The Pete Quiñones Show - How the Soviet Union Started World War 2 - Complete - w/ Thomas777
Episode Date: December 8, 20253 hours and 13 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.This is the complete audio to the series exploring the research of Viktor Suvorov (Vladimir Rezun) and Joachim Hoff...mann.Thomas' SubstackRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
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I want to welcome everyone back to the Pekignano show.
Thomas is back, and we're still taking a break from the Continental Philosophy series.
We'll be getting back into that soon.
But I asked Thomas to cover a topic that I've been wanting to cover for a while.
And, yeah, I told them he can take as many episodes as he was.
wants to cover this because I think this is real important for from the revisionist perspective
when World War, according to World War II. And it's also from podcasts I've heard in the past
talking about it, it's quite controversial. And maybe I'll ask you some questions about that
at the end, Thomas, even controversial amongst our guys. And I have a reason why I think
it is. But why don't you tell us what we're going to talk about today? Well,
In broad causal terms, we're going to talk about the role of the Soviet Union and the Second World War.
That's an issue that's mischaracterized.
The main minority viewpoint is presented by Victor Suvorov's icebreaker.
Suvarov is a pseudonym for the Soviet defector, who,
was deeply insinuated into GRU,
which was the military's or the Red Army's counterpart to KGB.
KGB was technically a branch of the Soviet military,
but GRU was literally Army intelligence.
As it may, Suvorov insisted, well, most people,
People in addressing Suvorov, they've got a discreet and narrow focus.
Essentially, where they begin their analysis is on the eve of Operation Barbarossa,
and they get bogged down in the minutia of what were Soviet deployments.
How were they arrayed?
Were they offensively arrayed?
What were the comparative force levels and capabilities?
abilities of the Vermecht and the Red Army.
Now, these things are relevant, and I'll address those things.
But that's not an adequate analysis, and Suvorov didn't begin his analysis there either.
Suvorov's claim is that the Soviet Union literally started World War II, and I accept that.
And it's not a strictly military analysis.
Everything about the Second World War was in dialogue with Soviet power and the Soviet Union.
The entire 20th century was in dialogue with the Soviet Union and its existence.
And the ideology that animated its structure, activity, decision-making,
and you know every imperative related to power political activity they're in so other people there's a subset of people just don't really understand the issues presented and they essentially accept what um court historians claim but then they diverge or they think that the question is should they're
You know, should there be a deeper analysis at this key juncture in the summer of 1941?
They're looking at it the wrong way, you know, either out of ignorance or because they're cowed by what they view as a political consensus among academe, and they don't want to be availed to a kind of punitive scrutiny.
and i'll get into what i mean by that um you know i if you if you accept the if you accept
the if you accept suvarov's perspective which was also shared by yacquem hoffman yagam hoffman was
um a military historian he was when he was alive um he died in middle age in the 1990s early 2000s
But he wrote this exhaustive book called Stalin's War of Extermination.
And he was essentially a Bundesweir archivist.
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And he wrote this exhaustive book about the origins of the Second World War.
and you know about half of it is dedicated to the political conditions that gave rise to the conflict and about half of it deals with kind of hard and fast military subject matter but i think that's the best book written on the topic and he agreed very much with with suvorov's analysis but also
So myself, especially being somebody who favors direct evidence and the testimony of parties to the events in question,
you know, if you look at what Stalin said, and if you examine the sort of ontological aspects,
the political ontology of Marxist
Leninism,
there should be something of a no-brainer.
You know, there's this idea that
the Soviet Union didn't have ambitions
of an imperialistic nature
that it had no interest in exporting its
ideology to the rest of the developed world,
that it
It wasn't possessed of an expansionist sensibility that's laughable.
I mean, it's laughable because the only thing that sustains a revolutionary political culture such as that that was characteristic of the Soviet Union is this kind of dynamic revolutionary viable.
that's got to be exported once the revolution is consolidated within, but also, you know, the Soviet Union, between 1922 and 1939, it conquered a landmass of, that was equivalent to the size of the German Reich in 1919, something like 400,000,
square kilometers. This was a massively aggressive expansionist burgeoning superpower, you know, that's indisputable.
And this idea that the world, where you're talking about the United Kingdom, which had conquered 23% of this planet and lorded over 500 million people, you got the Soviet Union, which constitutes one,
sixth of this planet and um it's animated by this revolutionary imperative that calls for the
the bolshevization of the entire developed world you have the united states which
is in control as a as a 939 of fully half of this planet's remaining resources the idea that
the world was terrified of this comparatively tiny country in germany that's a laugh at
You know, I mean, that's ridiculous.
I don't know how else to characterize it.
And the fact that, you know, people suggest that is, you know, is insane.
I'd say it's comical, but there's nothing funny about it
because this kind of garbage informs decision-making,
and it you know it's it constitutes a kind of mass delusion of in the public mind but um you know first and
foremost it often makes this point really at the beginning of his study you know the
the imperialistic i don't mean imperialist in the sense lenin has talked about it i mean the
Soviet Union was an empire in the ideological sense, make no mistake. And this sort of violent,
imperialistic power political sensibility, it was this kind of revolutionary praxis, it was baked into
every aspect of the Soviet political system, even the heraldic standard of the Soviet Union,
which endured until the final days in 1991.
It was literally the globe
with overlaid on the planet Earth
is this giant hammer and sickle.
You know, that was the Soviet coat of arms.
The symbolism is obvious.
You know, communism will encircle the whole world.
You know, and the motto of the Soviet,
Union similarly until the end translates to proletarians of all countries unite yet it
can't really be more on the nose than that you know but again intrinsic to
intrinsic to the Marxist lens ethos as a globalist perspective that that's one of the
the 20th century belongs so much to the communists because it was
uniquely it was a ideology that was uniquely suited to the then present and it was fundamentally
forward-looking that can't be denied you know um it's it's obsolescence oh do you know the fact
that it became a state the form of of organization and it was it was it it became a
became an obsolescent psychological artifact but at zenith it was very much astride the zeitgeist and they can't be denied and even it it was animated by uniquely expansionist sensibility but even had it not been everybody was was everybody who was everybody who was you know
of participating in Veltpolitik at scale, had a global perspective.
I mean, that was the reality.
The 20th century decided what configuration globalism would take.
Okay, so this idea of a kind of insular communism that was narrowly statist and Edward-looking.
I mean, that's ridiculous.
And beyond that, Stalin,
Stalin himself came to characterize the ideological culture of Marxist Leninism for an entire generation.
It's not accidental that, you know, he reigned for over 30 years.
And I believe he was the single most powerful man on earth.
And that is incredible for all kinds of reasons.
but, you know, he very much set the tenor of, you know, the revolutionary culture characteristic of the socialist community of nations, as it was called.
And he was a confidante of Lenin, and Lenin said repeatedly and often,
But most notably, Lenin's famous December 6th, 1920 speech, which was dedicated to communist praxis and the vision of Veldtpolitik, a Soviet Veltpolitik, he said that to incite the capitalist states against each other is the main stratagem.
of Communism. In his words, he said, quote, of using the knives of scoundrels like the capitalist thieves against each other on grounds that when, quote, when two thieves fall out and fight, the honest man laughs. As soon as we are strong enough to overthrow capitalism completely, we will grab them by the throat. Victory of the communist revolution in all countries is inevitable.
and that encapsulates Marxist-Lernus Veltz-Polite and that defined it until the very end.
This was still the ambition when even amiss the strategic nuclear stalemate, you know, in the late 80s,
they were still challenging in Latin America to try and rectify.
the strategic imbalance owing the, you know, the advantage conferred the United States
and their, uh, and its allies, you know, uh, by the intergovernment border.
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You know, again, this shouldn't be mysterious
or controversial, rather.
Now, what I think of as literally the Stalin Doctrine, this was presented and articulated during a speech Stalin made to the Central Committee of the All-Communist Party in July 1925.
and
for
the Soviets denied that this speech
happened
for decades
and it
was authenticated
that
the speech was made
and I'll get into how this came about
as we continue
but we're not there yet
but
what Stalin declared
at this speech
was, quote, should the war begin, we will not stand by inactively.
We will enter the war, but we will enter as the last belligerent.
We will throw a weight on the scales that should be decisive.
The historian named Alexander Neckrich.
He characterized this as the Stalin doctrine.
you know and he insisted that this was never abandoned and that's true and subsequent events and
Stalin's decision making in a command role as well as as as you know in war in peace terms as well as
in his role as general secretary bear that out um you know Stalin's last power political act was
you know, giving
a
Mao and
Kimmel Sung a green light
to assault on the Korean peninsula.
Okay.
And this
led to
a crisis on order of
the Cuba crisis, you know,
less than a decade later.
It's a tangent,
but I,
about every day,
decade subsequent, 1950, 1962,
1973, 1983, there was a general crisis
wrought by the traversing of a conflict dyad
in what was a peripheral theater,
but that nonetheless had the potential
for escalation to it's a general nuclear war.
But my point being that it's not as if, you know,
Stalin literally at the end of his life
was still making decisions pursuant to this sort of doctrine
air, you know, program.
And this became a fixation of Stalin's as the situation in Europe became characterized by punctuated crises, you know, for the next decade and a half subsequent, culminating, obviously, in 1939.
