it's very different than every other translation. Which

people argue about the soundness of that theologically. It's not important. I mean, it is important, okay, but like for purposes I'm talking about. It it warrants a a secular reading

if you're a white westerner in an anglophone culture and finally because people constantly ask me for like some seminal revisionist third Reich book if you're only going to read one like revisionist

history book on the Third Reich John Tolan's biography of Edolf Hitler is essentially reading. Toland was the Hitler biographer. David Irving is like the scribe of the Third Reich, but of Hitler

himself, it's John Toland, okay? And his biography is just that. It's the life of Adolf Hitler. And Toland was the only a story, Hitler's family was willing to speak to. Like, it's fate kind of conspired

to assign toll into that role as is often the case with historical writers as I age I realize more and more that that's true and it's not some sort of self created mythology that

um you know um historical authors have kind of crafted about their their endeavors um off the top of my head

that's um that's about the best list that can come I can come up with. Well, let me ask. What about fiction? Frank Herbert's Dune is essential. And you've got to read Dune as a complete body of work. Because it's, I mean, science fiction is a medium for political theory at base, I mean, as well as other things.

that's one of the reasons I spend so much time with it, like reading it. And that's why, you know, a lot of very, a lot of very strong people, you know, because that's a very strong intellect of, like, taking it seriously. And Herbert's a perfect example of that. It's a great, it's an outstanding philosophical discussion of, you know, historical time. I'd say, is that that, that's a top, that's at the top, that's a, that's a, that's a top of my list like read the dune books and read them in order um the book uh dead city by shane stevens that's uh that's the best uh that's the best uh that's the best like gangster like

book ever written um like it's a it's a rough book it's very brutal but that's that's what the street was like in uh the early 70s um and Shane Stevens was a guy who you can tell from his you can tell him his writing that this was like stuff that he witnessed and these were like people that he knew you know like it's um it's um it's

like I mentioned a people that the best gangster movies of all time my opinion are Carlito's way and mean streets and um dead cities like in that vein you know like it's it's um it's uh it's kind of like the anti

Hollywood gangster novel It's somewhat hard to find these days. There's a lot of overpriced paperbacks, but I can probably I can probably find a PDF or a reasonably priced paperback if people hit me up because they can't find it. Weathering Heights definitely belongs on that list.

I mentioned before, like, people probably think that sounds like fruity or something. And I mean, whatever. Like, I don't care if people think that. That's the best literary treatment of the tragedy and character of romantic love in the English language. And there's something, it deals with like what properly is, like, supernatural. I don't mean like ghosts and ghosts. gobbins and stuff. I mean, the, you know, um, there is a, there, there is, um, there, there is something mysterious about eros. Um, and, um, I think it's the best, uh, I think it's the best,

best, best treatment of that. Um, there's, go ahead. There's a book that I've heard, we've never even talked about it, but there's a book I've heard you mention on other shows and your own of human bondage. Yeah, yeah, that's definitely on my list too by Somerset Mom. Yeah, that's a fantastic book, man. And it's, it's a, it's, that that definitely is something every, every, every, every, every young person especially should read. Um, I'd also, uh, I'd also, uh, I'd also, there's a book called Armor by John Stakely, which is sort of, it's sort of like a spiritual counterpart to Starship Troopers, but I think it's a lot better, frankly.

Like, Highline wrote some fascinating stuff, but he was kind of like a pure, he got very strange later in life, Highline did, and, um, that's, I mean, that's fine. Like, some of his, some of his weirder, wilder shit, like, the number of the beast I actually got a kick out of. But his, um, Starship Troopers is, uh, is very much, uh, is very much military science, like, hard-in-hance military science and, like, a fanciful setting to, you know, facilitate, you know,

kind of like discussion they're in. Armor is very much, is a much more complete book, I think, on a, on a similar subject. you know um and and and kind of like the the dehumanizing aspects of uh of uh of uh you know of um of hyper advanced warfare but um i uh for reference the uh stigley died uh rather young his only other novel was vampires, which is what John Carpenter based his movie Vampires on, which is not a terrible adaptation, but the book is way better. And basically in the novel, like, vampires are a real thing,

but they're, like, vampirism is like a, is like a disease organism. And these guys who are basically, like, Blackwater, they get retained by the Vatican to kill vampires when its infestations are discovered, which is obviously like a very kind of tough and disgusting job. and like that's it's basically like about like just kind of these guys lives or like these PMCs who destroy vampires it's really fucking cool um

and they get into some of that like in the in the film but it's it's uh but uh that and uh though they had an armor like stakeley's only two novels I mean he he was um he's very much like a cult kind of novelist in part because he lived I think he was only like 38 when he died there there would have been like very very good stuff emergent from his creative mind, I think. Yeah, Carpenter's Vampires

is pretty decent. I mean, we can get off on vampire movies now. What'd you think in Near Dark? Near Dark's great. And it's like, let's like I'm always telling people, like there's a there's a like fags, like

the Lost Boys, like real motherfuckers, like near dark. Just like fucking menace to society is like real shit and boys in the hood is like modeling like pathetic shit and like real people like romper stomper and like fucking and fucking you know lames are into like American Industry X it's like that kind of deal like um I actually think um the uh the Claude Tinsky um version of Nosferatu um which was released in 79 I mean Werner Herzog directed it but Claus Kinsky plays Count Orlock, which is appropriate because

Claus Kinski probably is like a vampire. But like, that's probably my favorite vampire movie. And speaking to John Carbiter, the John Carbner TV movie of Salem's lot is actually pretty dope. And like when I was a little kid, like a little kid, they'd always show it on TV and I found it really scary. And then like as an adult, like it actually holds up. It's pretty cool. Let me ask you about this one.

because I know you like the lead actor in it. So what do you think of the hunger? It's pretty dope, man. And it's, uh, the hunger is interesting, not just because, uh, not just because of like the David Bowie connection, but it's, um, I think, uh, I think Whitley Striber wrote it. And he was very weird, man. You know, he, he wrote some interesting stuff in the 80s.

He wrote the wolf in. He wrote this book, Ward A, which is, exactly what it sounds like it was like his you know it was kind of like his take on you know um a general nuclear war um i mean he mostly focused on like the sociological and cultural aspects you know like the human side but striber he began insisting that he was having contacts with alien beings you know and then like communion you know that he wrote that book that they made into a movie because we're walking he really like went off the rails but um i believe he wrote the book that the hunger that they have to do.

The hunger very much, um, it's where, the aesthetic of it is like super 1981 and like that, just like the very, very early 90s were kind of like neither the 80s nor like the proper 90s. Like the very, very early 80s are kind of a weird time.

You know, it was like, uh, it was like, not quite post punk, not quite new wave. Like styles were weird. You know,

um, I mean, Bauhaus. opens up the show opens up the yeah right right right yeah yeah and that's that's the one's kind of movie that like never be made today let alone by let alone by um let alone by like a major studio or whatever you know like it um like a movie like that were made would be like a guy like Ryan Gosling would like just like throw money at it to like is like a you know something he wanted to make and it would it be like a very limited release like that's another

Yeah, and that's another thing. The reason that epoch was cool is because you'd see just like random stuff like that. Like, um... Do you think it was, uh, there was like this underlying judgment of like upper west side wasps, upper east side wasps? Yeah, I think that was part of it. Yeah, I think that was part of it. Definitely.

And, um, that's why it's always... Um, any, it was a weird, um, like post Ford administration, New York City, like that setting, there's, um, there's a lot of, yeah, there was a lot of, um, there's, like, cast dynamics that were present there that were not in, like, Chicago or in Los Angeles. You know, it's a, it's, it's, um, like, the East Coast is different, man, it just is, you know, like I, I, but it's, um, I'll have to rewatch it. I haven't seen. and I think, and since I was in college. It's, um, but the also, the, the reason I like near dark so much, um, what it is going for it is, uh,

it's like obvious, like, it's very unethos metaphor for, like, being an addicts. And like, in near dark, they never even say what the vampires are. It just becomes obvious, like, that's what they are. But they're like these, um, but they're like these, they're like these outlaw, like grimy white people. They're like these pepperwoods who live like addicts. You know, and, um... There's also a lot of passing jokes in it.

Like, I remember when they, when they set fire to that one place and they're leaving and Bill Paxton goes, remember that fire we set in Chicago? Yeah, yeah. Yeah. Well, it's also, too, like when, um, when the girl first turns the kid, play by Adrian Pashdark,

like when he starts getting sick, he's like getting dope sick. And that's like the narc in the bathroom's like, look, man, I know what's, I know what, I know what, I know what's going on here. Like, you know, get your shit together. Don't let me see her again. He's like, he's like, obviously coming down on him because he's like, oh, you're a junkie. And it's like even if they don't, like, the vampires don't get what they need. They get dope sick.

And like it's, um, and he, uh, like at first, uh, at first the kid finds like the entire process disgusting. But they're just like, look, like you'll, like get used to it. you know, you end up being able to do things. You never thought I'm capable of. Like, that's, that's very much, um, because, like, being a vampire actually is disgusting and it sucks. You know, like, that's like it's, and that, you know, that's why, um, I, uh, I've always found that to be an applicable metaphor.

And like, if you're an addict, you truly, like, do, like, live at night, you know, and, like, uh, you're, you're almost, like, afraid of daytime, not just because, you know, because, you know, because, like you know you'll be sick in the morning and like that's when the police are around and that's you know when you you you've got to you know you've got to like be aware of people finding out what you are and coming down on you and shit like that that's why i um i mean i've always like near dark i like that even before i understood that implication and um the katherine bigelow who was um and she's a real fucking dying piece back in the day but she

she's an interesting filmmaker man and um she's a she's a she's a rare uh like female female uh directors who have really good directing shops like they're rare I mean it's just like a fact

I'm not saying that to like come down on females or something but those that do are good at their craft are like very very good at it um like Lenny Rife and Stahl comes to mine too obviously But um did you ever think that um because you mentioned klaus kinski and it reminded me of of natasha did you ever think cat people was like some weird kind of supposedly supposed to be a i don't like

cat people and like i people have have challenged me on that because i like paul straiter so much um i i don't know what he was going for with that the original kit people was this kind of was this kind of camp horror movie from, you know, the 1940s. Paul Schrader's version, it's kind of like a shaggy dog story. It doesn't really go anywhere. And, you know, it's kind of the consummate, it's kind of the consummate example of style over substance. But I mean, Schrader kind of lost his way for a minute.

Like, I think American Gigolo was like a shitty movie. You know, like, and that's one of the ones that kind of put him on the map with, like, mainstream moviegoers. You know, and that's, and that's the movie that also,

like, made, like, Richard Gear. But, like, I, I, uh,

but I mean, I, I, I, I, I, I like, his,

I like, hardcore, I like, those are my favorite Paul Schrader movies. And, um, I think,

uh, and then later, in life, uh, like, autofocus, you know, which is the Bob Cranebopic,

which is really kind of disturbing. Like, that's a great film. It's a great film. It's a great film, but it is very disturbing. Yeah. DeFoe is really creepy in that. Yeah, yeah.

It's, um, the, uh, well, it's also, um, it's, but it's like even one of the reasons I like auto focus and stuff is because like the, like the optics sort of really good. And like in cat people, it's like the optics are just like shitty. It like looks like something. It looks like something. Like I don't, it's, I've tried to watch it again. during the um I think during

like last year during Frode's like film festival I think somebody watched CAD people it was on my mind what I'm getting I can't remember somebody reviewed it like in our circle like a year or two ago and so it was like on my mind again

and I think Ace like asked me if I liked it or not and I'm like no I thought it sucked but I'll try watching it again you know and then um I tried it I gave another chance I'm just like I don't

this is just this is just a shitty movie man it was it was like it wanted to be either a vampire movie or a werewolf movie and it was it couldn't make up its mind what it was yeah it didn't go anywhere you know like that's like I said like it wasn't um and I speculate I speculate the the narrative problems were because it was one of those scripts that got like endlessly like slash and burned and like edited just kind of into oblivion and then like with a final product was like didn't really make any sense I mean that might not have been Trader's fault, but again, um,

what kind of, what kind of grab me about is that it's just not, it's just like not optically like a good movie. It, um, I got one more, I got one more movie for you and we'll get out of here. Yeah. Robert Harmon,

1986, the Hitcher. See, that film starts out really strong. And, um, it's like, uh, Rucker Hower is like, so weird that like he,

he's speaking of like, Klaus Kinski's kind of like his sort of like a spiritual counterpart or something, but it's um the suspense kind of gets blown like halfway through the movie

like when it like because the kid finally is able to convince like the police that like this guy actually is after him and um you like the movie the first time of the movie is like dope because it's like it's like this like Hitchcock type nightmare

where the kid, he can't convince anybody this insanity is actually really happening. But then like it, but then the movie kind of like shoots its load. And then it just becomes, you know, like almost like a slasher movie. And C. Thomas Howells in that, right? Yep.

