The Pete Quiñones Show - How Do We Interpret the ‘Spirit of the Age’w/ Paul Fahrenheidt

Episode Date: March 10, 2026

PG-1379 MinutesPaul Fahrenheidt is a husband and father and founding member of the Old Glory Club.Pete and Paul did a deep dive into the concept of the "Spirit of the Age," as mentioned over 50 times in Francis Parker Yockey's "Imperium." This is Episode 901.Old Glory Club YouTube ChannelOld Glory Club SubstackPete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's Substack Pete's SubscribestarPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.

So you want to go up this road here and get to the roundabout. You take a left and then you go past Murphy's house. Do you know the Murphy's their young lad, Sean? I think he's over in London now. Oh yeah. FBD doesn't stand for frustratingly bad directions. FBD stands for support. We support van drivers in Ireland with up to 75% of new van policies.

FBD insurance. Support. It's what we do. I can't miss it. Once you pass there, a little terrier will start to chase you. And once he gives up, you should be there. 25% off based on five years no claims discount. Terms and conditions apply. Underwritten by FPD Insurance, PLC. FPD Insurance Group Limited, trading as FBD Insurance, is regulated by the Central Bank of Ireland.

I want to welcome everyone back to the Pete Cagnonez Show. I'm here with Paul Farenheit again, and we're going to continue talking about Mr. Francis Parker-Yaki. How are you doing, Paul? I'm doing very well, Mr. Pete. Thank you again for having me on. It is always an honor, a pleasure, and a privilege to be on your platform. Thank you very much. Well, we're not going to read Yaki today, but there is a phrase that Yaki uses over and over again. If you get a PDF of Imperium, you control effort, and you type in Spirit of the Age, he uses that term 52 times. He used it 51 times. It's once used in the introduction by Carlin.

or some people say somebody else. But he mentions the spirit of the age 51 times. And I want to just, I will read one part. I will read a part of his introduction that includes the spirit of the age. And we'll use it as jumping off point. So he says, in this book, Imperium, are the precise organic foundations of the Western soul, and in particular, it's imperative at this present stage.

Either Europe will become totally integrated or it will pass entirely out of history, its people will be dispersed, its efforts and brains will be at the disposal forever of extra-European forces. This is shown herein, not to be abstract formulae and intellectualized theories, but organically and historically. The conclusions are not arbitrary, not a subject for choosing or rejecting, but absolutely compelling to minds which wish to take part in affairs. The real author is the spirit of the age, and its commands do not admit of argumentation,

and their sanction is the crushing might of history, bringing defeat, humiliation, death, and chaos. So when you hear the term the spirit of the age, where does your mind first go? Well, Mr. P., whenever Yaqui uses the spirit of the age, you have to understand he was writing in the 20th century, which is possibly the most atheistic century that has ever existed second only, or well, seconded only by the 17th century, which is ironic because that century is known for the wars of religion. But, you know, he's writing that to basically, basically shorthand in the will of God without, like, saying the will of God.

So understanding this from a top-down perspective, the spirit of the age must be understood first and foremost is how God exerts his will upon the world vis-a-vis the forces of history. Correct. And let's talk a little bit about just the term, the term spirit, because, you know, you've already mentioned that we basically live in an age of atheism, whenever anybody hears spirit, somebody who is religious is going to interpret it as one thing, somebody who is quote unquote spiritual is going to interpret it as another, and the atheist, the real atheist,

will roll their eyes. So is he using it because he is purposely trying to reintroduce it. He's trying to make sure that we don't forget it in a time where when he's writing this, where, you know, the war has just ended millions upon millions are dead. And he's already witnessed firsthand that a takeover of the West is underway. You know, I think, I think that is, I mean, to say underway is an understatement. Like, it's already done. Like, it's already over. They've already won. And he's basically like one of the last burning vestiges of what it used to be trying to preserve a kernel of what the West once was. And I mean, yeah, he's he's framing it in the way that I think mid-20th century individuals would understand because

by the time of the mid-20th century, people have these myths about the greatest generation and all this other stuff. And to a large extent, some of them were true, especially in the American South, but for the most part, the greatest generation were more degenerate and atheistic than we are today. Like, you know, anyone who takes five seconds to scratch beneath the veneer of mid-century American and Western European society realizes it was nothing but drugs and, you know, elicit sexual activities and all these other things. And so, and this was, this was because, in the mid-20th century, they were pretty much at the peak of atheism. And so Yaki is attempting to kind of reintroduce more metaphysical concepts.

And you see a reintroduction of more metaphysical concepts in the latter half of the 20th century as things start breaking down a little bit and people start questioning what they were all doing in the first place. This is exemplified by the evangelical surge and Billy Graham and other individuals, as well as the New Age movement in the 80s. But Yaqui's kind of a precursor to this. And this was largely, and Thomas will tell you this, largely predicated by the Cold War, America was sort of looking for things that differentiated it from the Soviet Union.

It's this weird irony. America publicly called itself this Christian nation that was, that was, you know, we love God and all this other stuff compared to the atheistic Soviet Union. when the Soviet Union, even though it was legally atheistic, basically acted in a more religious manner despite themselves than the United States did. But I digress. So yes, Yaki is kind of introducing this as a new sort of metaphysical reintroduce. And the problem with the word metaphysics is that you can throw that word out there and use it to me whatever you want. But basically, he is trying to start putting a little nail into this secular sort of dominance in modern popular society or whomever, in the society of whomever was reading this book, intellectual circles, people who are tuned into these things, John Birchers, stuff like that.

And so that's why Yaqui is trying to reintroduce it through this way, because he's speaking to a mid-20th century peak of a – you know, you think atheists now are insufferable. like they're nothing compared to their great grandparents. But that's why he's using it that way, because, you know, as you said, he is trying to reintroduce an idea of metaphysics into popular discourse through a term of, even the word spirit of the age, you might mention this a bit later,

but like it comes from the concept of the zeitgeist, which comes out of continental philosophy, German idealism. and it's a sort of strange literal translation or a semi-literal translation of zeitgeist literally means time ghost if you translate it literally. And so he's trying to translate it that in English. He kind of takes liberty to say the spirit of the age. Like it's kind of like a season.