And throughout the 1930s, Stalin undertook a massive armaments program that was unprecedented.
And based on his rhetoric, not just to, you know, the assembled nomenclature of the All-Communist Party, but also these public.
speeches that he made for the consumption, not just the Soviet people, but, you know, as a way of
signaling to the rest of the world, it was clear that he was convinced that a general crisis
had arrived, you know, and global capitalism was on its way out, you know.
it was in 1939, early
1939, the British ambassador
to the Soviet Union
through Stafford Cripps
and the American ambassador
Lawrence F. Steinhart
they both were
adamant that Stalin
intended to bring about a war
not only in Europe but in East
Asia and that this was a
grave threat facing
the British Empire and the United States
of America.
And this is important, especially the fact of Stalin's attention to the developing situation in the Far East.
I'd argue that this was an essential aspect of what became his strategic vision.
And we'll get into what I mean by that in a moment.
When around between about 1991 and 1995, a lot of documents briefly became available from the Soviet archives.
That's how David Irving got Goebbels, the microfilm of Gerbil's Diaries.
That wouldn't be possible anymore, obviously, today.
And now, if you, even if the Russian government viewed you as basically,
friendly your view to as a dissident from the united states they're not going to give you access
to anything the fsb has and i mean even something of exclusively historical interest you know from the
warriors they're not going to let anybody see that you know from without but there was this brief
period of openness in the 1990s and during that period a bunch of
documents that have been corralled by the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, you know, that in the form of internal memorandum, as well as literally directives from, you know, the desk of Stalin, you know, obviously it's not.
indicated as such but reading between the lines you know these are obviously these are obviously
statements from the general secretary um most notably the people's commissariat delegation to
japan the telegram from moscow um that suggests that
the Soviet diplomatic mission in Japan
should agree to any treaty
that tends to bring about hostility
between Japan and the United States.
You know, it's very undisguised
all of these communications are, you know,
throughout the 1930s,
that anything that brings about a Japanese-American war
should be cultivated.
And that this is imperative
to Soviet ambitions.
You know, the way
it was described by
one of the archivists
who was involved in this NGO,
which I think still exists.
There was this NGO that was corralled,
or incorporated rather,
in January, 1989, you know, just months before the injured border fell, like, well, less
in a year, that was dedicated to documenting human rights abuses, as they called it, and
other things during the Stalin era.
And there's interesting data relating to the power political situation, you know, in the years prior to 1939,
that they corralled as well.
And of particular significance,
there was this transcribed memo
from years subsequent
by a man who served in the
Chinese or Japanese diplomatic mission,
Soviet diplomatic mission,
in the 1930s.
And he said,
quote, the Soviet Union for its part was interested in distracting British and American attention from European problems.
And in Japanese neutrality during the period of the destruction of Germany and the liberation of Europe from capitalism.
And then, of course, it became clear that Japan was not going to remain neutral or America was not going to allow it to strike a position in neutrality.
it became imperative to do everything possible to bring in the United States and Japan into collision,
which once it became clear what the new dealer's ambitions were, that that sort of resolve itself from the Soviet perspective.
But nevertheless, Japan was at the top of Stalin's mind, and we'll get into what I mean by that in a minute.
now this is really what's critical to suvorov's hypothesis and mine own as well as what suvorov posited
And again, I echo this sentiment.
The Soviet Union started World War II in August 1939
when they launched a massive surprise attack at Cal King Goal
and knocked out the Japanese Imperial Army.
And that changed everything.
And that also was literally the start of World War II.
If you look at hostilities between 1939 and 1945 as a singular conflict,
which I think in broad conceptual terms is useful, you know,
especially because that's court history claims that war to begin, you know,
in September of 1939.
And bizarrely, they claim that, you know, Polish abhorters,
were somehow inviolable and any any any traversing of them was an act of global war but um
if we examine the ambitions and strategic orientations and objectives of why the soviet union
assaulted japan it becomes clear that this was the start of the second world war and what this
the reasons why they did that what this set in motion it was truly
an aspect of a global campaign of revolutionary conquest, but in the days before that, and this is important, too, because like the 1925 speech, the Soviet Union later claimed this never happened.
And it's interesting how the allies dealt with it in subsequent years.
But on August 19, 1939, Stalin called a surprise secret meeting of the Central Committee of the Politburo.
During the meeting, Stalin announced that the time.
had now come to quote apply the torch of war to the european powder keg now of course this was also
as the non-aggression pact was uh being you know negotiated with the german rike what stalin said
to the assembled central committee quote if we accept the german proposal
for the conclusion of a non-aggression pact
with them
they would naturally
attack Poland and the
intervention of France and England in this war
would be inevitable
the resulting unrest and disorder
will lead to the
destabilization of Western Europe
without
us, us being the
Soviet Union, being initially drawn
into the conflict.
And
again,
know, since 1925, this had been what the Soviet Union was waiting for, according to the
Stalin doctrine, as a catalyst for, you know, exporting the revolution to Western Europe.
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You know, and Stalin continued saying, quote, we can hope for an advantageous entry into the war.
In typical Stalin euphemistic language, he said, quote, a broad field of activity, a broad field of activity was now opening for the development of the world revolution.
In other words, for the accomplishments, which had never.
you know, been abandoned for the Sovietization of Europe and communist domination.
He concluded this speech by saying, comrades, in the interest of the Soviet Union, the homeland of the
workers, get busy and work so warmly break out between the Reich and the capitalistic Anglo-French
bloc.
now this was the first stage of the plan for bolshevik domination
and you know it's uh then the non-aggression pact of course was um finalized four days subsequent
And it becomes clear, you know, I don't want to take us down another tangent, but it was really Gearing, who pushed really hard for a firm alliance with the Japanese.
I mean, Hitler was already sort of disposed that way anyway.
Garing respected the Japanese a lot, and Garing was something of a terrible snob, and he thought that Japan,
It was like a high culture, which is true, but beyond the aesthetical attraction, you know, the understanding was that Japan was a great power in its own right, and they'd smashed the Imperial Russian Navy in 1905, and, you know, Japan was just, you know, the ideal hedge to have.
against the Soviet Union in the East.
So when the Red Army launched this blitz of assault
to the Japanese army in the Far East
and utterly annihilated them, this terrified people.
And it also, it really meant that, you know,
the Reich had no choice but to sue for temporary peace
with the Soviet Union, because then they had no hedge.
You know, and it was clear that any move westward,
you know and
Hitler was confident that the war
a war with France wouldn't be a quagmire
but just the same
you know he knew there weren't the forces in being
to fight off a Soviet assault
through Poland
as the Reich was
you know fighting
in France
so
This was a, this was very much a conspiratorial masterstroke of Stalin.
I mean, no I'm going to be wrong.
Stalin wanted to conquer the Far East anyway, but that timing was ideal, you know, and
there's the forces in being arrayed such that it was a sort of a perfect opportunity,
not just to humiliate the Japanese Imperial Army, but to,
telegraph a message of the world about Soviet military might, you know, and it was highly
effective in that regard. Now, the speech that Stalin made re-outlined his plan for the
conquest of Europe in the midst of, you know, a Western European civil war. The French
national news agency
Havas
they
obtained a copy of this by way of Geneva
presumably from
you know
their own spies
or from a friendly intelligence service
and it was published
in early
1939
throughout France
and
Moscow claimed it was
fake, and it was a forgery. And right up to the present day, incredibly, you'll find these
dummy court historians and their apologies. At Lidl, we'd like to wish all our customers in Dublin
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shaping tomorrow. Claiming that this was somehow a forgery by the French Havas agency
and French intelligence by anti-communists.
I mean, it's ridiculous.
In the official party paper, Pravda,
on November 30, 1939, Stalin himself finally came out
and officially denied that the speech was made
and reiterated this preposterous claim.
that it was some forgery by ant bite by fascists you know um this was demonstrated uh it was
confirmed to have been a real speech by Stalin's uh official biographer who died only around
1995 even in 1993 he gave an interview where he confirmed for all time that
this speech happened, the language of it was, in fact, transcribed perfectly in the, you know, a document that was rendered by French Havas, and that should have settled it for all time. But like I said,
regime historians will simply argue by assertion and repeat lies over and over and over and over again.
And they'll simply deny the evidence in rebuttal.
But this is important because this became a major, there was a major stumbling block for the new dealers, obviously, as well as the war party in the UK.
you know it it was beyond an embarrassment it stood to represent a real crisis with regards to their mandate
but uh it goes to show you what kind of bully pulpit had been devised and erected in uh you know the u.S.
UK. I mean, part of it was because it was a French news release, but even so, it, the ability to lock out and discredit conflicting information and facts that had a tendency to impeach official narratives is pretty remarkable in the case of the, in the case of the focus in the UK and the New Deal in America.
Um, you know, uh, and Suvorov, to his credit, took up the issue of the August 19th speech,
but, um, it was, uh, Volkoganov, Volkogunov was the, um, biographer in question,
who attested at the end of his life to the,
veracity of the speech but um you know the uh it was on january 16th 1993 and again this this was that
period of approximately summer fall 1991 until probably very early early
in 1996, where there was open access to Stalin era archives and data in the Soviet Union.