Yeah, C. Thomas Howell. I think Jennifer Jason Lee too. Yeah, yeah. Now is, um, see, Thomas Howells got more range than, uh, somebody I'll credited him with. then uh i uh but yeah i think um i know that like among like midnight movie fans and stuff

like back in the old days as well as today like it's it's kind of like beloved but i um i don't uh i don't care for it was on tip my tongue a minute ago with katherine bigelow is i believe she also directed the loveless you know which was william defoe and i was um that's like rockabilly like leather jacket stuff so i think it's cool but it's like it's done it right like it's uh and it's like it's kind of like the anti streets of fire which which i hate um i'll never forget walter hill for making that piece of shit you know like john perre he he's goofy and like that whole um that whole the whole movie is awful and cringe but the loveless uh he also did eddie he was a star eddie and the

cruisers right and then edie the cruisers had this bizarre sequel too that like came out like 10 years later. In Canada. It was like based in Canada and everything. Yeah, it was bizarre too because like it's like the whole, they're supposed to be this like 1960s band,

but they sound like a 1980s band. They sound like spring. They sound like spring. Yeah. They're like these guys. They're like these dudes. Dude to the Mollets and like skinny ties playing like Bruce Springsteen song.

They're like from the 60s. And then like, yeah, then like Eddie fakes his death for like 20 years. Which is like lame as fuck. you know and like uh because he's like tired of being famous we just like decides it's like it's like okay motherfucker like defect that that trope is so stupid too it's like yeah I'm sick of being rich and famous I'm gonna go like work it as a Walmart reader because like

that'll be awesome like uh it's um like unless you're like a tortured the tortured artist yeah unless you got like five star heat like you don't fucking fake your own death you know like that's that's fucking retarded so I wanted to ask you this because we mentioned hower um in The Hitcher, besides, obviously, leaving out Blade Runner, what's his best movie? That's a good question. I think, I, uh, I don't have to think about that a minute. My, my, like, I guess, guilty pleasure movie is the Nighthawks.

Nighthawks is actually a pretty good movie, man. Like, I mean, it's corny, but it's, um, it's, uh, Like, like he's actually a pretty intelligent script. And, um, I think, uh, what, uh, yeah, I never think about it, man. Like how, where I was been in a lot of weird stuff. Like, um, there's like this one, like movie that Dave's always show on Cinemex where he's like this blind samurai. I mean, that, that movie's really fucking stupid. But it's just like a weird script.

Yeah. And he, um, how was that? It's called Blind Fury. Yeah. And then, yeah, I'd have to think about, I actually, like, a guilty pleasure of mine is split seconds, which, speaking of the movie's done any sense, like, Rector Howard, he's like this mercenary, like, he's like this PMC type in London.

And in London, the future, it's, like, flooded. And there's like this, there's like this serial killer, like, alien that's like ripping people's hearts out and um it's not clear if it's like like the movie doesn't make any sense but uh it's got it's you know it's got like that uh it's got like that predator two kind of aesthetic where there's like just like tons of guns and just like insanity um like my my ruck hour guilty pleasure is split second well remember he did that movie fatherland too fatherland's actually dope um like obviously like the uh the the the the the holoca as trope I is as kind of like the the plot device is lame but um but that films optics are

great and um the uh administratively the way like the third rights organizing makes perfect sense that's why like you know he's um he's a he's a he's a he's a he's a he's got augumine SS rank because like they're under the pen number of the SD and like I and like when they're on that i i find that very very very cool, man. Like, you know, it came out when I was in high school, or like, just out of high school. I think it was released in 94 on HBO. And, like, I'd read the book when it came out.

And, um, I... He was in Buffy the Vampire Slayer. Right. He's been in a bunch of weird stuff, man. Like I said, it's why the bloody heroes, I saw it in the theater. It's, uh, it's got Vincent Donofrio and, and, um, Hugh Keyes burn. And that's like, it's like a nuclear war, um, these gladiators, they go found town playing this like game that's like it's like pigskin football but he's a dog skull and you can

like you know you like gore people with chains and stuff um yeah he he's a he's a he's a guy who definitely was not afraid to take like take unusual scripts man um and the same year in 94 that he that i think he did fatherland he did that movie with iced tea surviving the game yeah that's that's that's like they made up they made a million-to-one movies that were based on like the most dangerous game There's like a Van Dam movie that is the exact same plot where, uh, we're, uh, we're like these, these, these, these, these guys are hunting Van Dam. Um, yeah. Well, all right, let's get out of here. What do, um, what do you got to plug?

Um, oh, good, uh, great episode, um, introductory episode for, uh, season two. No, thank you, man. Yeah, like I said, I'm, I'm pleased my workflow is actually getting moving. And again, I apologize, man, for shit being so, I mean, not. just to you to like all the pricking sobs and everybody watching this. This winter has been like hard on me, man. Like I'm not trying to play murder. I'm saying this while like my workflow has been Fubar. But you can always find the kind of like one-stop spot for my work product and my content is Thomas777.com is number seven, HMAS 777.com.

You can find me on X, capital R-E-A-L underscore. Number seven, HMS 777. And of course, Substacks, where the pot is and where my longer-form stuff is. And I'm going to drop some stuff on there this week. I think people will be intrigued by it's Real Thomas 777.7.7.com. I am going to populate my YouTube channel with some video content. well like I said man I've been this this winter has like

been fucking really hard but I am on the man I'm gonna start shooting in earnest in the next couple weeks video content I mean awesome now thank you very much I appreciate you man yeah I want to welcome everyone back to the Pete Cagnano show

I'm here with Thomas and Arthur gentlemen how are you doing today I'm well man thanks for thanks for hosting us yeah I'm great Pete thanks for having me on Cool. So you guys went down to the DNC. I saw you posted a lot of a lot of video from it and pictures and stuff like that. And you live to tell the tale. So who wants to start about, you know, what they, what they noticed, what you got out of it. And I sound like like you went to camp or something like that. You know, what did you guys get out of it. Was it a good experience for the both of you? But, yeah, either one of you could start talking.

I'm kind of a clown. Every day is kind of like the fucking circus in my life, man. You know, like that I'm perfectly okay with. The big thing I noticed, and I'm going to give it over to Tom in a minute. I won't talk for long. I made the point to people that there was basically like no presence of Harris supporters on the ground. And people who were obviously, like, Harris Schills

started, like, mobbing some of my platforms, like, oh, well, at a convention, that's not what happens. I'm like, no, no, no, no, no. Like, in Chicago, which, unfortunately, is, like, ground zero for, for, like, D&C support. It just is, okay?

You get bodies in the street when something like this happens. And, like, Mrs. Clinton, who was, like, a dud of a candidate, including here, like, I mean, she had like a fucking presence on the ground, okay? Like, uh, that's, so like when the DNC is literally being held here, like people telling me like, oh, that doesn't mean anything that Missa Terrace's people run on the ground. That's fucking retarded. Okay, that's not how it works.

And secondly, it's like everybody else was there. Yeah, these like goofy, like commies, like guys who actually claim to be communist. I mean, it's something that goes on here. You had a bunch of like Zionists, like, like Jew counter-protesters there. you know you had uh you had these kind of crazy like social justice types who weren't really I mean they seem kind of like this kind of stuff they were saying

and like the kind of lit they were handing out like it didn't really make any sense it was like you know we're like LGBTQ people who like opposed is really genocide I'm like man I'm like Palestinians hate you fucking people you know like they it's like you're not it's like if you know it's like I'm not gonna like tell you not to if you want to like

if you want to be down on Israel and critique the sort of structure that sustains it, but it's like you don't, it's like the thing that like Palestine is like full of like black people and Israelis are like mean cops or something. It's they don't really understand. But as Tom will tell you,

and like if they were here, like the other guys and girls who were what us, I saw all of like two Harris supporters. Like once I was walking to McDonald's because they needed like across the street union park. I needed to take a leak. I needed a bottle of water. I got to be crude, but that's what it was. there was like this obviously

lesbian couple and they tried to hand me like a Harris flyer and I'm like no I'm good and then when we were coming out of the Billy Go Tavern where we went to kind of cool off adjacent Union Park this like black lady who looked all

like really down and out in like a wheelchair she just like handed us like a flyer and didn't even look at it until like a minute later and it was like some Harris fucking blue. That was literally the only presence like Harris's people out on the ground I'm not making that off. If they were like,

Bob D, if I would say this. Yeah, let Tom talk and give this kind of impressions. He's the one who's just talking to throw that video and footage, by the way. Yeah. You know, I went down because,

well, obviously, I believe, I could say, I'm a nationalist, you know, far writer. I've been a fan of Thomas for a while.

And every time he posted a meetup, I think, for the past year or so, I've been to it. And he posted one to go to the DNC. I was like, that sounds interesting. So I traveled out there and I had some, I had bought, coincidentally, I had bought some extra filmmaking equipment, you know, like a tripod, like a selfie stick that acts

as a sort of like a steady cam, a microphone, and a few other things. And it was like, oh, well, while I'm down there, I can help you take footage and pictures and things like that. So, you know, prior to going, I'd remembered in detail the riots that had proceeded from 2014 onwards, really. But you know, I remember Portland and the Battle of Berkeley and all those other things, the actual riots. I'm from around New York City. I remember the riots down there, and I was really prepared for action.

I was like, even if there aren't that many Democrats and Harris, supporters out there. I'm being sure the Saurus, Antifa types will be out. I'm sure there'll be people who are just there to watch the world burn essentially. So I was prep for action. But so we got

down there, there really wasn't much going on. There were people there, as Thomas said, there was this big march the first day we were there and we watched March past. I think they had March from the Union Center. But as soon as they got into the park,

started doing all these speeches on the Philippines and, you know, queer rights and all these other things that just didn't make any sense. There were tons of different groups there. Everybody's message, she muddled. And one of the guys we were with, a friend of ours, him and I actually walked around the Union Center. We were just looking for this place to meet up with new people. And that place was locked down. There were like concrete jersey barriers, there are fences. There are all these. I took a quite funny picture that said,

D&C enter here and then right next to it, it says, do not enter. But even all the, the DNC participants who passed, I threw up the, hang loose sign to everybody. It passed just to see what they do.

I think I got like two returns. One of a friend tried to high five a bunch of them. I think he got like one high five back. Even when we were kind of screwing around, just, you know, saying kind of wacky stuff just to get a response and everybody there wasn't even any anger there was nothing. They just kind of...

It was just like joyless apathy, man. I like it, like the you know, everybody's everybody acts like Antifa is like are like these bad dudes or like they or it's like 1992 like when you had you know when they were drawn like

gang bangers and stuff to like beef up their their depth and stuff and we're like stomping people out at shows like these guys are completely fucking pussies man and it's like totally fake and like none of that none of that even fucking showed up i didn't see one dude like people don't even talk shit to us when we were like flying like swastika's and shit like it's like you know like there was some there was like some

languid fucking oh get out of here fuck you you're nazis but like nobody like nobody was doing anything you know and it's like there was like there was a palestinian guys or like moslem guys who were like in BDUs with like has a lot like badges who were like kind of mean mugging people and like look pretty serious but I mean they were basically there because it's there's like this prayer vigil of like females and I mean like they were there basically

just to like be seen and like keep people off of like their people but like there was no I I was getting hit with like all these messages on you know like social media and stuff like oh you're gonna get like your ass kicked I'm like dude I look at Chicago I'm not afraid of like

fucking in Tifa like that's not like this scary thing to us. When those motherfuckers showed up too, like when BLM showed up, like people fucking literally like threw shots at them. You know, like, because it's like you're not going to invade our hood. You know, like, that's not happening.

You know, so this idea that like, oh, black people and like Hispanic just love BLM. It's like nobody's into that shit. And it's got like, I remember my buddy, our friend who was with us. You know, BLM's like entire endowment like disappeared and like nobody even knows where it went. like this isn't like a real organization

and like one of them ladies that they put out front is like the director of BLM just in my career NGO person who's like like there's nothing organic about this at all and there's nothing organic about Antifa like those guys who those guys who

who rent house dropped like one of them was some dude on bond for like molesting kids like the other guy he was some like a homeless dude and the last like the last real record I'm doing anything he got picked up for like beating his wife or something

it's like homeless dudes and like kitty touchers they're just like showing up in Kenosha like get the fuck out of here there's that there's a joke they could fire three bullets into a leftist crowd hit two pedophiles and a domestic abuser yeah and they're all like I mean it's obvious too it's like what's like when

it's like Kevin it's the same thing as when Kevin McDonald pointed out in like 2011 when like the national socialist movement. Like guys, nobody's ever met, nobody had ever heard of. There's suddenly just like showing up everywhere with like a news crew. And it's like,

this is the far right, it's resurgent. And Kevin McDonald's like, who are these guys? These guys are just like independently wealthy guys who can fly all over the country without going to work and like they just like to dress up in Nazi uniforms. Like that's their thing. Are they all millionaires? You know, it's like

Yeah. It's like where these guys coming from? Just like random guys or just like going to Kenosha. Like why would you go to Kenosha? like you know like that makes no sense so funny thing about the dns about the dnc protests as well is that um sure everybody had seen they got pretty popular uh zoran zeltanis uh shout out to him he was a guy he he had he was the one who actually was carrying the rights flag running around with it but he was also the dude with the hesbola flag outside of the dnc entrance way but the the whole crew that was there the the thug shakers as they called

themselves, but like the Nazi, the fascism girl, I think the chick with purple hair who just had like the, you know, signs with all the racial slurs on them. The dude, he dressed up like a stolfo, the animated character with the Nauseble flag,

like, all those kind of guys. We actually met up with those guys, and on the last day we were there, they had kind of as a protest or gathering, like a bunch of us, myself included, It just started like going to the middle of the protests, like, you know, just saying wild stuff. I think even like, I think Thomas posted one of the videos like the dude dressed up like the anime character is like, yeah, Kamala Harris, I want you to molest me and just kind of wild stuff.