You know, Pete, it's kind of like how when spring comes around you feel a certain way. When winter comes around, you feel a certain way. even if on a winter day it's like 70 outside and on a spring day it's like 30 outside you know what I mean yes totally understand so he's writing this in 1948 can you give an overview of what you your interpretation of his interpretation is of the spirit of the age at that point yeah so this is so 1948 is an interesting year it's probably one of the most significant years after the Second World War. It was when the U.S. Air Force was created, was in 1948, as well as I think, I could be wrong on this. I think the military was desegregated in 1948. Also, I remember,

was Truman still in. I think Truman was still in the White House office, but this is like the peak of like the initial sort of breakdown of relations between the Soviet Union and the United States. And I think the Greek civil war was, was, was, was, was, was, was, was, was, was, was, was, heating up, things like that. Basically, you know, the post-war order was consolidating itself both east and west. China was having, I think, I think, Chiang Kai Shek had fallen in 1948, if I remember correctly. Please, you know, people in the comments are probably going to fact-check me and call me a retard. And I understand, because I don't get things right. But this is the general, the general time as to what's happening around the time Yaki is writing here.

Another thing that Yaki was writing to is at this point, there is still a very large portion, at least compared to later times of people who have the third Reich, like right in their memory. You know, Otto Riemer, Hans Ulrich Roodle, other figures like that of the post-war right, Juan Perron is still in power in Argentina. Gatulio Vargas is, I think, still in charge in Brazil. So basically, you have, you still have this, like, remnants of this mid-century sort of reactionary world order that a lot of these exiled third Reich individuals are trying to put little footholds in. And so, you know, Yaki, my interpretation of the spirit of the age, Yaki, it's like basically we have lost. The idea of reaction, any sort of reactionary idea as it would exist.

in the time period of the mid-century was defeated in the ruins of Berlin and in essence a very dark period is going to follow this and so and so he's kind of trying he's planting seeds basically he's planting seeds he is

so you want to go up this road here and get to the roundabout you take a left and then you go past Murphy's house you know the Murphy's their young lad Sean I think he's off in London now oh yeah FBD doesn't stand for frustratingly bad directions.

FBD stands for support. We support van drivers in Ireland with up to 75% off new van policies. FBD insurance. Support. It's what we do. Can't miss it. Once you pass there, a little terrier will start to chase you. And once he gives up, you should be there. 75% off based on five years no claims discount.

Terms and conditions apply. Underwritten by FBD Insurance PLC. FBD Insurance Group Limited, trading as FBD Insurance, is regulated by the Central Bank of Ireland. he is trying to pull upon well the spirit of the age the spirit of the age is triumphed against against what he was advocating for and what the third rike generally was advocating for of a sort of continental catholic worldview generally even though it was removed from um uh removed from

religion to a large part it was the vestigal holder Thomas always makes this point you know Hitler was a Austrian Catholic. He was an Austrian. He wasn't like practicing, but his worldview was this sort of Habsburg Germany model. And it's kind of ironic that at the end, the buzzer beater, you know, after the Austrian empire ceased to exist,

that the greater Germany was achieved with the Austrian vision and not the Prussian vision. And the sort of Anglo-American world order, that is the sort of Protestant liberal worldview. and Spengler wrote about this in Prussianism and socialism, this was going to be the conflict of the mid-20th century. It was going to be the sort of final, Thomas calls it, you know, we're right Hegelians and left Hegelians,

because those are both sort of evolutions of this general, of these two general worldviews when they come into conflict. And, you know, and so, in essence, that's, that's Yaqui's kind of idea of the spirit of the age. well, the liberal worldview, the Anglo-Liberal worldview with all of its strengths and all of its weaknesses, and he very much emphasizes the weaknesses. And even in Imperium, he also emphasizes the strengths of it. If you read it with a keen eye, he, Yaki is very much of the continental vein, but he is objective enough to speak to what the strengths of the sort of

of Anglo-Liberal worldview are, were, and had been. He simply disagrees that it is the, he, he thinks that it's, it's a spirit of a previous age that's kind of preventing the spirit of the next age from coming into being, but it can't keep doing that because inherently history has to keep moving. The will of God will force the sort of great wheel or cycle or spiral or S curve or however you want to imagine the shape of history. It will keep turning and changing into another direction, just like, you know, the seasons change with more or less regularity. So that's kind of, that's kind of my interpretation of what he's talking about, if that answers your question.

It seems to me also that he, when he, you mentioned history a couple times there, when he talks about history, I think for him, if you were to look at, say, World War II or World War I, and you were to examine them, understanding the spirit of the age and the spirit, of what compelled it and how it was fought and what in the spirit of what happened afterwards is more important than even the facts on the ground when it comes to how the war was fought who won which battle you know who was the first to invade who whenever it seems to everything has to point to if you understand the the why from a once you you leave the material and you understand the metaphysical why, then you can really start to understand

history. That's true. And I mean, once again, that word, that word, that word metaphysics has been critiqued by some. But I think, I think it's a good placeholder for what we're trying to get at, which is really just a, we, you know, Pete, being in the 21st century, you know, you said earlier, we live in an atheistic age, I don't, I don't entirely agree, but I agree somewhat in the fact that we're still kind of trying to throw off the shackles of the old man of the 20th century. You know, like the problem with 21st century politics is that we have 21st century feelings and 21st century ideas about things, but our language is stuck in the 20th century. and we can't really go forward until we figure out new languages for new things,

new words, new concepts, new ways of expressing ideas. We can't really, really like advance ourselves politically or spiritually or whatever, economically even, without throwing off the sort of this old paradigm that no longer really applies to the situation on the ground. kind of like how in the 20th century, they were kind of stuck for a large extent with using the words of the 19th century, at least in the late 19th century, because fascism really is the only 20th century term, because communism, socialism, Marxism, capitalism, capitalism, liberalism, all were products of the 19th century. So the only real innovation of the 20th century was sort of fascism or national socialism or whatever flavor of, of, of, um, of, um, of, um, like, you know, freaking West Slabonian Bolslav, Nipsol, Von Hustle, dictator ideology that he ruled in like two years. I don't know. Basically, basically, whatever it is, it's generally, and I know Gottfried wrote a whole book on this,

but in the popular vernacular, it is categorized under the broad term of fascism. And that's the only innovation of the 20th century. And in the 21st century, there's a whole, other sort of paradigm. Like, fascism isn't even, it's not even possible in the way it was in the 20th century, although the idea of it, the policy goals it's trying to achieve are the policy goals we are concerned about now. So that, and that's a problem, just because the 21st century, in comparison to the 20th

century, I think the 21st century is actually far more religious and far more genuinely theological than the 20th century is. And that might just be my take and people may disagree with me like, you know, and that's fine. You can you can you can do that. You know, this is a free forum. But that's kind of the, that's kind of the worldview I'm coming at this with. So like Yaki is talking about with the spirit of the times, he wrote that Yaki, Yaki was kind of living in the 21st century without ever seeing it in his life.