Can we address something right there?
Yeah, go ahead.
Yeah, a lot of people will say that, like, the Goebbels' diaries or forgeries,
so, you know, why is in all of this forgeries as well?
because it's not an argument it's like saying what who forged the gerbil's diary so what the soviets did was
they went to berlin they they forged a bunch of documents they put it in a berlin bank vault
they pretended to discover it they took it back to the soviet union um the nkvd later the kgb
they continued to pretend that gerbils had written reams of diary material for 50 years they lied about this for no reason then david irving also lied about this that he could capture clout like what there's there's this kind of stock and trade of simpletons and idiots to just go around saying things are fake you know hitler's second book is fake um
General Patton's personal diaries are fake.
Gerbil's diaries are fake.
Everything is fake.
Okay.
I mean, I...
It's like me saying
Donald Trump is actually of Jewish parentage.
I can't prove that.
There's no evidence to that.
There's no reason to believe that.
But I'm just going to keep saying that over and over again.
See, Donald Trump is Jewish.
Oh, you don't think so?
Yeah, well, you don't know.
anything he's jewish i say so i mean i i can do that too okay you know the onus is on the
declarant um you know and again i what so is the soviets from the business of just pretending
that gerbils wrote these diaries i you know i don't accept that um because it's stupid but
Le Cogunov, he was Stalin's official biographer.
He confirmed in
Izvestia, which was an organ
of that constellation of NGOs, as I indicated a moment
ago, dedicated to, you know, kind of truth and reconciliation
about the Stalin era
he
went public
in Russian and
European media
and he was adamant that
the minutes of the
August 1939 speech
that had been published in France
were legitimate. That speech
happened.
And again, I'm sure
I'm sure these same
defectors are going to claim, well, that's fake.
Okay, fine, everything is fake.
I'm an adult and I'm a white person.
I'm not a white inward or like developmentally disabled,
so I don't entertain that kind of stuff.
But, you know, the,
and there's a historian.
This lady historian, Russian historian, T.S. Buesueva, she undertook this broad scholarly evaluation of Suvorov's books, not just icebreaker, but kind of his entire body of work.
and her account of his work product was mixed she was somewhat critical in a punitive way she praised other stuff
but she was adamant that the August 19th 939 speech was legitimate and she claimed that
copies of the speech were known to exist in the special archives of the Central Committee
and the USSR and she made excerpts of it available to the public in December 1994
and there was this big deal the publication was a big deal and it was a big deal and it was unveiled at this
conference of the quote memorial society that's the name that's the umbrella name of that
constellation of NGOs i was talking about and uh this is on august 16th 1995 that uh was this kind of
grand unveiling you know but they they they and this this might seem silly to
make such a big deal about the release of historical documents but if you know about the
soviet system i mean that it's it was this is a special case you know
It wasn't an ordinary political system, and this document changed everything.
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Or it should have in the public mind, you know, because it's essentially a standing
rebuttal to the entire court narrative of the
war and its origins um you know so there's that too so i mean again i where where's where's the
evidence that all this is being fate like i guarantee you the russian government wasn't happy
about this you know i mean i that they still aren't anybody who is fluent in a russian i they're
welcome to proffer evidence that this is all lectured maine and it's
fake um but obviously that won't be forthcoming um you know and thus getting to the kind of meat of
the onset of hostilities you know again um superov's the core of his theory you know again it's
It's not just a matter of a discreet revisionist analysis of Operation Barbarossa and which party combatant or combatants were, you know, the aggressor.
It's far more of a broad spectrum analysis than that.
I agree with this perspective, and I agree with it too.
Not only was Stalin the progenitor of World War II,
but World War II began on August 19th, 1939,
because that's the date when Stalin ordered the assault on Kalking goal.
Japanese 6th Army was deployed there.
Stalin ordered a massive assault.
The Japanese were soundly defeated and eroded.
Marshall Zukov stated on August 23rd, 1939,
you know, in reference to the Kalkingol assault, as well as the non-aggression pact with the Reich,
which had just been, you know, signed.
Zyukov said, quote, Stalin was convinced that the non-aggression pact would enable him to
wrap Hitler around his little finger.
quote, we have tricked Hitler for the moment, end quote,
with Stalin's opinion, according to Nikita Khrushchev.
Suvorov's take, which should be obvious to those familiar with the historical record,
the non-aggression pact on the heels of Japan being crushed on land in the far east,
Hitler believed then that he had to attack Poland to protect the frontier of the German Reich.
He would not have acted without a guarantee of non-aggression because Germany wasn't in a position to go to war with the Soviet Union at that moment.
people were terrified of the Soviet Union
after it had just crushed the mighty Japanese army
so again I mean this is laughable
this idea that
Stalin who had just crushed
the Japanese army
who was sitting on
the throne of a burgeoning superpower
that constituted one-six of this planet
the idea that Stalin was terrified of Hitler
and comparatively tiny germany that's preposterous you know um molotov uh you know obviously was you know
chief diplomat uh his official title was chairman of the council of people's commissars
Molotov spoke for the Supreme Soviet on October 31st, 1939, he said, quote, a single blow against Poland, first by the Germans and then by the Red Army, and nothing will remain of this misbegotten little child of the Versailles Treaty, which owed its existence to the repression of non-Polish nationalities.
You know, so again, too, the Soviet nomenclature and especially Stalin, they wanted to, they wanted to crush Poland.
You know, among other things, the Polish junta was ethically cleansing Russians.
You know, the Russians hated the Poles.
You know, interestingly, you know, again, this supposedly sacrosanic Polish democracy, it didn't bother the UK when the Soviets assaulted.
um that's interesting isn't it but so and then of course too within months the soviet union
assaulted finland you know so uh the uh if stalin was this uh isolationist um oh and of course
Meanwhile, too, you know, the Soviet Union was funding, equipping, arming, and facilitating the communist revolution in Spain, which obviously had profound geo-strategic significance.
You know, in the same period, the Soviets had assaulted and conquered Poland.
You know, they'd assaulted Finland and conquered Archangel, you know, and through the waging of these aggressive wars against Poland and Finland.
And then essentially the extortionate annexation of the Baltic, you know, and threatening to assault,
Romania, all of which gained territorial concessions out of shopping fired, because again,
every, the Soviet Union's neighbors were incapable of standing up to its might.
You know, so by this time, by the Eve of Barbarossa, the Soviet Union had expanded its
territory by 426,000 square kilometers that was equivalent to the service of the entire
German Reich in 1919. And in so doing, as Yaga Hoffman points out, Stalin had ripped away
in all buffer states on Germany's frontier. So I mean, Europe was defenseless,
in the east you know and uh obviously the the time was nigh for a for an assault on europe and where
germany was as of 1940 despite germany's initial military successes you know there wasn't anything
Germany had done that Moscow considered particularly impressive or critical, you know, that would
have changed or altered Stalin's ambitions, quite the contrary. There was no longer a chance
of decisive victory against the UK because, you know, sea lion was a strategic ruse.
The purpose of which was to deceive Stalin, by the way, not Churchill, which, I mean, that's
interesting in its own right but the uh you know and as Stalin who was already by that time
had hundreds of spies in the Roseville administration he knew exactly what America was thinking
and he knew that the United States was going to stand behind the UK German forces were
scattered piecemeal all over Europe um the German army was uh still dependent on
you know on horse-drawn transportation um germany wasn't even close to being able to realize
a full mobilization on the order of you know 1914 1915 even if there'd been the political will to do so
you know the minute germany was cut off from romania they their army would have stopped in its tracks
because that was, you know, their only source of vital petroleum.
I mean, even a layman looking at all relevant criteria and variables as of, you know,
1940, 1941 sees Germany in a position of catastrophic vulnerability.
So, I mean, the idea that, you know, again, the idea that, you know, again, the idea that,
Stalin was afraid of Germany and afraid of its armed forces.
I mean, that's preposterous beyond belief.
You know, and just for, just for comparative purposes.
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Between November 1940 in the day of Barbarossa, June 22nd, 1940.
There's been a massive arms buildup underway since 1925, but this year and a half, or this half a year, I mean, between, you know, the winter of 1940 and summer 41, this was an unprecedented military buildup in terms of scale, scope, and rapidity.
on June 22nd, 9041, the Soviet army possessed 24,000 tanks, almost 2,000 of which were T-34s,
which were technically classed as a medium tank, but they were probably the best overall tank of the entire war.
The Air Force of the Red Army since 1938 had acquired 23,000, 245 military aircraft, including 3,700 that were of the most recent design.
The Red Army had 148,000 artillery pieces and mortars.
the inventory of the Royal Navy in addition to its surface fleet it had 291 submarines which were an exclusively offensive platform this meant that the Soviet Union had more submarines than any other country on this planet they had more than four times the number of submarines that the Royal Navy did
which was the world's leading maritime state.
I mean, this is utterly insane.
You know, and it's unprecedented.
Like, that nothing approaching this sort of scope, scale,
and character of mobilization had ever been.
been contemplated, let alone implemented.