But like nobody even tried to attack us or stop us at all. Like when we started doing that, what happened is everybody bought their cameras out when they started recording. and they didn't even try to and then try to stop us put our hands of us. They didn't even shout us down. This one of a lady, I don't know if you were there, like our other friend was there.

It's like obviously like Jewish lady. And she introduced herself. I'm not going to like say her name, but I mean, she had like an obviously like ethnic surname. I'm not just like thinking dick. Like, oh, she's a little Jewish. Not the lady that interviewed you? Yeah.

And she seemed to think they were like Republicans or something. And she's like, are you proud to be an American? I'm like, why would I be proud to be an American? I'm like, I got like white tried all day. You know, I like, I'm proud of some other things in my life. But, you know, and she's like, she seemed like shocked. And I'm like, yeah, I'm like, I'm like, you're going to vote for.

I'm like, well, first I'm not convicted felon. I can't really vote nationally. You know, like, I vote locally to keep like, you know, because there's a lot of machine type judges who've got to be kept off the bench. But it's like, it's like, it's like, I was like speaking Chinese or something. You know, it's like, what do you want to say? Like, go Trump. Like, yeah, I love JD Bitz.

Like, this is her. as a Marxist. Like, what did she think I was going to say? And I think I was wearing a, I was wearing, like, a British Free Corps shirt and, like, some crazy fucking pants. You know, it's not, it's like, okay. I mean, it's like, you look at me

and make me feel like a Republican. It's like I, I, yeah, it was just weird, man. The whole thing was... There was also that, like, hood black dude with, like, a grill in, and he had, like, chains and stuff just came up and started interviewing us.

That was kind of random, too. Yeah, yeah. It's like, hood dude. He's like, yeah. yeah can I interview you guys and we're like yeah like his his question seemed kind of more like just like running the mill like journalism student questions or stuff like that one lady she's like trying to get me to like say some crazy stuff like you know I hate niggers and mr. Trump is great or so like I don't know what she was going for like the the protest

themselves because that's really where we were at got like super muddled um obviously we had the you know you'd have like every stripe of it leftist um like our friends who's familiar with those groups are joking that like we're not the revolutionary communists of America were the revolutionary American communists but like we even interviewed a guy

I think a couple of people with like groups and they just gave us this kind of boilerplate Trotsky and stuff but like the last day we were there there was like a couple people who came out who were like it's like America firsters or American nationalists and they were

those like yeah we don't support Palestine or Israel and we're here for American patriotism and just... They were just... Yeah. I thought those guys were like... They were like trying to get smoke from the crowd. I thought those guys were going to get their asses kicked.

Because I remember the one black guy who was with him... Like my one friend, my friend who was with us, he's like, you think that guy's like stolen valor? And I'm looking at him. He was probably a little younger than me, but he had... He had like an 80-second airborne badge on. Then he had like a bunch of shit that like didn't make sense. I think he had like jump wings on which made sense

but then he had like the force recon like fucking like scuba mask or something and then like a bunch of other shit and uh I'm like I don't know but he was like he was like taunting a bunch of the people and like the crowd they gathered around him and like when they started like moving in I'm like okay that guy's gonna get fucking stopped

he doesn't fucking stop saying that dumb shit but it was weird yeah yeah those guys just like somebody show up like we love America it's like you're a fucking idiot but yeah it was uh And it was like in Congress, it's like, what do you, yeah, it's not even like there was some big mob of like, like, of like Palestinians like marching and they're like, hey, fuck you, we love America. I just got to know where these guys suddenly just like show up.

And it's like they, you know, it's like who exactly you were addressing here, man? It's like you, I mean, it's not exactly receptive, a receptive mob that was on the whole thing was like weird, man. It was like, it was just like weird. You know, like, but it wasn't, it was, I thought it would either be, I. I thought it would either be like DNC people and these like B-Eleminant Tiva types that got bust in like mob deep or I thought there'd be like nobody there. Like what there was was like I didn't expect it and it was really weird. So besides the people who are obviously invited to the convention, they who are, you know, they're there, they're going to be there no matter what. There's no grassroots whatsoever.

there's no one there's no fans of Kamala harris there's no fans of joe biden there's no fans of the regime whereas you know at the at the convention um even in um in wisconsin even if you or was it minnesota i can't remember where the hell the rnc one was um Milwaukee you would you would have had people outside who couldn't get in because you know they're not invited but they would be there to support trump well yeah or there would be protesters there. Well, I've tried to explain to people, especially these guys. And look, man, I'm not, I'm very much a dissident, man. I'm not saying that to pretend like I'm tough or like, like, or anything like that. It's just like a fact. They don't like engage with this stuff. I don't index it. But Kamala Harris is

literally just like random lady. Like you can't, the way campaigning works, you basically got to hustle 24-7. It's like, we've got to be your full-time job with no breaks on Saturdays and Sundays. And you got to do it for years. Some of the Harris basically being this like people are like oh but she was a senator. There's there's there's there's there's there's there's there's there's 50 fucking senators. Okay. Like you've got to you've got a

you've got a you've got to coast coast and barnstorm. You should have been doing this for two years. Okay. First of all. It's not possible you can be invisible an invisible vice president like she was and then replace the actual nominee

months in and then suddenly be like polling you know, over 50% in states that back Trump in 2016. Like, that doesn't happen. That's not possible. You know, now, granted, I made the point before my Twitter got exploded. In 1960, Kennedy was drawing these, like, mass crowds. Like, a dude was like Mick Jagger.

Like, not to be crude, like, women would literally get, like, excited and, like, horny on. You know, people would, like, thrill to be streaming. you'd have like all these like everybody from like old people to like these like tough Irish guys to like little kids. We're like yeah, we love Kennedy. And like Nixon had show up somewhere

and it'd be basically like nobody there. So Kennedy's campaign is like this guy's shit. Nixon doesn't nobody. Like don't even worry about it. But then come like election day, it's like a dead heat. Okay. And that's why people are going to convince like Kennedy fixed Chicago, which he probably did.

But my point is it's like, okay, fine. You can't always tell by like bodies in the street. But I'm telling you, if Mrs. Harris is like this super candidate who without campaigning is like drawing like all this fucking support and like black people, I think she's just great,

you would have had a lot of fucking people on the ground in Chicago, if nowhere else, you would have had a lot of people on the ground here. I guarantee. Well, even like a more recent example, your flashback, I think especially to 2016, even like Bernie Sanders had a lot of on the ground support

from kind of a wide range. joke, the Occupy type people kind of saw and as their guy. Clinton was a terrible candidate,

but you still had like the diehards like showing up at her campaign stops, you know, and the DNC. You know, like it's,

it was like, her whole campaign was like media fakery, but she did have some actual like people on the ground would show up to back her, you know,

like, it's Obama, Obama too. Like the 2008 inauguration, like the most attended inauguration of all time. Well, why? Because Washington, D.C. is overwhelmingly black,

and everyone showed, they all came out. And there was, even though he was, even though he was a candidate that was set up to be in that spot, he legitimately had grassroots support. But it's also, Obama, like, fake as a sentence he was, that dude was campaigning basically for four years. You know, like it, uh, you started campaigning, like the moment he ran against Bobby Rush here, and got beat. Then he's like, okay, I'm gonna change my little program.

And he basically, yeah, he had advantages because like CNN, MSNBC, you know, back then, like, legacy media radio.

He gave the keynote to 2004. Yeah. He gave the keynote 2004 convention. Yeah, yeah, yeah. Yeah,

they, they'd plug the shit out of him. But he also was campaigning nonstop for four years. Okay. Like Mrs. Harris, she can just like, like,

like, basically like 120 days out. out from the election, she can just declare herself a candidate, not campaign, and she's just like dominating the polls. That's not possible. That's not how it works. Yeah, and we saw in real time that happened. They were saying, you know, we

screwed a little bit with the DNC attendees. But really what we were trying to do is just to see how they'd react. And it was just all these low energy people, people just kind of, you know, we didn't get any violent reactions, we didn't get any confrontations, we didn't even get anyone trying to, like,

joke along with us or anything. Everybody just sort of looked away up. It's like our friend said, when he was at the RNC, you know, you got some of the, I guess, like, looney or religious, more fringe people there. And the Republicans are going up to them and talking to them and being friendly with them.

and then the DNC to Democratic Party all those people hate their own guys it's just so weird it's very like corporate I mean it's like our friend who like he actually like was able like procure a press pass so he like penetrated he went into like the DNC at United Center he was like inside like pretending to be like a reporter a delegate and he said that like when he talked to people like he talked to some of his terrorist's people and he said they were just giving them these like weird like canned answers like this is harris answer for this you know it's like it was it was like totally like weird and he's like a dude who's been like like tom just said you know he's a dude who's been around these types of people a lot you know

he was at the rnc like he he's used to being around like capital hill people you know it's like these people apparently um these people apparently in the united center like i said they were just they were giving these kind of like canned answers that there was kind of like no margin for I don't even know like conversation or something but you said it was very strange yeah and there were no young people there as well it was all you know older older millennials and older there were there were no uh you know even with uh Hillary you had sort of the college sorority sort of backing for uh we didn't we didn't see any of that and um kind of another notable

I guess absence from there. Didn't really see a lot of Trumpers. I think of the last day there were some people at the protests with kind of pro-Israel, pro-Zionists, maybe more conservative stuff. We didn't see them. We didn't see really any Groyper's Thursday, one. Like I said, America First guy

who was a little bit goofy. But like, as I had mentioned earlier, those big protests in Portland and California and everything else the kind of the main counter force that was there were they you know they weren't hard and fast nationalist

uh or are all writers or anything like that those they were like conservative type dudes and you know whatever you think about like the proud boys or something like that i mean those guys obviously aren't Chicago's a really weird place in like all kinds of ways like you basically

you basically don't have like I mean you've got like you've got like cops and you got like white dudes from hoods like the clearing and like uh at bridgeport and like Beverly and like they they like they like they like they like super mega guys

and like they know that like this isn't a battleground state anyways they're kind of like whatever like you're more likely to actually find like a hard line like kind of like pro white guys here than you would like Republicans it's like this don't really exist here like and I try to explain that to people

like you're more you're like walking like a bar or something and like a white hood and sat on the bar and like I started telling like Edward jokes like guys would probably laugh at they'd be okay with that but like they're not guys who like are into the Republican Party or like anything like that

it's like a weird culture so that's part of it part of why I didn't see like pro-Trump stuff it was just the conspicue with absence of any like Harris stuff even like uh but they were like totally foobar like I shouted out on

on social media like they delegates are having to wait like two and three hours to get in the United Center. It's like, what the fuck's wrong with you? This is, this venue is like, it's literally a venue made for this sort of thing. You know, you can't, you're not organized enough

to like get people do security in shorter than like three hours. Like, you know, then they apparently much of media people were mad because, you know, they divided it between McCormick Place and the United Center. But that actually, I I guarantee you they did that for like security

purposes and to prevent like mob to beat like protesters but that also meant that like nobody knew like where the people were they wanted to talk to and like a bunch of people got like fucked up information and they like went to McCormick place United Center when they're supposed to be the other place like the whole thing seemed like a big it seemed like amateur hour you know like our buddy said he's like this is pretty damning and I'm like yeah I think so you know like if if um I guarantee you if there was like some Trump rally or the R&C Milwaukee it was like you had to wait three hours like that'd be like all in the media like look at these fucking idiots and they'd be right frankly

but that's another point man i mean like i said you know i can say whatever they want you know basically the entire country is like is like red territory in terms of the political map you know and like trump does these like rallies all the time you might think those rallies are stupid or like hokey but the point is if you want to see don't trump you can see him like basically anywhere in the country Like, how the fuck do even, like, go see Mrs. Harris?