You know, Thomas talks about how he was one of the only people in about 19, in this period immediately after the Cold War, immediately at the beginning of the Cold War, after the end of the Second World War, that was predicting the collapse of the Soviet Union. Almost no one was doing that at this time. Yaki predicted its collapse, predicted that its collapse would have negative effects, predicted that American dominance, or, well, not really American dominance. The problem, a propensity for revisionists, and I've, you know, I'm not criticizing anyone. It's just sometimes people ascribe to the character and to the people of the United States what other groups have done using the United States as kind of like a bunch of useful idiots.

Because the United States is a very young nation in terms of its political maturity. Would you agree with that, Pete? Well, absolutely. Yeah. And, well, it started off as one thing and then it was quickly subverted. Yeah, exactly. And so basically, basically the spirit, I think that's. America's really coming into political maturity, kind of like the European nations did, because in essence, the American, what would people call founding stock or old stock or heritage Americans or people who can trace one or another ancestor back to the founding of the country, they're starting to become aware of themselves as a conscious entity, which may, you know, existed to a certain extent before, but it wasn't like, it wasn't as a, as a, as a, you

unity, whether you are someone who's from Boston, who's had a family member in the infantry since the Revolutionary War, even before that since King Phillips War, or you're a good old Southern boy whose family has been here since Jamestown. You're kind of looking at each other in a way that no one really has in the sense that, well, both of our ancestors founded this country in their own respective ways and contributed to it and may have disagreed at some points. But we have a lot more in common with each other than we do. with this teeming mass of third worlders and other individuals and groups that sit at the top of society right now.

So we are basically a political group under attack, a political ethnic group under attack who for the first time, I think, in the history of the nation, their very existence is in question in terms, and that's what the political struggle is for them, is that it's like if they lose this political struggle will their existence in effect ceases. And Yaki's kind of talking about this in the mid-20th century. He's talking about Europe too. I kind of go back and forth as to whether or not

America, the American, and I mean American, like European Americans, whether they are an offshoot of Europe or their own thing. And part of me thinks it's actually going to turn out to be a little bit of both, which is good and bad because I'd much rather America be the next type. culture than Russia in the Spanglerian framework. But Yaki, Yaki is kind of already in the 21st

century. He's already kind of coming into a sort of quasi, quasi-Christian, quasi-Catholic, because he had a Catholic upbringing and background, religious view of the world using secular philosophical terms to kind of put it as the skin suit to sneak it past the defenses of the atheistic audience he was writing towards in the mid-20th century. And, you know, now that we're caught up to Yaqui, all of us being in the 21st century, I think now is the time to kind of learn how to adapt the world around us, you know, adapt the world around us to the spirit of the age that is kind of in the water right now. You know, people wonder, and I'll put this last point, Pete, and then I'll turn it back over to you. People wonder why, if this is all about the will of God,

Why would God purposely make the world atheistic? And my answer to that is, you know, if in a world where God exists, in a world where there is an all-powerful God who controls everything, has everything planned out from the beginning and does it effortlessly, knows everything effortlessly, in a world where that God exists, which is this world, it's not at all a feat to believe in him and to, and to give him glory. As a matter of fact, it is just totally natural and it's completely, and it completely follows. What is a feat and a miracle is in a world like that, people can not believe in him. And I think that's the reason why God allows the world to be atheistic is because it's actually, it's further proof of God's own existence that the world, that he, if he wants it, if he wants it to, he can make the world not even believe in him or or turn it against him. And this will open all sorts of theological disputes that and people will be,

will be screaming at me in the comments, I'm sure, for sharing the sentiment. But, you know, that's, to me, it's a miracle because atheism's existence is actually, I think, further proof that God exists. Anyway, I'm just picturing the Antioomian screaming right now. So you want to go up this road here and get it around a bit. You take a left and then you go past Murphy's house. Do you know the Murphy's their young lad, Sean? I think he's over in London now.

Oh, yeah. FBD doesn't stand for frustratingly bad directions. FBD stands for support. We support van drivers in Ireland with up to 75% off new van policies. FBD insurance. Support. It's what we do. You can't miss it. Once you pass there, a little terrier will start to chase you. And once he gives up, you should be there.

75% off based on five years no claims discount. conditions apply underwritten by FPD insurance PLC. FPD Insurance Group Limited, trading as FBD Insurance, is regulated by the Central Bank of Ireland. Yeah. The, what I was going to, I wanted to go back to you talking about how fascism was the, really the only new thing in the 20th century. Communism had been around while liberalism, classical liberalism, monarchy. So in essence, it almost seems like the fight against fascism. is a conservative fight to conserve to conserve what already exists and what already, you know, what already is exists in the past.

But, you know, then I would argue that fascism is not something that was actually brand new. I mean, the idea of your homeland and your family, that's not something new. It seemed to be a return. There's that word again, a return to the past. where family mattered, where land mattered, and where life was just, for lack of a better term, simple. You didn't have to, every time you hear something about, you know, just the spirit of the day of the age, really, trans and genders and anything, I mean, majority, things like this. I mean, these are all distortions. They don't come from nature. And it seems to me that basically what a lot of the people who were writing about fascism were talking about was just

a return to nature, a return to what was natural and what exists in reality and isn't false. Isn't something that is made up by philosophers. You know, know, as de Meister said when he was talking about the inquisition, he said, I mean, if you want to destroy a people, he said, you take away their faith and turn them into philosophers. Yeah, that is true. And it's funny, it's funny how you frame it like that because, you know, fascism very much was a revolutionary sort of idea. And they were self-consciously that, like, you know, national socialism especially.

It was national socialism. Like they were very much like socialist and they were incorporating the red of what socialism was into their sort of movement. And people don't, I'm going to get into your talk about returning to nature and a more simplistic life because I have something on that. But real quick, I want to kind of set the record straight on what socialism is. And Thomas has been doing this too. Like people have a stupid understanding of socialism born out of. of a lot of like Buckleyite, you know, quasi-libertarian ideology of about how it's, it's this cultural, you know, cultural Marxism in the Frankfurt School. Cultural Marxism in the

Frankfurt School came out of this milieu, but found its greatest support amongst the liberal worldview. And I think that's Gottfried's point, if I'm not mistaken, that, that cultural Marxism occurred through liberal means and not socialist means. But if you look at the people who fighting in socialist causes in the mid-20th century. It was people like, you know, atheists though they were, it was people like Hemingway and, and, you know, George Orwell and people like that in the Spanish War famously, but even before that, like, socialism was an entirely white phenomenon, more or less in the mid-20th century, because it was, it was, I'm treading on thin ice here, but basically it was, it was a logical

conclusion that one might come to looking at what the 19th century liberal world created. It was an imperfect conclusion, don't get me wrong, but it's a lot, it's one step closer to probably what a solution was than let's say the continuance of crony capitalism and, you know, oligarchy and all this other stuff. So I want to set the record straight on that. And I think, I think we need to change, we on the right need to change what our understanding of socialism is. We need to actually sit down and like read what Marx actually wrote because if you read Marx outside of any other context, he sounds like he's a racist right winger because he probably he would be if he was writing today.