So, you know, again, Germany, which is overcommitted,
overstretched, outnumbered, engaged in a quagmire, not
mobilized for war, like the idea that the Soviet Union, which, again,
had just succeeded in stripping away
Germany's buffer states
in the east
and
that successfully conquered Poland
and
you know the territory
had coveted in the Arctic
after, you know,
an unprovoked assault on Finland.
This idea that the Soviet Union
was afraid of Hitler. I mean, like,
it's so stupid.
it almost doesn't warrant rebuttal because it you know it's an exclusively bad faith
argument but um what the kind of time we got yeah i'm gonna wrap up there because i was about
to get into the some of the testimony of some the commissars about the ideological culture the
Red Army itself.
But yeah, I hope this was instructive to people.
Sure, yeah.
Can't wait for part two.
One thing that I would say is I think one of the reasons that the narrative on Spain
had to be controlled after the war is because if the Republicans would have won, Spain belonged
to the Soviet Union.
And, you know, you could make the argument.
Germany should have never left after victory.
But the Soviet Union, in no way, shape, or form would have left.
That would have been a Soviet satellite state, and they would have had Gibraltar.
Oh, yeah.
Well, it's just like when the ideological descendants of these, of the traitors who fought for
the communists in Spain, it's like when they support Islamic, it's like when they support
al-Qaeda and Syria, they're like, oh, that's not al-Qaeda.
That's these other guys who don't actually exist, or Democratic.
it's like this level of it's like this infantile level of delusion i don't even think they actually
believe that there's insulting the intelligence of everybody else like you know the oh those
weren't the communists there was these imaginary other guys in spain who like what are you talking
about there was this there was this unusual coalition of syndicalist fascist phalanus carliss uh you know
reactionary monarchist types
kind of secular nationalists
you know that was
who are
you know referred to what's the nationalist side
I mean in accurate as that may be
this is kind of the umbrella term that's favored
and there was the common turn
and the Soviet Union
and their proxies
like there wasn't this other element
there that were
like gay feminist
liberals or like Ernest
Hemingway's buddies who just love freedom or whatever delusion Normies have.
You know, it was a bunch of communists like Eric Milke, who were busy shooting priests and nuns
in the face and torturing fascists to death and, you know, preparing to categorically
exterminate anybody who wasn't educable, just like they'd done in the Soviet Union.
And just like Bella Coons, a brief tyranny did in Hungary.
And just like the communist did everywhere that, you know, they were victorious in theater.
All right.
I'll do your plugs for you.
Go to Thomas's substack.
That's real Thomas 777.com.
Dot substack.com.
Go to his website.
That's Thomas 777.com, but the T is a seven, right?
The first T is a seven.
And, yeah, you can find them sometimes on X under his government name.
Yeah, you can link all that stuff from my, you can read.
All those links are on my website.
So, yeah.
And I'll have the links in the show notes as well.
So thank you until part two.
I really appreciate you doing this.
I think this is important.
Yeah, likewise.
Thanks for hosting me.
Thank you.
I want to welcome everyone back to the Peking Yonzo show.
This is going to be part two of Thomas talking about
Victor Suvoroff and Hukin Hoffman's work.
So Thomas, I hand it over to you.
Yeah, thanks for hosting me.
I think I remember where we left off,
but forgive me if this is redundant.
It's something that's fundamentally important.
As of the date of Barbarossa's commencement, June 22nd, 1941,
it's important to understand the strategic situateness of Stalin and the Soviet Union.
Key was the waging of aggressive war against Poland and Finland.
Obviously, Stalin's plan, and this was confirmed by,
Khrushchev was, you know, in the immediate aftermath of the assault on the Japanese at Kalkin
Goal, which, in the opinion of Hoffman, and I agree with this, that's what started World War II.
And the Suvorov, without saying it, abides that perspective.
The Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, which Stalin confided to the Politburo as well as the Crucchief, was
that
that would embolden Hitler
to sue for war with Poland
which he wouldn't have done
had there been the risk of a two-front war
yet
Germany's position was precarious, over-extended
Stalin
didn't think that
you know
Germany could truly stand up
to the UK and France
he grossly underestimated
the Vermont's offensive power
but even in the event of a German victory
his reasoning was that
you know
the French army would have its back broken
Germany would be on this
footing a permanent hostility
caught to the United Kingdom
and Europe would be the communist for the taking.
You know, this was, in Stalin's words, to Khrushchev,
Hitler was now wrapped around our little finger.
And one of the reasons for this confidence,
or overconfidence, you know,
as I think I mentioned before,
as of Barbarossa,
Stalin had increased, expanded the territory of the Soviet Union by 426,000 square kilometers.
That was equivalent to the service area of the German Reich as it stood in 1919.
And especially a particular significance, the aggressive war, the Soviets waged against Poland and Finland,
and what amounted to the extortionate annexation of the Baltics,
Latvia, with waiting Estonia, pressuring Romania into further territorial concessions.
You know, the Soviet Union really, on September 3rd, 1939, it was in the strongest position out of all major powers.
and the Soviet Union became a combatant, you know, on September 17th, when the Soviets also assaulted Poland.
And, of course, there was a deafening silence emanating from London in the wake of that deployment, which is telling it of itself.
but
you know
this myth
that Stalin was somehow afraid
of Hitler is preposterous
for the reason it's just enumerated
and
it's essential to understand
I mean
demonstrative of this is the
posture of the Soviet Union
diplomatically and militarily
towards the German Reich
and secondly the pattern of military deployment
and I'll get into that in a moment
but in terms of the former
November 12th and 13th
1940
you know
the view from Moscow was that the war was going very
badly for Germany
Italy was
not performing well in
in the relevant
battle theaters
which was compromising
Germany's position in the Mediterranean
which Hitler had counted on as a hedge
against the British Empire
there was no
indication of a resolution of the war with the
United Kingdom
you know
Germany's fear of influence
was totally static
you know
Operation C lion was a strategic ruse
And even were it not, it would have been a bloodbath.
You know,
So in November 12th and 13th,
Stalin directed Molotov in Berlin
To transmit to Hitler
Through Ribbentrop
A demand
For the expansion of the Soviet sphere of influence.
Basically, Stalin said that he demanded freedom to deploy in Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary, Yugoslavia, in Greece, as well as Finland.
And he also said that, you know, the Soviet Union had a right to deploy on the Swedish frontier.
This is incredibly belligerent.
essentially all of southeastern europe plus finland and a piece of scandinavia proper
Stalin just declared that this is now my sphere of influence and if you meet this challenge with
the hostile deployment it's war i mean does that sound like a man who's afraid of edolf hitler and
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absolutely no possibility of the Vermeck assaulting the Soviet Union, even on terms of parity,
let alone from a position of strategic superiority, which is somewhat fascinating because this idea
that, oh, the Germans underestimated the Soviet Union, they didn't at all, and Stoffley gets
into that. Howler's report on the eve of Barbarossa, and Halder had actually written, he'd written
an assessment in 1937 of Soviet forces and being and capabilities, it was remarkably accurate.
And von Manstein and Guderian, their assessments, quite literally in the month before Barbarossa,
the Soviet forces in being were exactly what they estimated them to be.
In reality, it was Stalin who was looking west and saying that, you know,
Germany has no meaningful offensive capability, and the mighty Soviet Union has nothing to fear.
And this is the key to why the Soviets took such horrific attrition during Barbaros.
Further relevant to context here, I can't remember if I got into this or not.
there was a discreet mobilization phase throughout the Soviet Union.
Between November 1940, when this demand that I just enumerated was issued to
Ribbentrop to deliver to Hitler by way of Molotov on order of Stalin,
between November 9040 and the day of Barbarossa,
a massive and unprecedented arms buildup took place in the Soviet.
Union.
This
included
as of the onset of hostilities
the rhetoric
possessed no less than 24,000
tanks
including close to 2000 T-34s
which were technically a medium
tank but they were
the all-around best
tank of the Second World War.
I don't think that's
arguable.
You know, the Air Forces of the Red Army had over 23,000 aircraft, over 3,700 of which were considered to be cutting edge fighters.
The Red Army had close to 150,000 artillery pieces.
the Red Navy, including a substantial fleet of surface ships of varying types,
they had close to 300 submarines, and submarines are expressly offensive.
There are no defensive submarines.
And this man, as Hoffman raises in his book,
the Soviets not only had a larger fleet of submarines than any other country in the world,
but they outnumbered the Royal Navy more than fourfold in terms of their number of subs.
I mean, this is the most powerful offensive military element the world has ever seen.
You know, so Stalin was essentially fearless and viewed himself as,
the eminent master of this planet
in due strategic terms
as of Barberost as well as an ideological one
and we're going to get into that too
is something essential to understand
about the Soviet culture
Stalin was keenly aware of what
had befallen the Jacobin revolution
he was also keenly aware of the changing
dynamics of
of ideological cultures within great powers.
You know, he realized that, for example, Japan was on the ascendancy.
He realized that the German Reich had intense energies that it was drawing from,
even though he viewed them as geostrategically weak and compromised.
He understood that the United Kingdom was undergoing a terrible existential crisis,
and that their empire is structured was essentially obsolescent.
And this is one of the reasons why there have been a series of revolts,
you know, nascent as well as well developed and realized, you know,
in the years before the Great War and then in the inner war years up to the then present.