I guess you, like, wait for three hours outside the United Center and you can, but, like, that's it. I mean, it's like, you can't, you know, I, you can't, like, tell me that, like, some kind of campaign is being made out of this of a legitimate sort. You know, you've got to really hustle to get people to go to the polls, you know, um, there's all this kind of evidence there aren't elections anymore, you know, because, like, they, they don't care. Because why would they? Because we're not going to hold an election. So, you know, all that matters is, all that matters is perception of maybe, like, you know, a third of the country who's, like, actually, like, you know,

capable and engaged enough to do something, you know, if they decide they're not going to, they're not going to, you know, recognize the sovereignty of the state anymore. You know, it's like, but if all you're going to do basically is, like, sell it as, like, good enough. like, oh, you know, it planned some kind of doubt in people's minds. Like, you know, maybe Mrs. Harris carried this election. That's what I did to California, man.

That's what I was shouting out. You didn't... California didn't, like, one day go from being, like, the Republican heartland to, like, oh, now it's a permanently saved blue state because of Mexicans. That's not how things work. You know, it's just not. That's ridiculous. Well, you know, one of the other things...

I'm sorry. One of the other things about, you know, Harris is, like, they have, this interview that's coming up where she's not going to be interviewed alone and, you know, the gay dad vice president hopeful is going to be with her, you know, so that basically he can interrupt when she can't answer a question. I mean, there's no, you know, and we talk about this all the time, there's no policy there. We, I was talking to a friend of mine today and he was saying how he one of his like like he has a cousin who's who's who's a lesbian and her lesbian who are like oh we're we're voting for Kamala and he's like well why what does she stand for

that you're voting you know what policies is it and she's like well no you know I'll feel safer being gay and it's like well that's not a policy what do you what does she stand for what's also I try to point out of people and they don't believe leave me, but I'm like, look, they're like, no, this was, the Obama's like, wanted to run this ethnic lady, so they, they stood up to a Biden were failing. I'm like, that's not what happened, man. Like, basically, Biden was so

fucked up, like, he couldn't carry it. And when they finally realized that, they're like, fuck. I guarantee you, they went to somebody, like, Gavin News, and they're like, you're going to run. He's like, no, I'm not doing it. So who they got? Yeah. Who they got? I mean, I recall during the 2020 election

when Kamala Harris put up her actual presidential ticket, basically laughed off stage. I thought it was weird at the time, and I really don't know deep Washington politics or anything like that. I thought it was weird. She was a weird pick for vice president, but...

No, the whole thing is strange. Like, her all the sentencing is strange, but I guarantee you this wasn't some like Machiavellian operation by the Obama as to like humiliate Joe Biden and run this like random lady who can't complete an interview without looking like a moron. That's not, this is them late.

That's like saying that like, You know, the Soviet Union made Cherin' Inko look crazy, so then they could put Gorbache off in there. It's like some things are what they appear, man. And I guarantee you, I guarantee you, man, like the guys, like the money guys who like fund all this shit, they were beside themselves that, like, they could not get somebody other than Mrs. Harris

to fucking take up the slab. Okay? Like, it doesn't matter because they're going to fix it anyway. But they're like, I guarantee that I'm looking at this shit. Like, this is fucking ridiculous. You know, like, um, Yeah, it's a problem. You know, it's a...

I think part of the reason that the things were so low energy in that Ms. Harris didn't have any on the ground supported because they don't want to draw attention to her. I think the best they've been is try and forth through like a couple, you know, terrible pop culture, TikTok means. I mean, some people, I think even in our sphere have made that out to be a lot more than it is. They were like what they were banking on and what you could kind of get for Joe Biden

and I heard people talk about this both, you know, in the media and in real life, is that Joe Biden kind of represents return to normalcy as stupid as that is. But you know, Kamala Harris doesn't represent anything and Tim Walts doesn't represent anything. I looked into him a little bit. He was so like some. too, man. Like, he, I mean, honestly, like, Vance was a bad pick for Trump. I know that makes people mad because they, like, Vance is their, like, fantasy boyfriend,

despite the fact he's terrible. But, like, I can read you Trump, like, like, like, Vince is Teal's guy. Like, literally, like, like, he had Teal at our, like, thick as thieves. Like, Teal gave him a job, like, this no work job with one of his fucking hedge funds. Like, like, Teal is basically, Teal is Deals with, like, Carl Eichon at the Trump. He's, like, his, like, surrogate dead. so Teal says to Trump, you're going to take this guy as your fucking running mate. You know, that's just how it is.

So, I mean, Trump had no choice. Okay. Kamala's people did have a choice, but they're so goofy. They think that, like, Walls is, like, some guy like, yeah, see, like, white people like him because he's a white guy. Like, they don't get that, like, there's real problems here. And, like, Minnesota's weird, they're a weird political culture, man. And, like, even if Wall's had, like, more charisma and wasn't just, like, this kind of crazy. you know like old guy

you know it's not the stuff that indexes with them is not gonna index like the rest of the country you know so it's like they don't that's kind of like their desperate attempt to be like no see this is actually a normal ticket but yeah you're absolutely right they don't want to draw attention to visit

Harris and like the entirety of like the campaign it's just like whether I want to or not I get it's like this fucking cricket wireless I love it because it's like so cheap but like I get these like aggregate news alerts my phone whether I want them or not. Like, I don't, I see it in MSNBC, it's like not a single thing about this is who Kamala Harris is.

This is like her baggwards, like Donald Trump said this. Donald Trump hates veterans. Donald Trump is doing this. Like, you never get any kind of cap about like, oh, Kamala Harris, like, work with the blind kids or she's like really smart or her husband's like a great guy. It's like nothing, nothing. You know, it's not, it's not a campaign. Like even in, even in kind of like the lame, like post-COVID sense or post-lockdown

sense. you know well the um i think part of the reason that they're having so much trouble as well as the uh the democratic party and the mainstream left really went all in on the uh woke stuff if you want to term it that and anybody even if they were to run like a tulsie gabbard or an rfk junior or even a bernie sanders he's not a good choice at this point either but you know he still has some appeal to people uh if you if you run someone like that there there inherently too white, they're inherently too conservative, just by the fact that they're not

out and out freaks, you can run a Kamala Harris or a Tim Walz because they really don't believe anything. You can kind of paint over them whatever you want exactly. If you're, I feel like a homosexual or some urbanite woman that loves abortion, Kamala Harris

is your candidate because you can just project that onto her. Yeah, it's like a tabula rasa. Well, it's also, I mean, I make the point all the time you know, after Republicans, after November 9, 1989, they had nothing, because after Taft got,

and the America first wing, like, for all practical purposes, like, rendered, like, illegal. Like, all the Republicans had was they were, they were, like, the Cold War Hawk party. You know, they were a Cold War Hawk party, and they were the party basically, like, the supply siders. Well, when supply sider stuff

became, like, the norm, you know, under Reagan, and, like, the Cold War ended, like, the Republicans don't have anything. they just don't have a platform. I think that point because people insist to like I'm just like misreading this and there actually is like a mainstream right. I mean there's not,

there's not like a mainstream left either. You know, it's like you've got like they're you know, they've got like what was like the countermajoritarian grievance ideology but you need like more than that. You know like you need like a Democrats

actually like they, you need like an industrial like laboring class to have a labor party. Like that's why it's ridiculous. It's like the British color party like labor. Like why is it labor? Like that makes it much sense

is having like the monarchist party. You know, so like Democrats as like the American like party of labor. It's like well like what are you guys? You know like oh, we're we're the party of a of like oppressed black people and LGBTQ. Okay, fine.

You can't build a mandate out of that. You're talking about like 15% of the national population. You know what I mean like what? That doesn't work. What's really interesting. is with all the manufacturing getting shipped overseas. I mean, it basically destroyed labor, unions in this country. And labor unions used to be huge in the elections. And it really seems now without that labor, I mean, and that was for decades. And decades, it was about labor unions and

appealing to labor unions. And now it seems like when you, you have to replace that with something, like the woke, or you have to replace it with some kind of ideology that takes its place where you can gather people to and organize people to, and nothing is going to work as well as organized labor would. Well, it's also the entire, I mean, the entire paradigm is like obsolescent. You know, like, it's not just that, like, yeah, you're absolutely right. It's not just that like the, it's not just that like the establishment, like the establishment duopoly parties, you know, have like no reason

of detriment anymore. Like the state is structured. I mean, it's basically structured to fight the Cold War and not do much else. You know, it's like they make a big deal. Like the big news story, you know, like the U.S. Navy has like a stabbing like 14 aircraft carriers. And they were like on the they ran MSNBC and um, ran a story that went like semi-viral among like mainstream like Republican goofballs. but like oh the navy can meet its recruiting goals to like staff like all of its uh you know all of its ships and it's like why do these ships exist like you're gonna you're gonna fight the imaginary

Soviet Union you're gonna have you're gonna fight some like imaginary surface warfare engagement against the Chinese Navy that doesn't actually exist you know it's like if people like oh don't don't don't just support the military I'm like to do what you know like this idea that like you need like this idea that you need like this idea that you need like a million people in uniform, you know, you need, like, aircraft carriers in every ocean. That's like, that's not normal. Like, that's, you know, like the 44 years in the Cold War, like, yeah, you need, like, a force structure that emphasizes readiness and depth.

This idea that that's just something you need always, like, that's, that's bizarre. You know, and, like, yeah, and I mean, this is one example, but, like, the idea that, the government has structured just like must keep existing. You know, it's like, what are these... I mean, federal law enforcement had nothing to do after the Cold War. You know, the FBI's main job, it's not to, like...

It's not to shake down, like, Italian guys or, like, pushing heroin in some, like, shithole, like, Brooklyn, Italian ghetto. Like, his job is kept counterintelligence and to suss out the KGB the GRI's presence in the United States. It's not, like, arrest guys for, like, shaking down trap houses and, like, terrorized

outfit guys. I mean, that's what it does now. I mean, like, that's, you know, like, why? Yeah. Yeah, go ahead. And, like, in their regard, I mean, American foreign policy is collapsing all over. The war in Ukraine and the Israeli-Gaza massacre.

And even going back to the war in Afghanistan is kind of the war in Syria, the migration crisis, having all these countries collapse within our sphere of influence in South America and all over the place. Clearly nobody's nobody's buying with the United States

is selling anymore and you don't have a Soviet Union to point out and say, look, you can side with us, you can side with them. Plenty of people and then Brex and everyone else has proved this. Plenty of people view the Russians and the Chinese as a much better option.

And then they're correct to you. Well, they also, people don't understand I talked to my dad about this. You know, a place like Russia and China, like if you're America still, even if it's kind of a potent village economically, Americans are still like ridiculously rich compared to everybody else on this planet.

Like even like poor people, you can get like a link card and you can get like, you can get like a credit card like a $5,000 women. You can just like pull free money out of the air even if you're a bump. Okay?

Like Russia and China, they actually like bad as some things might be. there, those people live better than like 90% of this planet. So if you're some guy in Africa or some guy in Venezuela or some guy in like Laos,

you look at like China, like that's like, that's like the Emerald City in Oz or something. You look like Russia like, hey man, Russia is like a world power. Like that's, you know, they got technology and they got like all the stuff. You know, like you think that that's like insanely, insane fucking wealth and plenty. You know, like it's not

people are really really provincial here they think like everywhere is like Chicago or LA or like New York City it's not at all like that and like the only majority of this planet I think what's the what's the statistic like something like um I think like 600 million people like live on like three dollars a day and there's like a billion people that live on like a dollar 50 a day and that's like normal like think about that so yeah this idea that like this idea that like oh it's crazy to think that you know these people in in in the underdeveloped world they were kind of a permanently we used to be called the third world that they'd be like oh they never wanted anything to do with china or russia it's like what are you talking about and like a

chinese or like a muscovite like garment guy shows up in africa that that guy that guy's like a baller you know like the people the natives there look at that guy like this guy's ridiculous he's got like he's got a brand new like fucking teslo he's driving around and he's got like endless money you know he's got like endless fucking guns and ammo like it's it's like crazy you know like I don't know why people can't get their mind around that

plus if you side with you're siding with Russia and China they're not going to try and socially engineer you out of existence as I tried to do with the Taliban and the Afghanistan made their choice and you know they stay side

to stuff too I mean you're absolutely right but like my buddy I'm not going to name it but I told me like dude he was like in them Marine Corps, he was an infantry officer, and then he went to naval intelligence. He told me that in Afghanistan, he was in Afghanistan, he was in Africa. And he's like, they're literally following this like 1963, like, Cold War playbook, where it's like, we're going to train indigenous forces with our values. I'm like, to do what?

Like, are they fighting, like, the imaginary Viet Cong or, like, the communists trying to sway them to their side? What are you training these people to do? It's like, I totally get it. You want a forward deployment in Afghanistan, especially considering what I think by mid-century is going to be like a real kind of hot conflict between the United States, the Russian Federation, China. You know, places like Kazakhstan are going to be very significant in this kind of contest. So I get it. You want like a forward deployment in Afghanistan. Like, why are you training the Afghan National Army?

That makes literally no fucking sense. That's like militarily asinine. You know, like you don't train indigenous forces to, the communist and the absence of the communists. You know, you just deploy there and you buy off if you have to buy off in order to like make sure things run smoothly. You do things like the British Empire did.