You know, the thing is is that there were a lot of other people, a lot of other malignant influences, Mr. Pete, that I think you know who I'm talking about, that kind of saw in the class discontent that was very much justified by a lot of the lower classes of factory workers that were very much downtrod in the 19th and 20th century,

it was kind of hijacked and repurposed for other means. And national socialism and fascism and things like that were meant to correct that hijacking. It was meant to be no, no, no, no, this is like, this is a movement for the national people of this nation and not a international sort of whatever, but we're going to keep all the

economic policies and we're going to keep all the social policies and all that. And I think this is because it's like, Pete, have you ever run across the IQ shredder concept? No. So the IQ shredder concept is, I think Spandrel came up with it. He also came up with bio-Leninism, if you've ever come across that. Yes. I could be wrong on that, but Spandrel, I think, came up with the idea of the IQ shredder,

and it's this idea, Pete, that all of these cities require, like the more complex society gets, the more high IQ people, it requires to maintain itself. The more high IQ people, it requires to maintain itself, the more high IQ people move to the center of society,

which is generally cities. And everyone knows, that nothing causes fertility rates to drop like society's increasing in complexity and people increasing an IQ. You know, it's just unsustainable. So all of these high IQ people goes to these cities, get too old to have kids, either have lesser kids or have lower quality kids or just don't have kids at all, die. We know IQ is heritable.

Their IQ dies with them. Meanwhile, the poor ruralites have a ton of kids. And, you know, this is like this is the idiocacy concept. And to a certain extent, that does happen. And this has been one of the driving forces in favor of automation is that, hey, look, all of the higher IQ boomers that ran all of society are dying out and we can't replace them. So we need to automate to kind of keep a semblance.

And Ed Dutton kind of talks about this too, a little bit. But this is sort of how you talk about the return to nature, right? Well, this IQ shredder has existed in various forms throughout all of human history. The more complex, sophisticated, systematic, machine-like society becomes, the more of an all-consuming entity it starts to seem to most people over a long enough time scale. It's great. This is kind of getting into Nick Land's idea of fanged numina as well, which is small. digression. This is why I wish a lot more of right-wingers would look into this sort of counter,

the antithesis of, Yaki's thesis comes from, comes from continental philosophy, Demestra, the Catholic worldview. And the antithesis is, of course, the Anglo-Liberal worldview. I wish a lot more right-wingers would look into like the strengths of it, because it does tend to create really peaceful, happy societies with high standards of living and all sorts of high trust that are almost idyllic if you look at them. And of course, they're unsustainable because everything is unsustainable, including a sort of Catholic reactionary centralized monarchy is a lot more sustainable, but it tends to be, it tends to not have as good. Its benefits are intangible and a lot more than, and you can have economic prosperity under it, but I digress. I don't want to get too much into the weeds with that.

But I think a lot of right-wingers just need to take a more holistic approach the entirety of the general, like Spengler did, the entirety of what Western canon is, what Western political philosophy is on all sides, not just one, like not just the Catholic central tradition and the Protestant sort of dissident tradition. Because us being dissidents, we right now, spiritually, we have more in common with the Protestants than the Catholics, even though many of us may be Catholic. This is all sorts of. It's a paradoxes, Pete. But basically, people want to return to nature if they see in their society a sort of, you know, all-consuming, all-encompassing machine, which is its own zeitgeist, its own spirit of the age. And the spirit of the age is always like ping-ponging back and forth. It's either like, it's either, hey, we've got everything squared away and figure it out. Now we can advance. We can go forward. We can conquer.

we can explore, we can find all these new things. And then you get kind of trapped in these new things that you come up with. And it's this all-consuming machine. And our machine has sort of trapped us. And all we need to do is escape and get back to the land and our roots and what we once were and all this other stuff. And so in the mid-20th century, a lot of people were starting to come to this conclusion, especially in the wake of the Great War. The Great War was kind of like the apotheosis of this. It was probably the most significant political event that has ever happened that we know of.

It was sort of the conflict of old and new, but even it was a conflict between both old and new. It was the settling of almost every old grudge and every new grudge. And it was such a big political event that it needed to stop and take a 20-year pause and then start over again. like, World War I and World War II are in essence the same war with a 20 year break. And, you know,

and that's why, that's kind of why it's like, it's like after both of those, people kind of, they enjoyed the five-minute breather that was the 1950s, but after that, like, people realize that,

look, this sort of grand progressive technological society that we live in, has gotten too progressive and technological and all this other stuff. And it's now just collapsing under its own weight. And this always happens. This was what the 17th century looked like. You had all of these advances in the Renaissance and, you know, in the 16th century prior to it,

you know, Da Vinci's mechanisms and stuff like that and new ideas of political organization and America was being discovered and mapped. And it was bringing all sorts of commodities into Europe that people had never seen before. and you're having small-scale wars and the Spanish were the masters of the world and inventing new militaries and you had this golden age of painting and the Baroque was starting to come around

or the pre-Boroque. And the 16th century really was this post-Rennaissance golden age with some minor conflicts and getting towards the latter end more major conflicts. But the 17th century man was when this you know, this, this, the 17th century, I think, you know, the 16th century, Marlowe, I think, wrote

Faust, which is where the idea comes from. And he wrote it because it was in reaction to what the West was turning into back in the 15th century. In the 16th century, or the 17th century, rather, not the 15th century, please forgive me. The 17th century, rather, was the collapse of the whole system. And that was the spirit of the age. I tell everyone, you want to understand the 20th century, study the 17th century. You want to understand the 21st century. century, study the 19th century. And, you know, anyway, Pete, I'm kind of, I'm kind of getting, I'm kind of pulling off on all sorts of tangents, but like, you had this, this desire to return to nature because it's the,

it's this, it's this ping ponging back and forth. Hey, let's go forward and build a new system and, you know, and like build these great cities and do all this other stuff. Oh, no, it has gotten too big and it's collapsing under its own weight. Let's get out before it crushes us. and go back to the to the provinces and learn where we came from and what we once were with the implied goal of eventually going out and building again. Like this is just how history works.

It's a constant back and forth, which is why Hegel has such a compelling theory of history if you actually read it. Anyway, Pete, I've been talking for a long time. So please go ahead. Yeah, I think before we started recording, I said that there's, a couple centuries from now, people are going to look back on the 20th century and wonder how anyone could have lived through it. And because it would be very much, it is very much like the 17th century.