You know, and socialism in one country,
that there was something of a
that was something of a
propaganda cliche
Stalin invoked
to sort of
give a branding to
you know the kind of punctuated
disturbances of this mass
and megacidal restructuring
of Russian society and the Soviet
state which was becoming a superpower
as well as
to, you know, assuage the Western powers, which were very much doing as bidding at that moment,
Stalin was very much engaged with the common term. That had not changed. And in the planning for
what was to be the assault on Europe in the aftermath of the icebreaker conflict,
Stalin, he called back the Russian delegation to the common turn, and he called the
common turns representatives to Moscow to advise them of what was imminently going to happen.
You know, the Soviet Union needed to realize the world revolution to survive, as well as to
consolidate its superpower status, which was not just bargaining, but was being actively
realized
um
also
and I realize I probably got
a bias for
testimonial
evidence
especially
they're not exclusively
in discerning the motives
of men in command
roles
but
there's not
there's not
direct testimony
is more reliable than
circumstantial evidence
unless it contradicts the manifest weight of
extrinsic material facts
outside the parameters
of those declarations and
what Stalin said
his
biographer, Colonel General
General Volkovanov, he, word for word, by the accounts, reproduced the speech that Stalin issued 4th on May 5th, 1941.
and according to Volkoganov
the leader made it quote
the leader made it unmistakably clear
war is inevitable in the future
we must be ready for the unconditional destruction
of German fascism
the world will be fought on enemy territory
and victory will be achieved with few casualties
and as we got into last week
And as I think we've raised before in discussion of World War II, it was a matter of formal doctrine that the Red Army was an offensive purposed element.
Its primary mission orientation was as the standard bearer of the revolution.
And it never struck a defensive posture as a matter of doctrine.
by choice
you know
and I've made the point
before I believe Stalin is probably
a single most powerful man who ever lived
and the momentum
that
the communist international had
at this moment
was at zenith
I'd argue
Stalin had
abide that role or he would have been replaced by a man who would have you know um it was a
convergence of ideological imperatives into strategic realities in a way that is very rare but was sort
of inextricably and splendidly bound up at this jump
And I think we talked before about the secret.
I realize I'm jumping around a bit, but I'm trying to corral the evidence in categorical
capacities.
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The secret meeting with the Politburo, and this is when the common-term delegation was also present,
on august 19th 1939 um you know in the uh it concomitant with the assault on on the japanese imperial
army at calcun goal this meeting that stalin called to the poet borough um and the russian
section of the common turn Stalin declared that the time had come to quote apply the torch of war to
European powder keg.
This is when Stalin declared, if we accept the German proposal for the non-aggression
pact, you know, Hitler will naturally attack Poland, the intervention of France and England
will be inevitable.
The resulting, in Stalin's words, serious and arrest and disorder would lead to a punctuated
destabilization of Western Europe, yet without the Soviet Union being drawn into the conflict
until they
permissively opted due
and
Stalin referred to what he declared in 1925
with respect to the international strategy
you know
the moment is nigh that
we
can
pursue the
bolivization of Europe
by what even advantageous entry into the war
through a broad
spectrum field of activity
which had now
the potential of which had now opened up
for their realization of the world revolution
and of course when
minutes from this meeting and the speech
were smuggled out
and were obtained by the French
news agency
Havas by way of
Geneva
you know and it went
it was published and
then the moscow immediately wanted to damage control and stalin apologists and propagandists particularly
in london but also the united states you know they they they started immediately claiming that
this is fascist propaganda this this isn't this isn't true you know um so i mean this is important
also like when you read books by guys chris bellamy comes to mind but their legion these historians
you claim, oh, Stouvarov is a liar, or there's no evidence for these things, they're redacting
a huge amount of evidence, or they're just not including it, and when questioned, they say,
oh, that's just propaganda. They're just not addressing it. And that's incredible.
You know, I mean, it'd be like, like, imagine somewhat more approximately, like, let's say I was
writing a history of
the American War in Iraq
from 2003-11
it'd be like if I was categorically redacting
things that President Bush
and Rumsfeld said in conversations
they had and just declaring
that well it's not important or that that's just
something liberals say or allege
I mean people would laugh at me
or they'd say that's ridiculous
but in the case of
you know
Barbarossa and
you know the icebreaker hypothesis that's exactly what they
do you know and you're just supposed to accept it um this this is this is very abnormal even
accounting for the fact that research standards and things are often compromised for
ideological and political reasons but this seems tangential but it's essential to
understanding suvorovs and Hoffman's um points
we've got to ask why barbarossa was so tactically successful for the vermont and what that means because this is sort of the key in my opinion um
the soviets were planning an assault on romania in the autumn of 1941
and if you know how to interpret military deployments this should be clear but also if you're going to assault germany from then extant frontiers you're going to do so from the baltic and you're going to do so through romanium and of course germany was totally dependent on romanian petroleum that's one of the reason is
Hitler cultivated the friendship of Antonescu so closely.
Antiniscu held the Knights Cross.
There was very good offices between him and Germany anyway for cultural reasons,
for ideological reasons, other things.
But he and Hitler, despite the linguistic barrier, they were very close friends, too.
And Antonescu was Hitler's strongest ally, I believe.
You know, and close to a quarter million Romanians fought
you know for the access cause in the east which for a country the size of Romania that's
remarkable but army group south deployed from Romania and uh this this was a very delicate issue
because Soviet intelligence which was actually very good this uh the deployment to Romania
the way Hitler the ruse Hitler was able to pull
off was that the unstable situation in Yugoslavia was what was drawing German forces at scale
to be deployed there, but also obviously, through ledgered main and other things, OKW was
effectively able to hide the scale at which forces were being amassed there. But, you know,
not only was at a staging ground for Barbarossa, but Hitler was wracked with anxiety that the
Soviets were in with Salt Romania, because they,
were. So these forces down there are at a dual role. They were purposed for an offensive
mission, but they were also there as a bulwark against a rare army assault. You know, at least
that they, you know, there'd be enough time to reinforce and not just, you know, endure a collapse
of a critical front, which on top of the geostrategic menace,
That also would have deprived Germany, really, of its only source of petroleum and requisite quantities to fuel the war machine.
But what this lead do was there was massive Soviet deployments in the Baltic and in Ukraine through the Romanian frontier.
So when the Vermacht assaulted, the road to Moscow was basically undefended.
Okay.
That's one of the reasons why Halder and Manstein, they were beside themselves because they were telling Hitler, we need to move on Moscow now.
We can't wait.
You know, we can't wait for the weather to turn.
and we can't wait for the Soviets to reconstitute and affect a deployment in depth on the path to Moscow.
And as the deployment schema in Ukraine, the Army Group South was exponentially outnumbered.
but the Red Army elements there, they were deployed in an offensive pattern.
And if you know anything about the way the Soviet Union fought and the way the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation fights,
and they're very much scaled down way today, obviously, and with very different localized combined arms platforms,
deep battle is dependent upon.
fixed deployment schema for it to work okay and the way the red army deployed offensively
and this is what they did when the tide turned and after kursk this is how they assaulted berlin
the offensive deployment schema is by heavy use of shock armies a soviet shock army they were
larded with firepower and totally front loaded okay so when army group south engaged the
Red Army through the Kiev corridor, they were engaging this forward element that was loaded down with firepower, that was supposed to break through the mainline of resistance, but that had a limited operational capacity, often of only a few days.
Then they were to be rapidly reinforced by fresh elements who would continually assault in waves.
and then when that shock element was re-equipped and refitted,
they would smash through again.
But obviously, if the Vermacht assaults with masked armored columns...
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When you're deployed offensively with your front-loaded shock army as the Scherpunct,
they're going to smash that shock army and then they're going to cut through your reinforcement
elements like butter you know and um as they break through wave after wave um that front loaded element
is going to be fighting on reversed fronts and they're going to get cut to pieces which is
exactly what happened okay so the Soviets were taking catastrophic casualties in the north
and in the south. Meanwhile, Army Group's center was racing to Moscow, quite literally.
And Hitler didn't know quite what to make of this.
Because there were sort of two Hitler's, and Stoffley makes this point.
When Hitler felt confident politically, and when he had what he believed was a firm conceptual
grasp of the battle space,
Hitler was hyper-aggressive.
When fog of war questions or
political uncertainty
clouded that
perspective, Hitler developed
a siege mentality.
And that's exactly what happened.
And
Hitler viewed Stalin as incredibly
dangerous, as he
should have.
So
Hitler essentially halted army group center
while Army Group South
surrounded this massive element
plus the reserves that
the Kremlin had ordered like rush to the front
immediately
and
Hitler was afraid to push the attack
for a decisive victory at Moscow
until this element was neutralized
and it was neutralized.
The amount of casualties the Soviets endured
is utterly catastrophic and unprecedented.
And the Germans took something like
three quarters of a million prisoners alone, okay?
But by the time
by the time the furor ordered the attack
to be pushed on Moscow, it was too late.
Okay, that's what happened.
People misunderstand it and it says
you know oh the germans were plotting to attack all along because the soviets were weak
in some ways but then stalin got it together and you know because the germans underestimated
soviet capabilities you know hitler lost the war that's not true at all that doesn't make any
sense and you know if stalin was like look it like this okay the germans were halted at moscow
but they reached the gates of Moscow.