The British Empire didn't train indigenous forces against imaginary ops. They said, we're going to be here. It's like the cartel says. There's like the Spanish like, I don't know, like adage or something. It's like you can either have like,

it's like you can have my silver, you can have my steel. You can take. my money or I'm going to cut you to pieces if you won't cooperate. Like that's basically how you handle like imperial foreign policy in a place like Afghanistan. It's like we're going to be here. We're going to deploy relative depth. You can get rich from this or you can have a problem. You know, like why why are we training Afghan?

What are you training them to do? You know, it's when you were mentioning this military, this Cold War military, I remember back in like 2007 when Ron Paul was running. and he was up on the debate stage. And he had made the comment, he's like, we need like six submarines. We need like three submarines in the Atlantic, three submarines in the Pacific,

and we have our missile system. What else do we need? That's it. And every cold warrior was like screaming, you know, screaming about how the Muslims were going to come here and everything. What,

if we don't have 14 aircraft carriers? I mean, like, even if it's like, what's also like Michael Sawyer said, like even if you accept I mean, obviously I don't, but even do you accept that like the Islamic world is some kind of like, ah. It's like, okay, obviously the way you'd handle that is you'd basically like exclude Islamic integration and like close the southern border. But you wouldn't build like dozens of aircraft carriers and pretend that, you know, we're, we, and pretend that, you know, we need, we need like the F-22 in the joint strike fight or otherwise, like, we're going to get rooked by by some kind of Soviet.

aircraft that represents an obsolete. Like, even if that was true, it's like, okay, so why you're preparing to basically wage, like a combined arms, conventional war, you know, with these platforms that haven't been viable in decades.

I mean, I also think... Go ahead. I'm sorry. The Zionist narrative that would back up anything like that, other against the Russians, the Chinese, or the Islamic world, I mean, that's collapsing in itself in real time. As we

saw, all those protests on the DNC, the crux of them was the Israel Palestine issue. There is no, going outside and declaring yourself as this big you know, Zionist warrior for Israel and Christian America has no sway now.

With anybody right, right, left, or center. No, and that is a huge sea change, man. Because when I was, I realize I, I don't want to sound like some old guy to say, I'm like, you should appreciate what you have today. Like, I mean, there is some

true to that, man. Like, especially, like, when younger guys who, like, weren't alive then. They're like, you know what you're talking about? It's not like when you were young. Shit's so bad now. I'm like, bro, people fucking... People hated us, man,

like, 30 years ago. And the only 90s, if you're, like, a white dude, is like, yeah, I'm pro white. Like, in Chicago, if you went, like I said, if you went to a place like Bridgeport or Beverly, yeah, some guys would be like, okay, bro, I am two.

Like, on the open street. street, people look at you like, you're a fucking scumbag. And, like, you, you basically couldn't go to, like, 70% of the city because it's like you'd get stomped out and people would accept it. And if it's your fault, like, why you're fucking around with, in a non-white hood. You're asking for it. Like, nobody would talk that way now. You know, like, even here, like, nobody would talk that way.

You know, it's like, basically they expect, like, basically, if you're like a white dude, it's like expected you at least kind of like Donald Trump and like you probably have like right wing ideas of some sort and people just like that's the way it is you know and like basically you're looked at like a weirdo or like corny if like you like you like Israel like whether you're

like right or left like nobody likes Israel like 30 years ago people would say like you're like a piece of shit like how dare you say about Israel they're like our only friends you know like nobody nobody and if you do you're viewed as like some corny weirdo you know it's like I won't accept that like things are so bad now when people used to be based like that's not remotely the way shit is

like it's it's literally like an odd with reality you know and like i say like i i i don't plan to be like super worldly but i mean i do spend like half the year traveling around and like i i basically spend my day like walking around a metro area of five million people and i think i know something man like I don't, you know, it's, it's, it's like night and day compared to 30 years ago today, you know, and I maintain too, like people, like this election fakery is not something new. It goes back to 1992, okay? That was probably the last time there was like real, real like presidential election, you know, and like with people like voting and votes being tallied and that outcome being honored. And, you know, like I said, like after that, it was just, like, horse trading as, like, what party and what, what, you know, kind of aggregate interest. Okay, you get this state. We get that state. You get this.

We get that. You know, I, so it's not, you can't convince me that, like, things are terrible now when, like, they were better, like, 30 years ago. Or even 20 years ago, man. I mean, like, even, I remember even here where, like, people here, like, hated Bush 43. I think 423 was a very bad guy, but I don't know how, like, Normans get, like, excitedly, like, angry with him. I mean, it was kind of like a cipher.

But even so, I remember, like, saying, like, the Iraq war is, like, really fucked up. And people would be like, hey, don't you say that, man. You know, you remember, like, people spitting on troops coming back from now. You don't criticize this when we're at war. And, like, what are you talking about? You know, it's like, now we can't, like, say that, like,

this is fucked up. Like, but that's the way people were, man. You know, don't you remember 9-11, motherfucker? like that that's got to stuff like her okay like out and about it be not like internet idiot so that's that's nothing like today yeah and I need that that sort of like

support the troops you know cult of 9-11 type stuff and you know Israel is based because they fight the commies and then Israel is based because they fight the Muslims and nobody believes it anymore it's been proven in real time that those

A that those ventures were not legitimate and be that they fail. Ukraine's the best example. That's a, you know, a Zionist, American imperialist war that failed in real time. And you can't even hide it anymore. You can't even say that

you know, Ukraine's going to win and they're this like you know, for our guys, it's like based white country or kind of for the mainstream that they're this, you know, small nation that was unfairly attacked.

You can say, you know, all you can say now, is that you know the Ukrainians are foolish and they made the wrong choice and there is that other meme that Zelensky joins the Hall of American Allies

up in heaven people see right through this stuff well it's also too I mean I make the point to people and especially I mean guys were supposedly like on our side although I question that a lot there's not like this isn't

1980. There's not like two basic like forms of government that dominate and then like a dozen kind of like minor iterations. There's only like one form of government. You know like despite what the state norm says about like Russia, like Russia is organized basically exactly

like America is. It's got like different political values obviously but there's not there's not like this mass diversity of like forms of government. There's like one form of government and that's it. Okay. Like globalism changed everything. the Cold War was the

like the war to decide like what foreign globalism would take. It's like people talking about like, oh, the left is going to win. It's like there's not like a left anymore. There's not like a right anymore. Like not in like officialdom, I mean. Like that's not the way things work. You know, like you're either like for the regime or you're against it.

Like right wing people are against it. Okay. Like Russia is against it. China's against it. Darryl Islam is against it. There's like outliers like Syria that, yeah, they're part of Darul Islam, but like their control group, like you're not looking like that like as Christians and Aloites. But I mean, the point is that

like, if you're like, well, you're a dick because like you hate JD Vance because otherwise the left wing win. It's like there's not a right and a left wing. It's not like that. I think Trump's important for historical reasons and psychological symbolic ones.

But like even Trump, like he's not, Trump's not this like ideological guy. He was going to like you know, and if you don't vote for him, like, you know, the left wing wins and then everything changes. This is not the 80s. That's not how it works. And I'm not just, I'm not just like dropping bullshit or like abstract, like, political theory knowledge and trying to make it, trying to beat people over the head with it. I mean, it's obvious. It's in practical terms, this is the way things are organized. So people got to drop this idea that, like, you know,

this is the West and these are sovereign countries and it's like the right wing traditional party versus like the labor radical party and we've got to stop them from winning votes or that changes the paradigm that's not at all that's not really true that's 30 years that's that's 35 years out of date well i got to um i got a role so um i appreciate the talk guys um Thomas do plugs. Yeah, man. Thomas do plugs. Yeah, my Twitter got nuked,

which is something that happens to us, so that's why you can't find me on Twitter. You can find me on Substack, Real Thomas 777.com. You can find me my website, number seven, HMS-777.com. I'm on T-Gram. I'm on Instagram.

I'm going to start doing more, like, podcasting and more video stuff. and try and fuck with social media less frankly like I need a break anyway but that's where I'm at Arthur you got anything to plug except what do you got

yeah actually I'm on Twitter and subsec as well actually if you subscribe to Thomas's Subsec I'm one of his recommended journals I don't have a lot on there right now but I'm working on stuff you'll see more stuff in the coming weeks and months you can follow me on Twitter as well

Arthur underscore Rimbaud, same way it's spelled on screen. Three, that's me. Find me on YouTube. Again, Arthur, Rimbaud. Like I said, I don't have a ton at the moment, but I definitely have more coming down the pipeline. And you can come hang out with Arthur in my chat on my Sunday live streams. Yeah, I'm usually there as well.

All right, gentlemen, I appreciate it. Thank you very much. Thanks, Pete. I want to welcome everyone back to the Peking Yanez show. It's been a while, Thomas. How you been been? I've been well, man. Yeah, thanks for hosting me.

I was thinking with that the other day. It really has been a minute, and that's my fault. I mean, everybody's busy, but it was my fault for canceling on our slated movie review episode. And I do apologize both of you under the subs. But, yeah, I've been well, man. Yeah, we should jump on that this week. We'll talk about it later. Well, we were going to, I was going to ask you to finish up Gladio today or, you know, part three.

But there was a, there's a tweet you put out this morning. It was a series of stuff. And basically somebody had put out that too few dissidents appreciate the fact that Russia has its own Zionist occupied government. And I'll, uh, let me. just share this real quick because it's probably the easiest way to put what you wrote there. And you wrote, Moscow's literally at war with Israel. Nobody that I know claims some wonderful government is situated in Moscow, but the idea that it's some franchise branch of the identical regime that is situated in Washington as as asinine. People who believe this are not in the game.

You said there are descendants of the same guys who claim Breshnev's USSR was Jewish as Moscow was deploying nuclear weapons to the port of Alexandria to fire at Tel Aviv. And you went on and on here. So what is making, what would make people think this? It just doesn't, you know, somebody posted pictures like, oh, there was a picture of Putin with a Yamaka on and he was talking to Jewish people. and he passed a law that you're not allowed to, like, you know, beat up Jewish people because, yeah, I mean, that's exactly what you would want, right? If you want order in your country, you just want people running around, beating people up for absolutely no fucking reason. I've had some pagans come at me about this saying, look at all these laws that the Roman Republic, the empire had, where it was, you know, they were like, you can't do this to Jews and you can't do that. Yeah, because you don't want people running around fucking killing people in the streets, these stupid people.

stupid scumbags. So what's leading to this? What is this? I mean, it's too different things anyway. Like whatever, whether there's a good government or a bad one situated in Moscow, whether it's like a left-wing government or a right-wing government, whether it's autocratic or not, and whether it's truly accountable, you know, whether it's truly guarding, you know, the Russian culture as,

you know, it's kind of like the first culture within the Federation of Nationalities. Like, that's a different question. This idea that there's some kind of Zionist cadre that runs Russia in an executive capacity

and that everything it does is some like super complicated ledgered mane. Like, that's idiotic. I think it's two things. There's people who don't really understand politics. Like, there's don't. So the fact that, like, Putin and Lavrov don't, like, punch the air every morning and, like, call for death to Israel. And the fact that, you know, they maintain at least the appearance of, like, marginally good offices that's called in traditional diplomatic circles of Israel.

These people are so, like, literal-minded. They can't grasp, but that's just how you do things. you know like you you maintain an appearance of basic stability um even even among your even even when you're dealing with your enemies perhaps even particularly when you're dealing with your enemies in in public capacities like maybe i think there's the review somewhat warped like america having a state department that literally goes around insulting people and saying crazy things that's really, really, really weird. And nobody does that.

Only America does that. Everybody else, they put on a front of a, you know, kind of like amicable diplomacy, like even when that's, you know, not really on the table. Secondly, there's people who don't really understand Jewish power.