And this century is starting off like the 19th century. But if it keeps, if it keeps that, or did you say was the 19th century or, that this century was going to be like the 19th century? This century most closely resembles the 19th century of any previous. And it's just a heuristic. Obviously, it's its own century. But like, you know, history, the study of history is basically mining for heuristics that lead you to success in the age you are currently living.

Yeah. Well, one of the things that I, today before we started recording, that I was contemplating, was when I was thinking about the spirit of the age, you know, I saw somebody on Twitter who was trying to come up with, trying to present their own solutions for, you know, what the world is right now. The woke, the gigantic, the size of the governments, the threats coming down from governments,

from parents at, at school board meetings, things like that. And, you know, his, his answer for it was white identity. And as I constantly, whose answer was it for it? Please forgive me. The person I was, that I was going back and forth with on Twitter.

Okay, gotcha. And we were going back and forth very politely. It wasn't, this wasn't, you know, your typical Twitter or flame job. And what I thought to myself was, if that's the answer,

considering what the spirit of the age is now, you'd have to defeat the spirit of the age in order to achieve any kind of real movement in white identity. And by the time you did that, the white identity movement would only be for going forward. It wouldn't even be something that would be used now. You understand what I'm saying? Because the spirit of the age is so anti-white and it's so pro one other group that

that would have to be defeated in order for that to even take hold. And if that were to take hold, we're not in the spirit of this age anymore. Yeah. That's an insightful point, Pete. And as a matter of fact, like, you know, once again, I think that what you're, what you're talking about is really just like is just the old man of the 20th century reaching his long arm into the 21st to try to keep it in favor. And they have to get more and more and more explicit. You are correct. We live in a time period where, you know, our respective peoples

are looked at as kind of this, this enemy that needs to be exterminated. But really, the fact that that is being said aloud, it generally shows the weakness of their situation. This gentleman who was who was, you know, talking about this, this white identity, he kind of doesn't understand how things work. You know, there's a Tennessee Williams line that says, what's the victory of the cat on a hot tin roof, staying on the roof? And what he means, how I interpret that in terms of politics is you, survival is political success.

Survival is political success. If you still exist, if you are not dead, you are political. successful. All right. And that's why, you know, when we talked about Yaqui's nature of politics, like, all disputes where your life is in danger or could be in danger are political disputes.

And the thing is, it's like, it's like, if you're in winter and you really want spring to come and, you know, alleviate you and all this other stuff, like, all you can do is really sit there and wait. There's no, you can't make the earth turn faster. you can't build a massive contraption that'll, you know, cause the earth to spin quicker. You can work a little bit extra hard looking for firewood

so you can keep your house a bit warmer for longer and you can, you know, sacrifice your own energy more to hunt for a couple more deer to keep your people fed happier and healthier and try to make them more of an effort to talk to people. That's all you can do. We kind of just people, people are like, whenever people advocate for riding out the storm, there's kind of this like,

oh, you don't want to, actually, small digression, Pete, whenever you advocate for doing anything, everyone criticizes you immediately. If you advocate for riding out the storm, people call you a coward and say you're not going to do anything. If you advocate for doing something, people call you a Fed and say you're trying to get them all killed. This is the problem, isn't it, Pete?

But what I mean is it's like you kind of need to do everything always all the time. You need to both be taking action and ride out the storm for opportunities. Like, you know, you can't change the spirit of the age any quicker than God wants to. God does what he wants to do when he damn well pleases. And all you can do is kind of just submit yourself to that and be like, all right, what am I going to do? I'm going to be doing my duty in whatever place I find myself and whatever movement I find myself until God decides to change the circumstances of the game and then I'm going to snap on that and be ready to go.

Like, white identity is a win condition. Like, we've already won if that's a thing we're introducing to the masses. It's like if we're talking about that, like we're already, you know, we've already been measured for our victory parade uniforms and all of our buddies are set for life with, positions that, you know, they don't really have to work for for political loyalty. And, you know, we control the media and all these other things. We have a sensible foreign policy and a sensible domestic policy, all this other stuff. Like, you want to talk about changing culture. You do that after you win and you take power, right? You know, that's, that's,

that's why it's like, it's like putting the cart before the horse. Well, what can you do now? Well, what we can do now is what we talked about on the old glory club, you know, this, this previous Friday. It's, you know, local organization. It's making sure that your immediate group of friends are taking care of and are ready to go and gaining skills. It's networking with other like-minded groups, like-minded people, positioning yourself to be in front of as many money spigots as you possibly can, setting up businesses, doing all this other stuff. Like, Yaki, Yaki planted seeds in 19, people don't understand this. Like, Francis Parker Yaki, despite a lot of accusations of his personal life and

he really personally in terms of his in terms of his moral character in like especially with his sexual ethics I don't know if I necessarily want to emulate him in that regard but other than that he's probably one of the individuals

I respect more than anyone else on the planet who had ever lived because he was he would literally like he was a he didn't care about feds. You know, it matter, like, like, there are six volumes of the FBI's monitorings of

Francis Parker, Yaki. I know because I've read them. They've gone through all six bricking volumes. They were keeping, they were keeping eyes on this guy. And, you know, Yaki just didn't care. He, it's like, imagine, imagine, like, Pete, imagine, if you will, your house burns down, your family all dies, you know, your bank account gets sequestered. You're bankrupt.

Your car is totaled and you don't have insurance. Basically, you've lost everything. And you just decide, all right, well, looks like I'm going to go to work tomorrow and start building it back up. That was what Yaki was doing in 1948. Like, people think like all of a sudden he was political. And I know he was doing work with the Silver Legion, with the German-American Bund, with the America firsters under Lindberg. Like, at that time, prior to, it's really seen. like America was going to go in a more

traditional direction, in a more genuinely right-wing direction. He was working with all of them, and all of that was just crushed. It was crushed by basically a total police state that then proceeded to crush the rest of the world. And Yaki, in about

mid-career, because he was, about his 30, yeah, he wrote Imperium when he was 30. It was 31, actually. He wrote it when he was 31. So basically the whole work of his youth was crushed in front of him at age 31, and he just decided, well, time to pick up the pieces. And he volunteers to help at the Nuremberg trials, literally just so he could get close to the people

that he politically supported. Like, at any time, he could have been arrested, he could have been sequestered, he could have been, he eventually was, and, you know, eventually that ended his life. But, you know, during the war, he was, no, I'm not advocating you do this. Don't, don't do this. But during the war, he lived by his principles. He was passing intelligence along to acts as spies, you know, to advance his political goals at great personal risk. Like, people don't understand, like, like, like, Yaki would work with anyone and everyone to advance any aspect of his political beliefs, to ask, to advance any aspect of what he believed as the truth. And it cost him his life. It really did cost him his life.

and and I mean that's that's just that's just and you just don't see that a lot anymore and you don't need to be that you don't need to be yaki yaki as a matter of fact was necessary for the zeitgeist you know the zeitgeist demanded men like him on the right in order for the right to continue functioning you know in order for the right to pass itself along all you need to do now is just like go to your local chamber of commerce meeting or go to your freaking local government. Like, you can say quasi right wing stuff in normal society now and not get, you know, not even really get doxed like you could have in the past couple of years.