They reached Leningrad and laid it to siege.
They reached Stalingrad.
The German, the Vermach reached all of its objectives in months.
How long did it take the Red Army to March on Berlin?
It took them almost four years.
So why were there this plotting, grinding bloodbath
if the Soviets were this grossly underestimated force?
You know, and the Germans didn't know what they were doing.
like the germans killed the red army you know um obviously the russians still had enough
to hold moscow and they did and that was incredibly valiant and russians are incredibly tough
and there's a simplicity to the way the ivan's fight but it's a simplicity that works you know
i think it's misguided when people suggest otherwise and a
especially today, because people are, you know, they've adopted prejudices and stuff in this
regard, there's really, really stupid things that come out of the Pentagon in terms of their
assessment of Russian capabilities and things.
And incidentally, Eric von Manstein's book, it's called Lost Victories, It's for, I think it's
fascinating, but it's kind of for military hounds only.
it's you know not like light sunday reading but what that book was the u.s. war department back
when there was a war department there's not anymore no matter what like special needs
heggseth says but in the last months of the department of war they debriefed manchstein on
basically on you know his experience over four years of fighting the soviet union and
general officer's role and the war department is soon to be the defense department they took
this very seriously and early NATO force structure wasn't a substantial on the infantry side
ground on the infantry armor side it was substantially based around what von manstein had
it said
okay so this book was
sometime in the 50s
the first edition
it was edited and make it more readable
and it's literally managing his
debriefing with some
added stuff
you know so
and that
that was one of his core premises
is that fighting the Russians
and Russian territory
they're they're unbelievably
and savagely tough
you know and that's a force
multiplier and it also makes up for some of their shortcomings and the russians also they they know what
they know the limits of their capabilities you know and on the one hand and suvro of his book
inside the red army which is very much worth reading too especially if you got into some late
cold war stuff because it's very much a breakdown of you know the the brisinavera so
Army. You know, he makes the point, and Harold Coyle made this point, too, that doctrine in the
Soviet Army was almost like regulation. There was, there were no mission-oriented tactics, and
the whole ethos of the Soviet Army's general staff was to eliminate uncertainty wherever and
whenever and however possible. So they didn't tolerate deviation from,
the battle plan, um, as emergent from, you know, superior orders.
But, uh, nevertheless, the Russians, the Soviets and the Russians do very well with what
they're good at, you know, and deep battle is what they were good at. Um,
heavy reliance on, on combined arms in a, in a shock element capacity, went on the offensive.
that tended towards a kind of inflexibility,
which I think they later remedied somewhat during the Cold War,
but the ability to rapidly shift from an offensive posture to defending,
the Vermont was very, very good at that.
And the British are pretty good at that, too.
The Soviets were catastrophically bad at it,
and the French were bad at it.
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Um, but part of it too, though, is that Stalin had every reason to believe that the
Vermacht wasn't capable of what it was capable of as of June 1941.
I mean, that was a blind spot, but at the same time, you know, the Germans tend to surprise
people on a manors of military affairs.
But that's key because it's not as internet guys and, and, and,
armchair goofballs who
claim well suvorov was an idiot or was a liar
like looking out bad the Soviets got mulled that's the whole
point like that makes his point
not the opposite so that's
that's key you know I'm not
I'm not just dwelling on
minutia to placate
the
the you know
the the military hounds among us or something
but
you know it's also you know it was um you know the point too that i think a lot of lay people
don't understand these days you know modern war resolves rapidly you know you don't you don't
plan for quagmire's because then you're planning to lose a war so you know what
Within, ideally in about 10 weeks, in the outer temporal limits, six months,
you know, Moscow had to fall to the Vermont.
And Stalin was overconfident, absolutely, but it stands to reason his kind of poor view of the
not in terms of its quality of men or firepower, but the geostrategic situation and what he viewed
as its over-extended commitments and things. You know, he reasoned that, you know, even in the
very unlikely event of an assault, you know, we can hold him at bay long enough to reinforce
and by then, you know, victory conditions will no longer be realizable. You know, this
all kind of falls into place is the totality of circumstances. You've got to look at the
Soviet ideological culture. You've got to take Stalin's own statements. You've got to look at the
statements. So his underlings, including Khrushchev, you've got to look at the pattern of
deployment. You've got to take, if you know what to look for, but even, I mean, it's even
more persuasive or more obvious rather, but, you know, taking, um,
in totality, I mean, it's clear that Suverall was telling the truth.
You know, but also, I mean, it's not, it's not clear what the alternative was.
I mean, this unprecedented military buildup coupled with the transformative, globally transformative aspects of the bullshit revolution, the
heart and
lungs of which
proverbially were in the Soviet Union.
I mean, what's the alternative?
Stalin was
he ordered this buildup for purely
defensive purposes
to, which would inevitably at some
point provoke the West into
attacking him.
I mean, that doesn't
make any sense.
And generally,
when you're talking
about conditions of a
approximate parity with conventional combined arms at scale over when you're talking about
near-peer strategic planning you don't wait to be attacked you always push the
assault you know then that's um I mean this this this is very basic stuff well it also
Also, it doesn't make sense to say Stalin was this interested in this social, national version of socialism that would emerge out of the Bolsheviks.
When you send troops and you send advisors and you send tanks to Spain.
Yeah.
You don't care about Spain.
You don't care what's happening in Spain if this is supposed to be for Russia only.
Well, it's also the Soviet Union, like, don't get me wrong, you know, one of the, one of the living, few living people, who I really find common ground with in terms of political theory and historical subject matter is Kerry Bolton. Like, he's just great. I don't know the guy, unfortunately. He doesn't leave New Zealand much these days because he's elderly, you know.
and I think most people know of him
because he wrote this really great exhaustive
biography of Francis Yaqui
but he wrote a book on Stalin
called Stalin the Enduring Legacy
and people who haven't read the book
they
they pan it as some sort of
oh he's some Eurasianist
that's not what he's saying at all
he's saying Stalin's legacy was complicated
he basically abides
the same
viewpoint that Paul Gottfried does
although for some of different reasons about a substantial aspect of the Cold War
deriving from the Stalin versus Trotsky paradigm.
But that doesn't mean that Stalin was somehow not an internationalist.
And even, you know, the Soviet Union can name dozens of ethnicities, you know, a huge Muslim population,
you know, a huge Asiatic population, you know, a huge number of,
of near eastern people you know uh it spanned one fifth or one six of this planets like the
soviet union was the ultimate international superpower you know and uh the only way the soviet union
survives and one of the reasons why the later cold war was so dangerous as human you know
for technological reasons and um historical ones and the sideline a human decision makers
and missed conditions of strategic nuclear parity in things.
But the reason why Andropov, who was a fascinating guy,
and I mean, like I've said, I believe I'm not a Sovietologist,
and I'm not a Russia expert at all.
But I do know something, and it's clear to me that post-Crucif,
there was a shadow trifecta of Andropos,
of Usenov and Grameko with a real Soviet executive.
Brezhnev was a frontman, which made sense,
because before he became kind of elderly and compromised,
people liked Brezhnev, and he resonated with the people.
Even today, like, he's fondly remembered.
You know, like, as, you know, like a man who was like a great steward
of the Russian people and the nationalities.
But, you know, Andropov, I mean, Brezhnev was very much a Stalinist, you know, and as was Andropov.
But it dropped off seminal speech right in 82, right after he became a general secretary.
You know, he, this is when Project Rion, which a lot of people attribute as contributing substantially to the,
war-scarer of 83 in the ablarsher era i think people still misunderstand that aspect of it but be
as it may the reason why the subject of the speech to the the presidium he said we're going to
lose the cold war if we don't take drastic measures to countermeasures against rima you know
the revolution military affairs he was speaking specifically of computing power and command and
control aspects, which was true. There's something, there's something insane, there's only like
5,000 computers in the entire Soviet Union in 1982. It was something, like, it was some insanely
primitive state of affairs with regards high tech, you know, and, you know, his whole point was
basically the risk of war based on the strategic paradigm as it's evolving as well as these
command and control aspects and
the sideline and human decision
makers that the risk of war
is probably greater than it's ever
been since the 40s
but also
we're going to lose that war
if
we don't
find a way to
develop meaningful countermeasures that
you know
are
technologies of parity
or unless we find a way out of the cold
war.
You know, and that was Gorbachev's whole notion.
He goes, Gorbachev was an Andropov protege.
He wasn't some big liberal.
Shevich Narsay, I think, was subverting things.
But point being, um...
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You know, Gorbachev was very much the anti-Yolson, quite literally,
and Yeltsin was the neocons guy.
You know, um,
Gorbachev's notion was,
you know, to reform the command economy with certain qualifications, you know, and basically
do it with God's plan in favor of something else that could abide innovation in the high-tech sector
and to bring about peace with the United States. But surrendering to the United States or dismaling
the Soviet Union, that was not at all within the cards. And one of the reasons why Gorbachev
was
had rapport with Bush and Baker
Bush and Baker
assured him we're not going to try and dismantle
the Soviet Union and they weren't
for a very specific reason
Bush said
where you know
until there's full nuclear disarmament
we're not even going to talk about
you know a post-Soviet future
you know and obviously
the neocon
perspective and
and their shoehorning of Yeltsin was, you know, break the Soviet Union to pieces now.