It's just some kind of like stand in for like bad guy or something or like any government that's at all been in all compromised by any um you know by by any faction or element that's you know

kind of like hassle of the organic communitarian impulse of that country like they're just like oh that's automatically Jewish like I think it's those things it's also going back I mean the reason why

um the reason why people like Francis Yaki and like Condi McGinley and like James Hartung Metal, the reason why kind of at the heart of, uh, or at the peak of the kind of Eisenhower era, they were making a big deal about, you know, the, the doctor's plot, which was obviously like a show trial, um, for the benefit of kind of like the lesser Soviets and nominclatured who were like nominclature who were like increasingly dissatisfied with you know kind of the way things were going I mean I there's a real like weirdness to the Stalinism like at this point obviously they were signaling without saying it like look

we're purging the party of this element that element being you know um self-identified Jews who you know very much are kind of following their own um tendency and you know, in within the political culture of the Eastern block. But, I mean, people came subsequently people would say stuff like Oyaki is a Jewish apologist

or he's a quote communist. Like they can't get their mind around the nuances of these things. So I think it's like, oh, that stuff. I mean, I have guys tell me there's literally a Zionist comedian who's ethnically cleansing

orthodox Christianity from Ukraine. waging a suicidal war, like race war against the Russians. There's people who tell me, like, that guy is based in right wing, and the Russians are evil. Like, these people are, like, beyond reason. They're really, really, really, really stupid. And they,

they're, like, the people who insist that, like, the CIA like, killed JFK. So there's an article of faith, and, like, no matter what, they just, like, can't let it go. It's, like, they're, like, committed to it. Like, some people are committed to their religious faith or something. I don't know. But, you

And it doesn't, you know, if you don't understand, if you don't understand the enmity between Russia and Zionists, you don't understand the final phase of the Cold War. And you don't understand basically everything that's happened in power political terms really are the last, really since 1999. You know, so you're just like not in the game. you know i mean if you want to pretend that like you know if you want to pretend that like the russians aren't at war with israel because like

Vladimir Putin like later reith at some holocaust memorial i mean i don't know what to say about that but i mean those like i said it's like it's like trying to argue with some like little kid about i mean i don't even know what but it's like it's like a waste of everybody's time it's just that when that kind of stuff becomes insinuated occasionally i

feel like shooting it down because it's like so off base. And again, there's people who I don't really take a strong interest in what anybody else does in terms of content unless they're my friends or unless I find it worthwhile. And those are narrow categories,

both of them. But NATO and Israel being at war with Russia, like literally at war with Russia, that's the key development in high politics that people must be watching.

right now and the outcome of this conflict cycle is going to have profound implications for the rest of this century. And by mid-century, like I'm always saying, I'm not some kind of auger and I think strategic forecasting is as a discipline.

It's not unlike these guys who claim to be like macroecon gurus. Most of those guys just don't know what they're talking about. And if they do, they're basically shills anyway because they're not you got to treat it like Schumpeter said basically you know on the economic side one of the reasons he didn't oppose economic modeling I mean he was a heterodox economist but he wasn't like a Von Measian he opposed the economic modeling because he's like basically you need to look at like

two to three century like increments and you need to you know you need to you need to code the data therein you know and then and then you can get like a conceptual picture about like what's happening like you can't but like no if you nobody that doesn't work and like they and I mean his era you was talking about the right of the advent of like television it like you can't talk about econ policy and like actual terms in the air of television all you can talk about is really like the last administration or like the last like fiscal season in terms of budgetary or public spending you know so shumperter's like no just nobody's this is all going to crowd it out by these guys do claim like oh no this is this is the i you know modeling like the last five years of you know this is

why um this is what quantity of easing actually isn't you know like a bad thing or whatever like it's nonsense so uh forgive me for going on that analogy tangent but um if you want to really if you want to understand like the post cold war conflict cycle which i said it kicked off really in earnest in 1999 that's only going to be fully realized by mid-century in my opinion and kind of the great the great power paradigm is going to Central Asia is going to be the primary battle space

but it's going to be very fluid and like the United States, the Russian Federation, the PRC, Turkey to a lesser degree Iran and also Syria is going to play a role in that because Syria and Iran have got to be looked at as like a common actor in military matters Kazakhstan is going to play a huge role

although not like a military one you know that that's that's the way you've got to look at these developments but it you know the issue too with um russian enmity towards um you know towards jews and and vice versa i mean that you've got a this precede this predates the soviet union and we got into this in some of our earlier content um i'll i'll dive into that again for context if do you think that's appropriate? But, you know, I don't know why people, like, can't get through their head that, you know, that Russia is not some, like, Zionist state or something.

Like, I don't know. Like, it's because they're ignorant. It's because they don't. But these guys also, and one of the reasons why, and I'm sure everybody thinks I'm an incredible snob or just, like, some kind of, like, nasty old guy. You know, the reason I'm always pointing out that, like, we're the 1%, like, almost nobody can actually understand politics. Like, Knox, it's so, like, mysterious. It's not because I'm, like, intelligence.

It's like, either you can, like, get these things or you don't. You know, either you've got, either you've got an aptitude for discerning the kind of configuration to power at scale, and you understand, like, what inputs, like, should be coded in order to kind of predict outcomes and understand phenomena, like, as it's underway, or, like, you don't. Okay, and, like, probably, the one majority of these guys

are going to be right-wing. They have no idea they have no idea about any of these things. They just, they don't like immigration and like, and don't get me wrong. Like, that's not, that's not misplaced or something. But I mean, nobody, the immigration is never popular. Nobody likes immigration.

Except for ideologues or a hostile to the, to the state in question, or not the state, but like I'm in the nation in question that's available to these, this kind of state social engineering. They just don't like immigration. They don't like the IRS.

You know, like they've got, they don't like what they look at as like cultural degeneracy. I mean, which in reality is like a social engineering regimen. You know, but like they don't get any of this stuff. You know, that's why like they get mad at me and you're like, I'm not going to subscribe you anymore because why don't you tell like inward jokes and like blah? Because man, like you're not in the game. This is not the Illinois Republican Party. Or it's not like the, it's not like the Chicago like white nationalist like brevity.

like grievance platform or something. You know, like I see what I see and I can include what I can include it's not some like platform or something. You know, I mean, I have my own like prejudices. I have my own um, there's there's things I'd like to see develop.

I've got my own ideas on what like good government would constitute, but it's not that's not what I'm doing. You know, I mean, um, so yeah, I think it's that. I don't know. increasingly have like no more tolerance to these people i don't i'm not planning to go anywhere anytime soon like in terms of like being unalive but you never know and uh there's more time

behind me than in front of me um i'm not trying to me more of it i'm just like realistic about this i'm not going to like spend the time i have left like arguing with idiots you know i'm not going to spend the time i've left like like trying to like wake up randos i mean i wouldn't be doing that anyway but you know so i don't i just don't like fuck with people like this you know like they're not part of my world, you know. Yeah, it's the, it almost seems like they have this very simplistic view of politics because they look at the West and they see that the West is completely occupied. So basically all the governments have the same message. And then they look at something like Ukraine and Russia. And it's like, oh, they must have the same message too because at least

part of them is in Europe. And then, well, what? So Israel is at war, with itself in Syria. Israel is at war with itself in Hezbollah, because Iran is, Iran is supporting Hezbollah and Iran gets a lot of their, a lot of their missiles and weapons from Russia. So what Israel's just fighting itself? Is that like, is that what the, you know, what they call the kosher sandwich? The kosher sandwich is them killing themselves so that they can be on both sides of it. Well, yeah, I don't, like I said, it's not some thought out thing. It's just, and most of these people, they're just it's just like bumper sticker

catch phrases and a constellation of like personal prejudices and anxieties and just like goofy stuff that you know they they um they picked up because they got you know some some crazy girlfriend or wife

who like repeats dumb things. She has an infotainment and they get mad about that you know like I said it's not it's um I don't know what like they don't think you know and it's also too like I don't I mean on the one hand um I'm always making the point to like quote red pill metaphor is idiotic and and even if it weren't like we're not Joel Austin's megachurch we're not going door to door to like red pill people it's fucking retarded um I mean we wouldn't be doing that anyway but like conceptually it's retarded but um

you know it's not it's not complicated to recognize that there was and anybody who serves it is not your friend and like these are your ops like that's that's not complicated but something like the nature of Jewish power there's like nuances to it there's dynamics psychological sociological you know um to how human populations relate at scale you know there's um historical memory and kind of the way it the way it presents itself onto a combination of you know like enduring conceptual prejudice and kind of like myth making within you know insular cultures like that makes a difference and also like the culture in question to what degree they have a basically collectivist

understanding or instinct towards um like collective memories and to what degree, you know, they're, that's not present. You know, like some codes are highly individualistic, despite also being, like, very, very kind of, like, cognizant of, of, um, friend enemy paradigms.

Like, all this stuff's very, very complicated, okay? And, um, and then, like, on top of it, like, uh, Zionism itself is something of a house divided. You know, it's like, you've got to, like, you've got to, like, account for that, too. like there's people kind of within the there's people within the same

you know kind of like ethnic and political and sociological constellation or nevertheless like at each other's throats you know and like that that leads to like strange outcomes it's like all of these things you know so you can't just and I mean finally at the end of the day

again it's just I don't you know it uh It reminds me, it's almost the, it's almost the converse of, um, these, these dummy, these truly, like, ignorant people who think that, like, Donald Trump is, like, is doing things to them personally, but they think that, like, or they think that, like, holy rollers and, um, like, anti-abortion activists are, are gonna, like, send them to, like, camps or something. What do that means? You know, there's some of these people who think, they literally think that, like, Jews are, like, they're just like, they're just like, they're just like, they're, they're just like, they're. like some kind of like sorcerers or something and like they literally control everything on this planet you know like uh like the man behind the curtain and in and land of oz or something like i'm being funny but i'm not really being funny that's literally the way they think about it you know like uh like if you wake up in the morning you have to take a piss it's because like there's like

some jewish guys somewhere who like programmed it into your brain by way of like a chem trail or something they're they're bigger Zionists they're bigger Zionists than benjamin that yeah well yeah because to them like jews are like this like this all-powerful like force like i mean don't get me wrong there's it is it's really strange um in absolute terms within in 20 within the paradigm of the 20th century it makes it makes perfect sense that um like Zionists would capture this kind of like outside's clout okay particularly in america that shouldn't surprise anybody especially when you consider the you know certain um certain military and strategic factors that kind of like rendered a perfect storm.

But that's why I'm always talking about like Hannah Arendt's book. Because I mean, she, that's their whole point. You know, like there's nothing, this shouldn't like kind of surprise anybody that these dynamics are present. And that they ended in like real tragedy. I mean, there's not going tragedy like born of of this. But it, uh, yeah. I mean, it's, like I said, I don't, my time is valuable to me. And plus, like, I don't, like, what do I, what do I care with these people think?

You know, they're not in the game. Like, basically, it's a subject for another show because it's like, I mean, that, this, you know, itself is complicated. But, you know, first of all, like, we're not, we're not, or I'm not, I'm not running for office, okay? I'm not trying to, like, build some party. Um, I definitely have a practical vision. of what my people should be doing and we're doing it like literally like every day this is the way i live my life and thousands of others live their lives who i'm indexed with this is well underway but uh you know i uh we're we're we're a vanguard tendency because we're shifting the conceptual

perspective and clear more importantly clarifying it for you know the 1% will follow us. And that's what's going to dictate the way forward for our people. It's not like somehow incorporating, you know, like,

quote unquote, based ideas into like the Republican or the Democrat Party platform. Like, it's not you're, you're asleep at the wheel if you think that. You're like mentally, or you're mentally dead. Like, that's no idea of what we're doing. And even if it's not even possible anymore.

You know, like, that's totally backwards looking, that's totally stunted thinking. That's just not the way things are. And a lot of people also can't come in terms of globalism, or they just, like, don't understand it. Like, even aside from the design of stuff, and, you know, they're kind of gross misconceptions they're in. Like, people have this idea that the world's, like, forever, like, 1980 or something.

You know, like, there's, like, this firm border in America, and that it's just been compromised and it's like letting in bad people or that like there's this thing called the West where it's like clearly defined and you know like the nation state remains king and you know you've just got to like

reverse the lever on policy and there'll be some kind of like some kind of like Operation Wetback like times a million like you know and if you get like Donald Trump in that don't even wrong I like Trump I'm not like saying people shouldn't like him but the other idea he's going to be like

Eisenhower and he's just going to deport 80 million people or like that's not even conceivable anymore okay like the state is dead like the Nuremberg system is collapsing around you it's going to take about another like century and a half

but it's like really kind of in earnest like and probably like another like century probably like two to three years like that America won't exist anymore but um it's like collapsing all around you like conceptually as well as like physically

like the way people think about like law and order and law enforcement like that that's going away like all kinds of all kinds of things of a profound sociological character are happening and people like can't they like it doesn't compute like they can't like understand it or something

you know um so there's that too you know to understand like the earlier issue like understand to understand like Zionist power and understand like why it's slipping right now and understand kind of like why it was able to

insinuate itself in a policy corridor as in such like a in such like a dominiering way like you've got to understand the Cold War. Understand the Cold War you got to understand what you know what I'm going to understand nerve or you got to understand like why World War II is fought. You know like understand

that you got to understand like you know the Westphalian system and how a combination of a combination of conceptual as well like material factors, you know, like, you know, this destroyed institutions like the Holy Roman Empire and like rendered it so that there couldn't be like nothing like a Western Caliphate, which was the way things were going.

You know, not in terms of like Islam in the West. I mean like the Roman Church basically was like heading that way. It's not some trashing Catholicism. It's not like trashing Catholicism. But, you know, like a 30 years war like changed everything. So when you see like unless you truly like understand these things, you don't really understand what going on right now, you know, and you don't, and like I said, the, I'm rambling a bit, but, um, you know, the, the system wheel of under is, is dying at death by a thousand proverbial cuts.