Like, really, you have no excuse. And, you know, Pete, I know I'm kind of, I'm kind of shifting this, but like, this is why I'm like, look, like, Thomas will talk about this all the time. Like, when he was going down to a meeting of friends that I was at recently, the airline pilot recognized him, recognized him as he was walking on the plane. Like, that's not just like some dude on the street. That's like a pilot. Like,

Thomas will talk about this when he was in the 90s with one of like 12 people in the country getting IHR newsletters. Like the fact that Pete, thousands of people, tens of thousands of people will be listening to this show with us is a testament to like the shifting of the spirit of the age.

And this time, this time there is no FDR figure there is no competency in our enemies in the extent that we think there is like there was last time and I mean

that's why that's why I mean that's why it's time to it's time to plant seeds and we don't need to wait and sacrifice their own lives like Yaki had to you know it all we have to do is just wait a decade

or a generation or whatever will within our lifetimes. I'm going to make this prediction right here, Pete. You know, Paul Fahrenheit said it right here. Hold it against me. Make me eat my words if I'm wrong. Within our lifetime, we will see some sort of ruling order that reflects our principles, that reflects what we believe, that reflects the sort of synthesis of the greatest aspects

of Western thought, be it Anglo-Liberal or Continental Catholic. like that's and that's what I think the spirit of the age is shifting towards what's interesting is when you were talking about that when you were talking about all the people who you know are waking up to this and the pilots recognizing Thomas I was just going through different parts of Imperium where spirit of the age appears and I came upon political or organisms and war. And this one line probably sums up best what you were talking about. Because what we do when we write, when we podcast, when we do these things, we are doing our own version of propaganda. And anyone who denies that is a liar. Is a liar or they're just not aware of what

propaganda is. It's just one line. It says propaganda cannot bring more men onto the battlefield. than can the spirit of the age? Exactly. I mean, it's not, it's not my voice. It's not Thomas's voice. It is the spirit of the age that is bringing people to understand exactly what we're trying to explain here. How can you have a sort of great battle of Pelinor Fields moment?

You know, I know, I know we all like Lord of the Rings. So I have to do this. How can we have a great battle of Pelinor Fields moment if there isn't some great evil to be slain? You know, people wonder why God lets bad things happen in the world and it's because you don't have bad, or you don't have good, excuse me,

in a fallen world, you don't have good without bad. And good needs to exist in contra to bad. You know, and good does not have its grand victorious moment without like evil seeming like it's right on the verge of victory. You know, but and people, people will kind of raise the eyebrows at me for talking in terms of good and evil. But Pete, good and evil are the most self-evident things in existence.

Anyone who says good and evil don't exist or our fabrications or our subjective, there's a maybe a little bit of a subjectivity to it, but like at the same time, not really. Like anyone who says good and evil, good and evil doesn't exist is either, up their own ass or jaded beyond belief to the point where they're no longer really a functioning being. And, you know, and like, like you said, you know, propaganda, people assume, the problem with

propaganda is people assume propaganda is lies. Propaganda in lies. It's, it's a sort of appeal to like what we're doing here. It's trying to make constant in everyone's everyday lives, the grand principles as to what we are doing in order to further kind of, in order to squeeze that little extra percent of effort out of them, because you can't really put up propaganda without more or less everyone agreeing with it. you know, and yeah, we are making propaganda here because we believe in what we're doing and the people, and it's only really of use to the people who also believe in what we're doing, which is, in many respects, there should be some reaching out to people who are not currently with us, but at the same time, like, the argument that the people who aren't already with us will never be also holds weight. So, I don't know, Pete, I mean, I think the zeitgeist is in our favor.

I think, you know, God is with us and, you know, worse comes to worse. We all will die having stood for what we believed in. And, you know, which is more than, you know, more than they can say, which is more than they can ever say. And we will be rewarded for it once we get beyond this life. Well, it was like I was saying when we did the live stream for Old Glory Club this past Friday night, we were talking about the DERM report. Then we started talking about just politics in general and how fearful people are because the regime is making threats. And it's one of those things where you have to sit down and you have to really look at it. You have to look at what do they exactly have the power to do?

The ATF doesn't have the manpower. They don't have the budget to go through one one hundredth of the homes in, you know, the Atlanta area in a year's time. They don't, if another thing that was brought up was mobs, how mob violence, my violence will at most, could most, at most affect 99.8%. Won't affect 99.8% of the population. They've lost. They've already lost. Now it's just a matter of what comes next.

And just being careful, don't draw a lot of attention to yourself. you know, do everything you can to do that. And, you know, still, if you draw a lot of attention to yourself, they're the odd person that they're making an example of, assuming that's going to be you, you're taking on like a, almost like the spirit, like you want to be a martyr, you know, a martyr complex of some sort. I, you can still see, you know, the negative effects of the old spirit of the age

in people who should be on our side in the language they're still using calling the left or the real racist, the left are the real fascists, and using this terminology that is that the left uses as a weapon that you, if you try to use it, you're playing on their ball, you're playing on their field and they make all the rules. And there's a general, if you are, and we also talks about this, if you're at terminally online, you get to see the worst of everything that's happening. But you don't get really to really see the good of what's happening. You don't get to see people sharing their, you know, their successes and the things that they're doing. And if you do see that, if you do

come across that, and your first thought is, man, the state, the regime is just going to swoop in and just crush those people any day now. you've, you've really, I don't know what to do with that person. They're, they're almost as lost. I consider them they're almost as lost as the, you know, the person on the, for lack of a better term, on the left or the progressive that's bought into everything that the regime has sold them. They're really like the same person because the person, the progressive believes

everything the regime sells them. And this person who believes the regime is coming for them basically believes everything the regime sells them as well. Exactly. That's exactly it, Pete. You know, it's, it's, it's, I mean, I can't really say it better than you said it. It's like, it's like you're doing the work of the regime. And in many ways, they kind of start self-consciously doing it.

Like, this is why I don't like collapsatarians, because it's like they kind of turn it into a self-fulfilling prophecy. And I'll give you an example, Pete, because I know we're kind of coming out to the end of the live stream, but I want to give an example. You know, I've pissed a lot of people off already, and I think I'm going to piss people off even more when I say this. And I might, this might even be going in contrary to what I've said in the past, but I'm going to say this, right? Recent example of Patriot Front. Okay. Recent example of Patriot Front.