Their notion was, and one of the reasons for the, why this crusade against Moscow is proceeding from Ukraine,
their notion was to break the Soviet Union into essentially three discrete, like, client regimes,
you know, like the former Soviet Far East, and in those days, especially too,
because the Pentagon
was still looking at China
as essentially friendly
and obviously like you know
cedes some of that
territory to the to Peking
but you know based
they'll be like a Ukraine like commissariat
they'll be like you know the Moscow
kind of central commissariat and then there'll be
this like former like Russian Far East
that can
you know just that's just
kind of like this sort of like
hyper exploited
you know
hinterland
for the United States
and adjacent finance capital and stuff
and you know
Bush and Baker realized like
no we're not we're not going to grind these people's faces
into the concrete
and we're not going to destabilize the whole region
and you know we're certainly not going to do anything
until there's full nuclear disarmament
you know
that was a tangential
discussion should give me that
but Baker was a great man
and I've got a lot of respect for him
and Bush 41
it was not a particularly likable guy
he would be a dad but he had a very
serious and sophisticated view
of geopolitics
and political affairs
so that administration
looks better and better
in my opinion and I mean I felt
that way at the time as a teenager um i realized this country i realized something really really
really bad was underway when when when when when when when clinton was elected i mean it would
have been one thing if it was like a 20-20 steel but the body politics was excited about this
pig and that was insane you know and it's not just because he was crushing our people i mean i
i knew guys who got indicted and with the prison under clinton reno for when they hadn't done
anything you know um i'm not just speaking i mean as a matter of law as well as a matter of
fact or ethics or whatever but as it may the um to bring it back a bit you know there there's a brief
moment really from about 92 to 96 and that's when that's when these these historians first
another David Irving you know he got access to the FSB archives and there was all this incredible
stuff that came to like that you know the old Soviet system had suppressed and kept from
prying eyes um but then I mean very quickly things became even more opaque than uh in some ways
they had during the Soviet era because the regime will never tell the truth about what's going on
with Russia. I mean, or with Europe, but this is an issue of peculiar sensitivity for reasons that
I don't think need to be elaborately explicated. But I realize I talk more about Hoffman,
as well as the nuances of Barbara Rose than I did specifically Subaru. If you want to do
part three, I'll remedy that, and I'll speak
specifically to Suvorov, and
I'll include some aspects of inside
the Red Army. I've got a paperback
of that. I'm going to take it on the road with me.
No, that sounds good
to me, getting into the
thing about reading Suverov is it's just this
fire hose of
just this date,
what was
dismantled on this date, what was
put in this place on this date, and it's just
Like just running down this whole list of things, just chapter after chapter where it's, it's mind-boggling the mountain of circumstantial evidence he is able to provide for his for his thesis, which he took, he took a, like a lot of Russians, particularly guys who were in intelligence roles or military roles, he was a prolific documentary and he wrote down a huge amount of things.
but also you know obviously english wasn't his first language and um it's written kind of like a
debriefing but with like added extrinsic comedy i mean which makes sense i mean he was a defector
and he he he spent literally years being debriefed by american and nato um military people you know i mean
i i get it that's not that's not a fun life like the defector actually sucks um
Um, what's your take on defectors? I interviewed one once and he was a defector from the Soviet Union, like in early 1989. And I mean, I just caught him not exactly lying. Just I caught him in not being willing to have certain conversations that would just seem like, you know, it's like, oh, you know, well, tell me what.
Carl Marks got right. It's one of the things I asked him. I said, tell me what Carl
Marks got right. He's like nothing. Absolutely nothing. And I'm like, I see these defectors
come out of like North Korea and like immediately they get debrief by the State Department
and then they get boob jobs and they're driving brand new cars and they're in frigging condos.
And I'm like, I think defectors were a lot different back then than they are.
Well, that's not to say, okay, some guy, some DDR guy or some Soviet Union, like GRU officer who defected in, like, May 1989, totally different than a guy who defected in 1979 or 19969, night and day, because the former is just like some dickhead, like, looking to get paid and, like, looking for a way out of his life and a failing system.
guys like
Suvorov
first of all they were taking a huge risk
you know
and secondly
for regular people man
like it peaked cold war
you know
life wasn't that different
than the Soviet Union or in America
it really wasn't
so I mean it's not like you're some
GRU big shot
it's not like you're going to
get great stuff in America you can't back home i mean yeah you can you might be able to get like blue
jeans for your mistress and like good scotch but there's not some like there wasn't some like huge
difference in quality of life or something guys like suvorov defected because they
they had ethical reasons for it and they developed a moral contempt for the system i really like
the book the hunt for at october it's just like an awesome book and i reread it lately because i've
I forgot how good it was, but, you know, the captain of the Red October, the whole deal, I mean, it's, in part, it's a character, I mean, it's a brilliant meditation on, on late Cold War strategic nuclear platforms and the deep parodies they're in.
But it's also a character study, like the Soviet naval officer, you know, he's this guy from the, he's this Lithuanian guy.
He doesn't really relate to the Russian culture.
His wife needed an operation.
And the doctor who operated on her was drunk when he poured the surgery.
So he botched it and she died.
But the doctor was the son and some Politburo big shots.
They're like, you know, you can't stop demanding, like, vengeance to get.
this man so the so they this naval officer he's just like what the hell am i doing you know like
i and also too and he's like deeply religious he's like so there's like this atheist uh
chauvinistic russian government that killed my wife and i i am i'm supposed to i'm supposed to
kill 50 million people in event of war like on behalf of it like no i'm not doing that i mean
there's a deeper moral quagmary too because they're in october it's at the
typhoon class sub, but it's got what's called
a Caterpillar Drive.
So it's invisible to sosis and
passive sonar. So basically it's a splendid
first strike weapon.
So
he realizes like the Soviet Union
can alter the strategic balance
and basically bring
America to terms through the threat
of nuclear assault. And like, I mean, he used that
as morally fucked also.
You know, like if we're going to win, like let's win the Cold War
clean. You know, not
not do it basically by, like, holding America hostage with a nuclear trigger.
I mean, that's kind of moralistic, but at the same time, I mean, I, I don't know, man.
Like, it's no, being a, being the captain of a, of a typhoon class sub, that there was a
countervalue, like, mega death machine.
You know, it's, it's, its role was to assault countervalue targets and, and kill,
millions of people. If you don't believe in the system you serve, that's a pretty horrible
role to be in. You know, you've got to be a true believer to do that job. It's not like
any other job in the military, and it's not like any other role in any other era. You know,
commanding a first strike platform that can kill millions of people.
you know so i obviously that's like a fictional example but what clancy was drawing upon was the
real ethos of defectors in the cold war and on the other side you had guys like the cambridge five
i think we're pretty disturbed guys but they were true believers that's totally different than
these days like some i think snowdon is a is a sincere guy whatever problems you might have
you know, he's basically, I mean, he could never leave Russia now.
Like, it's not a happy life.
You know, I think, you can argue, I mean, Snowden, I don't want to get into a deep meditation on the ethics of what Snowden did.
But I, my point is, like, whatever his motives, I don't think anybody can say he did that for clout.
But, you know, these people who come the other way, like some of these Chinese or North Koreans, they're just looking to get paid.
it's obvious or they think they're not being respected like they should be in you know whatever
role they're in you know but the cold war was a cold war is a different world i mean literally
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All right, well,
we'll pick this up on
episode three when you
when you get back from the travels
of Thomas on the road and everything.
Yeah, yeah.
Remind everybody.
We can write about 36 hours ago.
Yeah, yeah.
Remind everybody.
ready where they can find your work.
Yeah, you should check out my substack.
It's Real Thomas 777.substack.com.
Alternatively, go to the website.
It's number 7-H-M-A-S-777.com.
Put that stuff on the show notes so people can find it easy.
But my website is a good one-stop.
And my substack is where the podcast and other good stuff is at.
And I've, uh, I, I just got off the road from D.C.
Then we had the Halloween, All Saints State Cemetery walk.
I'm trying to make progress.
I got to make substantial progress on this manuscript by December.
Things have been very hectic, so in good ways.
And then I injured myself like a fucking idiot.
But, um, it's, uh, the mind phaser pod, uh, it's going to be another couple weeks before a fresh episode drop.
So forgive me for that.
But Jay Byrd and I will continue to drop.
fresh stuff on his platforms and on radio free chicago so just bear with me i promise we'll be back
to regular um uploads when i get back from the road all right um until episode three thank you thomas
yeah thank you man want to welcome everyone back to the peek and yeno show we had a little bit
of a hiatus because you know did a little traveling and everything but uh
Thomas is back, and we're going to finish up the series on who started World War II,
who's responsible.
And yeah, so take it away, Thomas.
Yeah, thanks for hosting me again.
There's two issues here.
And if memory serves in the first episode of this little series,
we addressed the issue of when exactly the Second World War started,
which seems pedantic, but it's not.