It's just, uh, it's just going to be a slow thing, but it's already well underway. It's not going to, it's not going to be like a November 9th, like 1989 moment where like everything like collapses. and like there's no longer you know there's there's like no longer like a functioning like like regime government like that's not going to happen you know for a lot it's

it's like rubberized against that but it's also like America's unique both in like its size and um and certain other factors and it's kind of like you know the way they're still like

they're still like localized like power bases um and things like that in a way that would be unthinkable in other countries. Like America still, even though a lot of it's like a Potomkin village, America still is like hugely rich compared to like everybody else. So I mean, like

you can you can solve a lot of problems and money or at least you can like stave off like a lot of problems if you can like buy people off basically. There's like a lot of that going on right now. And that's going to continue. Okay. Definitely.

Like things like that. So switch gears a little bit. Our friend Darrell Coo, was on the biggest podcast in the world last week and echoed some some of your talking points. And through that, he went, he I think doubled his subscribership on substack, which was already substantial. Darrell has tens of thousands of paid subscribers on substack. And I don't think these are all paid, but, you know, his, his, his, subscription just went through the roof.

And I don't know, what did, what do you think about hearing, hearing some of the things that you've been talking about for decades, reaching millions of people? It's kind of wild. I mean, it's kind of wild. I don't follow her content heavily. Like, I know she is, but that's about it. Like when Candace Owens, like, retreated me other week. Yeah.

And then I started having people, I mean, this happened some before, but, like, people like, recognize me on the street a bunch now. And it's not me chasing cloud. I don't do that. Okay, I'm not like doing that at all. I'm just telling you literally, like, people on the street now, like, come up to me and they know who I am. And it's kind of wild.

It's kind of wild. I mean, martyr-made seems like a good dude. I don't know him. You know? I, and it's totally fine. Because I'm not like a cloud chaser. if people repeat things I say, that's totally fine.

If they don't credit me, I'd be salty if, I'd be salty if somebody was publishing stuff I wrote and claiming it was theirs. Or I'd be salty if somebody literally like took, like, if they literally took one of my pod episodes or something like that and dropped what amounts to, you know, kind of like a heterodox theory. on the war or something. And it's like, yeah, you know, like, this is my, this is my conclusion. That made me very salty. But I mean, I don't, I don't expect people like, murder made to be like, oh, this is what this guy said.

I mean, you know, because that's not, I mean, that'd be corny, but it's also, like, it's not, nobody's trying to take credit for things or put shade on me by doing that. But it's, it's a lot to get used to, man. You know, but I mean, don't get me wrong. Like, I'm incredibly blessed. I, you know, I don't know.

I mean, life is strange, man. But I did. And I don't want to be, like, morbid or, like, um, or act, like, like, I had such a bad time early on. I had a lot of advantages. But the first half of my life, like adult life, it was kind of rough, man. Like, and I mean, a lot of that was, like, my fault. And some of it wasn't, but a lot of it was. And at the end of the day, you know, like, how, how you manage things.

is on you. You know, and, like, I mean, tragedy's going to happen, and you're, like, you're going to experience horror. And, um, I didn't handle a lot of this stuff real well. And I, I ended up in a really, really, fubour place.

It's like, I can't, it's like, in a fucked up way. Um, however, I never wanted to kill myself, man. Like, not just because I think I got a very strong survivor's instinct. like legit like I do I think I'm literally hard to kill okay not like I'm tough I'm not like any kind of fire or anything I mean like because you all have me in obscurity I'm hard to kill okay but um

I in the back of my mind even when things are really bad like like really bad you know like I was homeless and stuff I thought to myself like if I can only hang on and find a way out of this like fucked up thing, you know, like, like get a handle on, on my eviction and get well and get out of this kind of paradigm of like, of like violence of all kinds, you know, like physical, like spiritual and everything else. Like I can probably like make something on myself, you know, by through like my writing specifically, you know, and other times I thought like, well, that's stupid, you know, it's way too late for that but you know i figured then well it's like okay at least it's like a couple i care about and they've got like reams of stuff i wrote so like if i die um like they'll

they'll be there for austerity and then like in the future even it's only like you know it's only like five guys or 10 guys and girls who like read something i wrote and they're the right kind of people like they'll like carry that with them and you know maybe that'll have like a positive impact and especially because like i don't have children which is totally fine i'm only fine being like a chased soldier the apocalypse but this does make a difference if you're not like a father you know too like well gee i want to leave something behind me and um but yeah it was a little bit personal man like forgive me for that. But that's, um, I, I appreciate that people find my content worthwhile. And, you know, like I said, it's, uh, I think myself first and foremost as a political theorist and

a historical revisionist, but I, I also think I have something to convey to people about the human condition, you know, um, not because I'm so smart or so, like, moral. I mean, I'm a depraved sinner, like, of the worst sort. Like, every man is. Every man and woman is. But I do think I have something to convey to people that,

you know, in their own lives, and especially considering where, like, our people are situated at this, like, you know, historical and epoch, where, I mean, in some ways, in some ways, there's, like, plenty everywhere. In other ways,

we really like the devil is really winning you know and um it's perilous it's hard to survive especially for young people you know i'm not i'm a sole survivor out of my like little quarterly okay i mean that i i try not to dwell on that i'm not afraid of dying but there's things implicit in what i just said that they're kind of fucked up and like i don't like to think about it but i um you know i don't the young people today i think are a lot of lot more squared away than was my generation, but it's still like not easy to survive, you know, and it's really hard being young. So especially I'm hoping that I can convey some of that stuff. But yeah, that's, again, forget that probably got kind of personal and like rambly,

so like, forgive me for that. No problem. You've said that you don't believe that there's going to be an election this year. What does that look like to you? Well, I got, I dropped, like, a short, um, take this morning on on Twitter this proposed ceasefire agreement for Gaza you know

CIA has formerly like it's emerging from CIA which is really unprecedented that that's never happened before right? Because I was talking to my wife about that. We're you know you have so many questions it's like okay the CIA is proposing a peace plan It's like, wait a minute. That's not the State Department.

That's not the executive. When the hell has this ever happened before? Who's in charge? It hasn't. It hasn't. So what I think is the deep state is trying to extricate any impression that, like, Mrs. Harris, or rather the regime, that she at least technically still serves is, like, involved in this. Like, they're not going to let her, like, grab clout.

in that way. Okay. And that suggests to me that they may be abandoning her. Okay? I still maintain, like, there's not going to be like an election in precedented terms. If Mrs. Harris totally fucks this up,

and there is like a deal hashed out in a pervial smoke-filled room between Peter Thiel and, you know, Mrs. Harris is like Wall Street friends and whoever else and they just like decide to give it to Trump like it's still not going to be an election you know that'll just mean that Trump gets the nod

and I think like a dear friend Jay Burton pointed this out and um so did uh so did my other my other buddy seconded this who's

the latter um he's a guy who's been around he's the guy like who like finangled the press pass and was able like you know subversively like get inside the DNC a true but um both let me the yeah both that made the point that you know Trump has on paper Trump has a lot of assets he does not have a lot of liquid capital you know it's not some bash on Trump that's just reality and you know his war chest uh what remained of it was depleted by like this like law fair nonsense.

And I mean, a lot of these, um, a lot of these complaints that were brought against him, like, they, they, they were like laughable, you know,

but at the point was, I mean, they, they, they were trying to, you know, they were, they were,

they were filed in jurisdictions where they wouldn't simply get laughed out of court. So, I mean, even, um, even if it only proceeded to like, you know,

preliminary stages that cost, they cost money to fight that shit. You know, so, like what I'm getting as that, that I don't think Trump has any money. Okay. And that makes him beholden to people.

And when you're beholden to people, you're no longer like a wild card variable. You know? And like I said, Teal is a weird guy. I think I don't want to get into like an argument. Not with you, but I mean, I don't want to rehash the Peter Thiel thing.

Like whatever can be said about him. and like his character and stuff, he's not like a dummy, especially about money. He's not just going to be like pumping money into the Trump campaign for like the sake of appearances or something. You know,

so that's where I'm at with it. But I still don't believe that it's just going to be this, you know, okay, we're going to return to, you know, having an election day where people, you know, where we're like U.S. citizens, like present an ID on Election Day,

and then they cast a vote at a polling place, and then those votes are tallied. And then at the conclusion of Election Day, you know, the man or the lady who is tallied the most votes of the President of the United States, that's never going to happen again, you know. So before we started recording, I was telling you about, you probably saw this thing out of Springfield, Ohio, basically a town, 52,000 people, mostly white, and they just injected like 20,000 Haitians into it at once.

And I don't want to sound like, look, I would love to see a bunch of Mexicans go back to Mexico, but I deal with Mexicans all the time. And for the most part, we get along, no problem at all. I've lived around Haitians before in South Florida. This is a different breed of people. This is literally a government that was founded upon slaughtering white people, every white person on the island. And then they did a human sacrifice and asked a demon to bless them.

And that's how their country was founded. There are reports that they're eating, ducks out of parks. Some woman ate some, some, was on some, the lawn somewhere eating someone's cat. These people historically are not,

should not be here. Should not be around white people. The Dominican Republic shoots on site and they share an island. What the fuck do you do about this? Well, I, I'm at ground zero of the refugee invasion. Like, you know, these refugees are, they're cartel guys, like, cartel errand boys. They're, like, Venezuelan street dudes.

You know, they're wackos from mental institutions. They're guys, like, literally with, like, a price on their head or, like, on the run from, like, Honduras. It's a bunch of military-age males who are, like, I mean, it's literally, like, an invasion force. Like, one of these idiots was, like, squeezing off shots at, like, 20s. towards Oblock because he's trying to apparently like this went like viral on TikTok or something and so like I said to the hood guys

there's gonna you know this is a this is gonna cause potentially like a bloodbath in terms of like gangster shit and obviously the only point of the policy

is an arco tyranny like you don't and it's it's becoming increasing increasing like blade bear. Like, it's just like, why are they, they're taking these, like, guys who've been, like, chased out of Pakistan, you know, like, all military age males and, like, dropping them in Ireland. Like, why would they even occur to anybody? Like, that literally doesn't make any sense. And even, even by the internal, kind of, like, pervers as it may be, like, logic of, you know, kind of

these UN resolutions on, like, refugees. If you're a refugue, if you're a true refugee, you're required to apply for what do you call it? Amnesty or whatever. Not amnesty, but in the first country where you can safely do so. Asylum, yeah, thank you. So there's guys from Pakistan

just ending up in rural Ireland. I mean, like, they're going to bowl up a bunch of Haitians into like Alabama. I mean, like, it's obvious what's going on here. I mean, and it's, um, really the only, the only way people are going to be able to mitigate or remedy that until, um, you know, the regime is forced to stop these things. And it will happen, but like I said, it may be a real long process. You know, you've got, you've got to think locally. You absolutely have to think locally.

And I'm not trying to sound corny. You're like, it takes a village. Like what I mean is in practical terms, in pitch, you know, you're like, it takes a village. Like what I mean is in practical terms, in common self-defense terms, especially, okay? And most especially. This cannot be honest enough. You've got to think locally. You've got to defend your own hood.

You've got to defend your own family. You've got to defend your own community. And, you know, when our people come catch, like, punitive flag for this, whether in a form of, like, lawfare or a malicious prosecution, like we've got to show up to defend them too okay in a broad front kind of way you know like socially politically legally every other way I'm not gonna like Fed speak

or you know the phone of Fed posting like you absolutely must do these things and um you know that's why like I said like I I'm always coming back to social capital and we're we're accomplishing that and every time I see that there's like a bunch of like randos

who like who sent who send me like emails or DMs or something like like I'm like I'm asking me with fellow job applications or something like it's not what I'm talking about you don't get to like we're not building some like community of base people and like it's not like going to chucky cheese or something you don't like get a ticket you can come to like you got to do this shit in your own orbit in your own life in your own locale you know it's not some paint-by-numbers thing but at the same time it's also should like naturally happen you know I mean, five years ago, I didn't know any of you guys.

Okay, like, now you're like my family. Now, like, we have, like, we're literally, like, you know, tens of thousands strong. Like, now, like, I do have an actual physical community that I'm, you know, going to start spending a good part of the year in where there's, like, thousands of us who deliberately, like, took these measures. That's all you can do, okay? And it's not like, I don't mean that, like, some kind of minimal, like it's some kind of like minimum remedy.

Like this is the, this is the way out. You know, don't fuck with regime stuff. Don't index with it. Don't legitimize it. Don't tie up your finances with it. Don't become reliant on a job with it. You know, like you have got to quit all of this shit and you can do it today. There's a lot of capital looking for a place to go.

It's very easy to raise money these days. It's very easy to stay connected with. your peoples okay um if i can do it anybody can do it okay it's not a question like this is like god's hand this is the way like history is moving okay so it's all you got to do is like show up and be correct that's the end of my sermon yeah i was i've been talking to some of our guys over the past couple days when these videos started coming out especially from ohio and then you know we got we got people down here everything with the old glory club And I think we're pretty much of the opinion that if anything is going to, and I don't want this to happen.