Does anyone think Patriot Front are not feds? Yes. me. I do not think Patriot front art feds just because they have a common uniform and common slogans and they do the face coverings and all this other stuff like, no, I don't think they're, I don't think they're feds. They've, they've been around for too long. I think they've just been really good at keeping themselves under wraps. And I think that the strategy the federal government is using is umma is basically having everyone think that they are actually a part of the federal government to kind of contain them because and i'll tell you i mean i'm not going to get too

much into this but basically is it's like is it's like it's this is the crowd of people that you are talking about p is the kind of people who would look at patriot front and think oh the right wing could never do something like this they must be feds oh look you know though they're all super fit. Oh, no, no, they're not. I watched that video. I saw four or five chubby guys, you know, like, it's just they look uniform. But they're generally, they're due, and just because they're in ranks and columns, you know how quickly you can teach people to march in ranks and columns? I did it. I was, I was a, I was a drill and ceremony instructor when I was in the, in the military. And it's really easy. You can do it in an afternoon. Like,

you know, once you get the movements down, now, getting it good is another thing. But for the most part, you can get most people doing it. And so it's like, it's like, you know, and Dimes, the reason I'm getting this is Dimes was talking about this on his most recent episode. I was listening to it yesterday and he had this take. And I kind of see the sense of it is it's like, well, the play is to make you think that organization is not possible, that, you know, going out and creating a movement or a, or a, or a society or something like that that can go out and do public events is not possible.

And that's largely predicated upon Charlottesville. That's like, oh, because Charlottesville, we can't do anything. Well, Patriot Front seemed just fine. They seem like they did pretty well. And really, you know, the question that you ask and the question I ask is, why aren't the, why isn't the federal government like trying to ratchet this up as much as possible to using the mainstream meeting, all that, like they did with Charlottesville in order to adjust to fall by it? Well, it's because it's not something under their control.

Pete, we've talked about Charlottesville before. Charlottesville was under complete and total federal control from day one, from hour one, even before. It was planned, executed, coordinated with them. And everyone was just kind of caught as a trap. They only do things like that with things they control from day one. And I think they're not... So once again, controversial opinion. Maybe you don't even entirely agree with me, Pete.

But basically, what I'm trying to say here is it's like... If you look at something like Patriot Front, you know, and you see something that looks professional, that looks well done, well-organized, well-run, held to standards, all this other stuff. If you look at them and you think we can't do that, then you've already lost. You've already lost and you are like basically helping the regime. You're actively aiding the regime by thinking that. And that's just kind of my take about it. You know, whether they turn out to be feds or not is kind of, it's honestly kind of irrelevant.

Because even if Patriot Front are a federal movement, we should still look at. at them and be like, that looks good. People respect that. And maybe we should emulate it, even if we aren't them. Because I think Patriot Front shows you, and this is, I'm ripping a line directly from dimes, but how far you can go in the U.S. if you don't use swastikas. Anyway, that's kind of a take, the, it's, it's, it's take it. The audience is free to take it or leave it.

I'm sure I'm going to get lambasted by a bunch of people in the comments. And that's fine. You know, it is what it is. It's a free forum. I am just a dude with an opinion and everyone can agree or disagree with me. Well, something you said earlier was when you call for any kind of action, people either accuse you of being a fit, you know, Fed posting. You're calling for violence, things like that. And, you know, one thing that I've taken to, and somebody accused me of that earlier this week, you know, they, it's just total straw man.

I've never done that whatsoever. And what I've actually said was, I said, you have a better chance of, you know, if you want to, you know, really experiment with your ideology, then become a sheriff of a small town, become a mayor of a town. Then you have in the eyes of, you know, most of the public and most of the politicians,

you now have legitimacy. You have legitimacy in people's eyes. and even if you're taking it a little, even if you're going further than people are willing to do, you know, somebody asked me today, they said, I forget what they were talking about, but I was just basically saying, yeah, I mean, I like the idea of classical liberalism. I like the idea of live and let live. I think it has to be monocultural, but I also think that you have to have a martial class who is there protecting the people who are living and let living. that you have to be protected from outsiders.

You have to be protected from infiltration. And you have to have an insanely, you have to have a quality gatekeeping device about who you let in. And that is, there is nothing there that is outside the realm of law. There's nothing there that's outside the realm of legitimacy. there are a lot, there are a lot of things that you can do if you get away from, from urban areas and even, and even many suburban areas.

There are things that you can do. And do, if you do believe that, you know, the world is coming to an end and violent, you know, violent mobs, what are you doing in an urban area or suburban area? And so it doesn't make any sense. I really want to know people who criticize and, you know, who are like, well, you're not doing enough and everything. It's like, well, where do you live? You know, I mean? It's like, I've done everything I can to get myself into, you know, an area that is, you know, basically really not on most maps.

Okay, so, you know, why are you, if you're so worried about mobs, why are you in, why are you remaining where the mobs are? Completely true. I don't know. I think legitimacy in the eyes of the public, especially, I mean, it doesn't even have to be people on the state level or the federal level. Legitimacy in the eyes of the people who you will, you're going to govern over or as a sheriff that you are going to protect.

You know, if there's a sheriff's office and you and somebody, you know, like yourself or somebody you share values with can take it over, people are going to look at, they're going to see that badge, and people are going to think, oh, you know, this person was elected for a reason. I had someone contact me today and goes, I want to run for local sheriff. What message do you think I should run on? I said, I think your message should be that I will do everything up to and including give my life to protect you from any kind of overreach by the regime in charge in Washington,

D.C. or at the state level. And I think that that's a great message. Personally got back to me and said, well, I'm really in a mixed area. And I said, well, if you're in a mixed area, meaning there, you know, it's probably going to be equally red and blue, you're going to have to choose a side and stick with it. Yep. No, I mean, it's it's it's it's it's it's it's it's a game and yet you are going to have to you are going to have to risk things up to and including your life and you know if you're and this is why this is why you know the right just needs to be Christian. I know there's a lot of there's a lot of people who are who are not but like just the right needs to be Christian like you just need to you need to have that assurance that you're a you're a saved human being by the grace of Jesus Christ and your life is nothing.

it's something you can lay down as easily as you can lay down like $10 for a meal. That's how we need to be thinking to go forward. I think there are a lot of people who are upset and there are a lot of people who are scared. And I think they're looking for answers. But they've already decided what answer they want to hear. So when you present them with the answer that makes the most sense, especially if I'm speaking from my situation, and which is similar to a lot of other situations as far as politically and locally around the country.