I'm not advocating for this to happen, anyone who's listening, if anything could cause the right to go kinetic, it's this. it's seeing those videos on Twitter, seeing America First Legal just put out a thing today, a long thread today talking about where these Haitians, how these Haitians got here, and how many are actually here right now. And this is, I'm not, I don't like making predictions, but a friend of mine said make predictions. It means you got skin in the game. I'm thinking that if anything, thing's going to make the right go kinetic it might be this yeah I say it's already happening it's already happening I mean I if I seem I I do not at all like me to be like flipping about this if I seem that way I'm always behind enemy lines I always have been I always

will be because I'm never going to leave here full you know I'm always going to spend at least part of the year here so I mean this is just this is my every day like I'm not and it always has been I'm not saying like oh I'm such a bad ass or like you know I I know better than anybody else. And that's not what I'm saying at all. What I'm saying is that I don't even like notice it anymore because of where I live. But

yeah, obviously what they're doing is the regime trying to compromise readouts, potentially and as well as compromise the ability of people to mobilize locally, but they're not going to be able to, they're not going to be able to do it.

And what we're up on, it's not a numbers game, but like in terms of, God forbid, you know, like a Ross and Krieg, or in terms of like, in terms of like racial like war politics, I mean, it's conflict politics, rather, it's a spectrum. I mean, we are, 70 million strong, you know, in terms of people who are like, you know, I don't, I don't go for like the one white nation thing, you know, like there's profound differences between

people based on ethnos, but, um, in terms of like silent majority coalition stuff, I mean, these are the people we do stand with, you know, like when shit gets hot. I mean, again, there's like 70 million of us. We're not, we're not going to take a knee and get her asses kicked with a bunch of, like, but I much of like felonious creeps, like, being chased out of their own like, freaking bailed stage shit hole countries. No fucking

chance, you know? But, I mean, we're always, we're always outnumbered, man. I mean, I, you know, like, guys who got, I know some of the fellas who, like, fuck with us heavily and are great guys and

like, a lot of, some these guys have been in prison and stuff before they turn their life around. Thank God I've never, like, been in prison. I've only ever had to, like, freaking stay in jail for a couple days. But, you know, like, these guys said, you know, like, if you're like a, you know, if you're like a white dude who's down, like, you, you, you, you basically, like, walk the yard alone, man, like, you know, not just because, you know, that's, that's, like, the fate of the master cast, but it's also because, like, we're not, we're not a much of freaking tribal

primitives. Like we're not people who need you know some kind of like we need some kind of like collectivist paradigm to function. You know like in the and I emphasize that to people again and again and that's a there's a

younger like younger made a lot of that. That's why it irritates me when people like when I talk about like being a wood and like walking a lone path. Like people like something like esoteric thing that's like indecipherable. They don't the fucking talking about it irritates me but it's obvious if you're in the game and well i mean

this this is where it's at i i get on the bus every morning and um when i leave my little town which is like you know 15 like 18 minutes north of downtown like uh i'm a minority here but like less like it's it's less uh the value is old less but uh ever i go during my day, I'm outnumbered 1,000 to 1. You know, it doesn't shake me up. I mean, obviously, obviously, uh, I,

I want to return to kind of the, the proverbial, like, warm yet iron embrace of my own people. And that's, again, why, like, I'm so lucky to have clicked up with you guys and why I've kind of found my home away from a home in the Southland. But, uh, I'll,

I can fucking thrive anywhere, man. you know well let's end on a um you know somewhat positive or we'll see if if you're on this positive um looks like a fd um one like three different three different areas three different uh states in in germany i think they're all former i think they're all former dbr area which uh makes yes but um so ashland is great yeah what do you think about that no i mean that's that's good news and I know the dude who's, I don't want to dox him. I know the dude who's kind of the unofficial liaison of AFD in America. You know, he's like an East Coast dude.

I'll leave it at that. And he's been very cool to me, man. And so of a lot of his friends. One of the reasons why I don't like people being down on the griper. It's like this AFT in question, like a lot of his, a lot of his, is a lot of the dudes that he, a lot of the dudes that he rides with here in America are like the east coast grippers and they're like they're like fucking solid-ass dudes I got I got love for the east coast breakers man that's I mean I don't like people like shit talking others anyway unless they're truly like one of our

ops and like a piece of shit I just don't like it but I know some people got issues with the grippers um but I want to shout out that I got love for them I ground to that some other things but no these with a FD they're good dudes they're serious dudes but the problem is you know, that kind of breakout momentum, they're cultivating. They're just going to be banned. You know, if, uh, if they continue, um,

assuming they don't just like kind of like peak, um, like with some kind of, I mean, obviously, they're beyond just like being some, like, you know, having some like little stronghold and saxony or whatever. But, um, there's always a point at which, uh, there's always a point at which, uh,

the Bundes Republic, like just some of like bands like parties that you know are um are serious about you know dismantling the occupation regime so unfortunately that's the fate of a of d like if they continue on this path of success but it does but it is positive because you know they're um that regime is uh is losing credibility just like you know the just just just like it's um just like the the host regime from which it was emergent you know here in

America is losing any legitimacy you know um like NATO literally pulled off a massive terrorist attack in German infrastructure basically tanked their economy and like now they're expected to bankrupt like this kind of permanent like Zionist war against Russia like you think

I mean how do you sell that as like sensible government you know like it's not long for this earth so it's something to watch and I can actually I can basically decipher German media like I don't I'm not at all fluent in German but I can basically read it

and understand it unlike say like you know trying to trying to get sense for what's happening like TV France or or Russia or something but yeah no God God bless the the German guys a lot of whom are

are big supporters of my stuff and just like good guys man you know that hurts always with the Germans. I mean, I'm, um, I, I'm very much like an anglophone person. I'm like, I'm like, I am like an Ulster bastard. Like, you know, I'm like more, I'm more like, I'm more like, I'm more like Anglesax and then like a lot of English people, like, literally, like my DNA is, but I did have like a freaking German granny, you know, it's something like I,

and I mean, I like, I like the crowds anyway, you know, but, um, yeah, that's, that's my take. Well, let's take this all the way back to the beginning. Um, some people were shitting on the AFD because it seems like some of the leadership is Jewish. Maybe they are, maybe they aren't. I haven't deep dived into their personnel

other staff. The personality is like they constantly kind of like their control group. I haven't like deep dived into their backgrounds. Maybe they are, maybe they're not. But again, there's no chance of some like electoral solution emerging in the Boonez Republic

for all kinds of reasons. But all I can tell is that the dudes I indexed with and who I've like broken bread with literally who kind of like represent their shit in America. These guys I don't think they were just like telling me what I wanted to hear

like why would they? Why would they? You know, I'm just some guy. They realize that what I just said, that there's not going to be some kind of sea change and see change and policy if they can somehow you know

get a place at the table of a future coalition like they know all of that the read I got was they're they're playing the electoral game they're playing the parliamentary game for the same reasons why like I've said I think Donald Trump is important

like not because Trump the guy is like this amazing guy like not because like his policies or even like such as he exists. I mean, Trump's good on immigration. He's good on trade. Beyond that, obviously, he sucks. Policy-wise, but Trump the guy isn't important. Like, him as a sociological and historical

phenomenon, symbolically speaking, and like an animating catalyst for the silent majority coalition. That's why he's important. It's an imperfect analogy, but when I gleaned from these AFD guys, like they met me and my buddy, my Swedish buddy,

who's actually back in Sweden now, like over in Sweden, he was born here, but he's got, you know, like dual citizenship. We met them at this north side German place, not like my go-to place, I don't know, in Park, like a different joint. And, you know, like they,

they, um, when I was out, like a year and like two months ago when I was out in in Brooklyn. Like these guys showed me like a lot of love and gave me a lot of respect and showed me a lot of fatality. But I think they're realistic. Always the dudes I talk to. I mean, maybe the man in the street is like a dude's paying member of AMD, like what he thinks.

I have no idea. But I like I said, man, I don't think there's a lot of Germans running around like don't understand kind of like the parameters of of um the regime they live under you know do you think the best thing that you can hope for under an occupation government is just somebody or you get like somebody running the regime that just leaves you alone at this point i mean it's in the hands of history you know which is the cunning of reason which you just in the mind of God. But again, it's a matter of like thinking locally, man.

Like you, and what matters is if you live in a small town in Alabama, you know, it's important unless he's like a total shit bag and you'd be compromising yourself and making friends of them. Like, be cool with, like, the local cop or cops. Like, be cool with the mayor of town, you know, or the local cop-troller or whatever. You know, make sure that, like, the state legislature, sure, like, the guy you send there, like, isn't the shit bag. Like, stuff like that.

You know, it, um, if the regime decides it's going to smash you, it'll find a way, it'll, it'll, it'll subject your lawfare, or it'll just, like, or it looks, like, sick the IRS on you and tell you, tell, and say that you owe, like, $800,000,

even though you don't. You know, so, like, then you'll just constantly be, like, fighting, like, hang on any money you make. You know, shit like that. But, you know, um, I people got to be habituated to the fact that if you take on political commitments

especially ones that I don't think it's like this this big scary detriment to like not fuck with regime stuff it's like it's like totally should be like totally liberating but for those people who find it like upsetting

or like really fucks with your program okay well if you're going to take on a dissident perspective you've got to you've got to fully embrace the fact that, like, you're going to be long, you're going to be dead. You're going to be dust before, like, you know, you see anything, like, truly come to fruition. You know, like I said, in my life, I, I figured what's happening now and what started happening, like, like, around, like, eight years ago. I knew that would happen at some point, but I figured, you know, like I said in that before, like, I figured I'd be, like, long dead by the time it happened. I was totally okay with that, you know? I'm lucky to have been alive when this kind of phase of the historical process that touches on concerns, you know, the kind of fate of America in its late, modern phase.

I mean, I'm lucky to be alive, like, at the time I am, okay? That's what we've got to look at it. There's pros and cons than every, like, ever. I think we should end it right there. Two plugs, and I'll end it. Yes, sir. I've got a whole ream of... I got a whole ream of stuff.

I wasn't sure how you wanted to approach this. You want to talk about... It's totally fine. Actually, it was really nice to the conversation to be kind of free flowing like that. But if you want to talk about Russian-Syrian relations from, you know, the post-World War II era to today, I could talk about that like all day.

Oh, fuck. The way that leads to... Why didn't you tell me that? Man, we could have been doing that. It's like, hell yeah, I want to talk about that. I don't know. It's fine. It's your show.

I don't want to be like, hey, this is what we're doing. What? Let's reconvene this week and we'll do that. Is that acceptable? That sounds great to me, man. Now I'm excited. I love hearing about Syria, man. That's...

Country fascinates me. Yeah, it's awesome. I really love Syria, and I've got a great love for the Syrian people. But, yeah, I'm back on Twitter, or X, as they call it. Which is really lame. I mean, this might be like an old person concerned that I open up the X app on my phone, which I do not infrequently, because I'm always on the bus to the train. It looks like I'm looking at fucking pornography or something.

It's like, why would you do that? I like, I got love for Elon, but I don't know why. he did that. It's stupid. But as it may, you can find me there. It's at real, all caps, R-E-A-L-U-A-L-U-S-S-7-L-7-L-L-7-7-L-7-7.

You can find me my website. It's Thomas-7777.com. Number 7-H-O-M-A-S-7-7-7.com. You can find out the substack. real Thomas R-E-A-L-T-H-O-M-A-S-7-7-7. That's sub-Sac.com On Instagram, I'm like all over the fucking place.

Include like, my plug is like in the description, and if you would, please. Of course. Yep, and the merch. Yeah. Since the merch got a free shout-out today and everything. Oh, yeah, yeah. I got, um... By that Israeli agent.

Jordan Shocktail? Yeah, yeah. Yeah, I did a whole substack about that. How that guy's, how that guy's been calling. Thank you. Yeah, what a huge goof that guy is. But no, thank you, man. I appreciate them.

I appreciate all that. I didn't have time to comment yet. But yeah, I Blitz Inc. Studios, if you get, like, include, like, a Mersch link. I can never remember what the freaking URL is, but it, but yeah, I got our dear friend,

here, Cree. He's a brilliant guy for, like, mocking up, like, shirts and stuff. Like, I'm, like, a t-shirt guy. I think everybody knows. You know, and his designs are just, like, freaking awesome, man. So, yeah, that's where we're at. I'm trying to bear down on this manuscript, and it seems to be going well. And, yeah, all is well, man.

We're blessed. And it's autumn, and autumn's the best season. And in a few days, on Sundays, my birthday. and I'm kind of looking forward to that because I'm going to go eat good with the fellas. It's on September 15th, 976, Antron Big Alerts Singleton,

the rapper who was also a cannibal murderer. He was born. I was also born on the exact same date. Oliver Stone was born on that day too, but that was like way back in 1947. But yeah, so me and Bigalers like share a birthday. It was kind of creepy evil.

Does I ever tell you my, my patent thing? I shared a birthday with Patton and I was born in the and I was born in the hospital he died in. Yeah, I forgot that you were born in the Bundes Republic. That's crazy, man. Yeah, Heidelberg, yeah. The same birthday, November 11th and yeah, we're same hospital. All right, man. I'll talk to you this week.

Let's see you. Take care now.