Just take into consideration that I didn't start thinking about this last week. I've been thinking about this for years now, even before COVID started. I've been thinking about what is the best way to do this. And localism has been the way the whole time. It was just that COVID in 2020 and the summer of George accelerated my thinking and accelerated my process. I mean, yeah, similar thing with me, Pete. Like, this has been, I started getting into online dissident politics immediately after Gamergate when I was 15 years old. And it's basically been my entire life from that point.

you know, it's like, it's like, yeah, like this is, this is, if I could put it on a resume, I'd probably get hired for a senior position because I have eight years of experience in online dissident politics. And, you know, and to be honest, you know, I mean, I'm sure you have even more than that. But like, yeah, that's, that's exactly it. It's like, it's like, you know, we all go through development and all that. But at some point, you kind of have to, Jay Burden said on a couple of shows ago, and he quoted, Kierkegaard and, you know, Kierkegaard says, you go inward to go outward. Well, we refine our thinking to one day use it in the external world.

You know, and so it's like, yeah, the best, the best, even if you look at it as like a test arena for how you're going to do on the national scale, which I guess could work or couldn't work. Yeah, start locally. Start with a sheriff election. Don't even start, maybe not even start with a sheriff election. Start with like, start with like, I don't know, trying to get higher. for a town council position or volunteering in a town council and seeing how much you can influence

the workings of government just through volunteering because I'm telling you, I'm telling all of you, it is way easier to influence stuff that you think. Like, it is literally just consistency and people skills. That's it. Consistency and people skills. That's all you need. Consistency, people skills, and then I guess maybe like a set of ideas that you want to push. And, you know, even if you are like a sledgehammer coming through the door, like your first meeting, oh, well, I think we should do this, this, this, and this, and this, if they don't shit can you and you're still on position, like, and you're more active than everyone, like, play the room, do what you can, but like, it's so easy. And, like, now is an easier time than has ever existed before. You know,

boomers are desperately looking for young people who can replace them, who can take over their positions. They can go retire and burn more of their wealth. And so, like, literally, we have no excuse. And I guess maybe we're missing a set of instructions, but that might even be alleviated. And by the time that's out, like, we've already won. Like, you know, we've already won regardless. It's just now it's just like, well, the world is our oyster and the game is ours to win. So why don't we go out there and start doing things like, I don't know. You know, this whole Anheiser-Bush thing. Pete, like, we could have two or three guys using a VPN.

Just like my friends and I did this one time with a Chinese restaurant. We tanked its, it's like food review score like a whole two stars over the course of like 30 minutes in a car. You know, over the course of like 30 minutes in a car, we were all sitting there waiting for something. And this Chinese restaurant, it was a Japanese restaurant. And it was, you know, being stupid. And so my buddies and I in high school, we just started inventing Gmail accounts. Just creating every five minutes, we'd create a new Gmail account and just leave a, another review. And it got to the point where I was creating an account like, like, what was it?

The account name was like Benito Mussolini or whatever. And my review was this place made me regret my alliance with the Japanese. Like, like, like, like, even just stupid shit like that, like, we got that dude fired. The manager of that restaurant fired and an entirely new management staff put in because we were dicking around in the car for 30 minutes. Like, if we can do that, if you can, If that is 30 minutes of work. Yeah, sure, you had four guys doing it at the same time, but 30 minutes of work got the whole management staff of a restaurant changed. Imagine what, you know, take the Anheiser-Busch thing, right?

Imagine if we had a whole team, I'm ripping all of this from dimes, by the way. He just has, he's putting out all these good ideas. And I want to, I recommend everyone, once you're done checking out all of Pete stuff and Pete substack and giving money to Pete and all of that and Thomas's stuff. Don't even bother with my stuff. Just do that and then go over to Dimes and listen to what he's doing. Pete's been on his show. He's been on Pete's show. Actually, Pete, have you been on Blood Satellite? No, I haven't. He's been on my show.

Okay, yeah, but I'm sure he'll invite you in an interview at some point. He's making the rounds. But yeah, like, you know, imagine if we just had two or three dudes who like made a telegram group. and every day they sent an email to Anheuser-Busch saying, fire her, fire her, fire her, make sure she doesn't have a job, fire her. And then when, if Anheuser, the worst they could say is, no, we're not going to do it. But if they fire her, then say, well, that's not good enough. We're not satisfied. Fire your whole marketing staff.

Fire all of that. Like, that's how you have to act. You have to basically bully these institutions. You have to bully them the way they've bullied you. and that can literally just be done by sending emails. Like we could probably take down one of these Soros NGOs because that's all the Soros NGOs do is they just send emails. They send emails and they make phone calls and people get fired.

It's amazing how it works. You know, I don't know. I'm just kind of spitball in here, Pete, but like this is like, I try to tell everyone you've always had agency and you've always had power and that's always the hardest thing for them to admit and accept because that means that it's their fault that nothing has happened the whole time. Yeah. Well, it's end it right there.

I got to get ready for the night. I got another call. I got to get ready for do promotions or whatever you want. Well, I mean, if you go on my Twitter at Cav King Paul, I don't really care if you follow it, I'm not, you know, on it right now. But if you go on my Twitter, oh, shit, I didn't pin it. Okay. Well, if you find somewhere in my Twitter on my gum road, I have a collection of short stories out called a country squire's notebook. It is for sale for $16.7, which was the founding year of Virginia. It's my sort of, it's my reification of like an American, it's the start of the American mythos. It's kind of like I'm taking the United States and turning into a sort of quasi-fantasy universe. And I'm just writing stories in that world.

if you like that sort of thing or think you might like that sort of thing, go check it out, go purchase it, you know, review it or don't even bother reading it or pirate it. I don't really care. Just read it or don't pirate it and don't read it. I don't care. But, you know, or if you don't like that,

but you do like reading, you can go check out my substack, the Fahrenheit Family Archives. I haven't written a lot recently, but, you know, it's a lot of, a lot of my articles are kind of timeless. You know, you can go, like my second American Civil War article, I think, is, both of them, I think, are a little bit timeless. You could read a lot of my generations.

I do a lot of stuff on like generations, Gen Z, Gen X, all that other stuff. A lot of stuff on, you know, on like, on like upper workings of, you know, what you could call, quote, elites, unquote. But yeah, you know, you can go check out all my stuff on my substack. And yeah, please go check out all of Pete stuff. give them money. And check out the Old Glory Club. I always forget that. You do.

I always forget the Old Glory Club, which I guess is more important in supporting my shit. Yeah. Go read the Old Glory Club. Go read all their articles, do all this other stuff. Old Glory Club, Substack Old Glory Club YouTube channel. Paul, I appreciate it always. Thank you very much.

Thank you very much, Mr. Pete, I'm always happy to come on.