This is a real matter of contention for anybody who's seriously engaged with the subject matter.
There's a reason why court historians claim the opposite of hostilities with September 3rd, 1939,
because that represents a discreetly, ideologically coded perspective.
And obviously, the intention is to present the global strategic and geopolitical situation as being one of relative peace until the German Reich violated that peace through naked aggression against the Polish state.
okay
that's a problematic perspective
for all kinds of reasons
you know some of which are political
some of which
are purely historical in nature
and factual
but
what I think is
irrebuttable
even if one accepts
you know
the
mainstream
view of
the onset of hostility
between the German Reich and Poland
and the subsequent war declaration
on the German Reich by
France and the United Kingdom
the fact of the matter is that
weeks prior the Soviet Union
assaulted the Japanese Imperial Army
at Calcan Gold
that this was a massive engagement
this was a massive clash of forces um you know and uh obviously it represented um the onset of a state of general
hostilities between two great powers the soviet union and the empire of japan so i i don't really see how
anybody who looks like to be taken seriously it can claim that this was some sort of insignificant
an event or somehow not related to the broader nexus of causation that, you know, also
precipitated the advent of hostilities in Europe. You know, either the Soviet Union going to war
with Japan in a scaled capacity represented the onset of general hostilities at planetary scale
or it didn't okay so there's that related to that but more discreetly political in terms of
the significance of the subject matter
vis-a-vis court history narratives and
the way that official authorities
in the United States and the United Kingdom
and
the Bundes Republic
continue to present
you know and characterize
the Second World War
is the issue of Soviet intent
tensions. And what exactly the state of power political relations was between Moscow and Berlin as of June 22nd, 1941.
And it's pretty clear to me, you know, I draw in substantial measure.
on the late Yakkim Hoffman's exhaustive study of Barbarossa,
it's pretty clear to me that the Soviet Union was imminently going to assault Europe.
And the German Reich, not just the Fuhrer, but OKW, as well as various
command elements within the party apparatus, the military, and the secular state apparatus
recognize this reality, as did myriad heads of state who found themselves allied with the
German Reich for various reasons. You know, this included Croatia, Slovakia, Italy,
France, you know, again, there was no Vichy France, there was the government of France, and it was absolutely on the side of the Axis powers.
You know, there were volunteers from Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Iceland, throughout the Central Asian Islamic countries, you know, Romania,
Romania contributed a quarter million men, which is a massive contribution for a country the size of Romania.
You know, Hungary, Bulgaria, the Netherlands, you know, Belgium, Luxembourg.
You know, the list goes on and on and on, you know, and obviously the Spaniards at Leningrad fought incredibly valiantly.
but uh you know there's this this wasn't as a matter of zeitgeist or some sort of mass hysteria
or some sort of desire to sacrifice one's life for some sort of ephemeral glory the Soviet
union uh had assigned the fact that it was animated by uh a revolution
ideology that was truly global in character it uh the Soviet Union had built
the military juggernaut the likes of which the world had never seen it was
almost unfathomable and it was only growing larger and more powerful you know
and the like I said to me this is
obvious.
Hoffman and
Victor Suvorov
and a
few other
military historians.
Arta Stofley is another one.
They brought unique insight to the table
and Hoffman in particular
his data points
were and are exhaustive.
And Hoffman too
he
not that I mean obviously I don't have any
prejudice against independent scholars, I am one, but such that people are prone to dismissing
historians who don't have what they view as adequate credentialed affiliation with reputable
institutions. Well, Hoffman, when he was alive, he was the employee of a...
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the official historical records division of the bundesvail you know and he was considered to be
probably the seminal german historian on barbarossa in terms of the military aspects okay
you can't say that he was a crank or that he was some aggrieved guy who was outside of the
establishment of the Bundes Republic he was very much insinuated into it okay um not
that that should make a difference but such that it does you know I I don't see
how people can impeach his credibility you know and one of the issues that
Hoffman takes up because again Hoffman uh
was very focused on the quantitative military aspects of Barbarossa.
One of the things that he addressed was a lot of lay people
as well as historians and military analysts who know better,
but for cynical reasons, bandwagon on this argument,
They claim that, well, if the Soviet Union was so deeply mobilized and had a raid such a massively scaled war machine, why did they absorb catastrophic casualties?
Well, that's exactly why they did, because they were deployed offensively.
And when you're talking about combined arms, even to this day, I mean, drones in localized autonomous firepower are definitely changing things, both strategically and tactically, and nowhere is that more on display than in the, than in various aspects of tactical deployment and depth.
But even to this day, this remains constant if we're talking about combined arms, modern warfare.
You can't just call it a proverbial audible in the midst of hostilities if your forces are arrayed to assault and switch to a defensive paradigm.
so coming under assault when not prepared to defend in depth
can lead to catastrophe
particularly when one's opponent is the Vermat
and we're going to get into how exactly that plays out
but not only again does the attrition rate
and specifically
the skewed nature of that attrition rate
not only does that not
tend to rebut
the claim before us
it actually tends to substantiate it
now I'll get into some of these data points
so that you know
to clarify
what we're talking about
here
I can't remember if I got into this or not in the first episode and please tell me if I'm repeating myself in order to date to correct me.
I'm not going to be offended, quite the contrary. I'll be quite gracious.
Between November 1940 and literally the eve of Barbarossa in June of 1941, the Soviets undertook.
a massive arms build-up.
Now, don't get me wrong.
By the autumn of 1940, the Soviets enjoyed
numeric and arguably technological superiority
pretty much across the entire spectrum
of combined arms.
But this point,
punctuated buildup of November 1940 to June 1941 can really only be interpreted as a mobilization and anticipation of offensive operations.
on the outbreak of hostilities, June 22nd, 1941,
the Soviet Union had deployed no less than 24,000 tanks,
close to 2,000 of which were T-34s,
which, you know, in those days, there weren't main battle tanks,
there was light, medium, and heavy tanks,
then arguably super heavy tanks.
But the T-34 was, I think of it as kind of like the zero of armored forces.
You know, it was probably the most effective armored platform of the entire war in all-around terms, okay?
Yeah, obviously, you know, the Tiger was a superior,
machine that's not what we're talking about you know and the the uh the ability of t thirty
four is to be rolled off the assembly line rapidly you know almost like model t fords or
something odin that that itself was a force multiplier um you know it uh it uh
Between 1938 and June 22nd, 1941, the Red Air Force had acquired over 23,000 military aircraft,
around 3,700 of which could be considered cutting edge.
Probably about half of those had night fighting capability.
The Red Army had close to 150,000 field artillery pieces and heavy mortars.
The Red Navy had over 200 submarines, which I can't remember if I mentioned or not.
But obviously, submarines are expressly offensive.
There aren't defensive submarines.
You know, and to be clear, this alone.
I mean, the Soviet Union wasn't known as any kind of maritime power.
I mean, if anything, you know, the Tsar's Navy had been sank by the Japanese in 1905,
and that had further compromised the prestige actual potential of, you know, the Russian Navy is a real force.
but by June 22nd, 1941, the Soviet Union by far had the largest submarine fleet in the world.
More than four times that of the Royal Navy, you know, in the UK was viewed as the foremost naval power on this planet.
You know, I mean, these data points speak for themselves, you know.
And on the political side, I know I've gotten into this in previous series that we've done.
I put a lot of emphasis on direct testimony, owing, I'm sure in part to the fact that my background in part is, at least, is that of a lawyer.
you know but also if we're talking about intent particularly of wartime executives there's a tendency
to be able to rely upon the statements of a wartime executive or an executive who is preparing for war
there's a there's incentivization to telling the truth when the chief
executive so situated is talking to his cabinet or as a general staff
officers okay because what incentive would there be to lie number one and
there's there's active disincentives to lie because that compromises the ability of
subordinate command elements to effectively execute orders and
wage war towards victory conditions
you know and so I put a lot of stock in what Stalin said
and
a lot of this testimony from Stalin himself
you know that which isn't independently documented by you know the minutes of his speeches or or by
audio recording you know a lot of Stalin's intimates were the sources of these statements including
uh colonel vulcogunov who was a Stalin's official biographer
you know and
Stalin gave a series of speeches
in this
in the year preceding
Barbarossa but particularly
the six to eight months immediately preceding
onset of hostilities
which approximately
reflects the final phase
of mobilization that we talked about
just now from November
1940 to June 1941 and
Volkogunov
makes the point that
Stalin was
very taciturn
but he became quite candid
and quite open within the
cloisters of
you know
these command
element corridors
in his discussion of
you know
what was to be
military doctrine in the next war
which he increasingly discussed as if it was
an imminent possibility
in Volkoganov's
own words
in describing the speech Stalin made
on May 5th, 1941
he says
quote, the leader made it unmistakably
unmistakably clear, war is inevitable in the future. One must be ready for the
quote unconditional destruction of German fascism. The war will be fought on enemy
territory and victory will be achieved with few casualties. And again, this wasn't
something that
Stalin merely devised
as a polemical device
to emboldened
forces under his command or to
overcome any potential or
actual crises of confidence is
among a general staff
by appeal to
a
revolutionary fervor.
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Nestorhouse.com. Get the facts. Be Drinkaware. Visit drinkaware.com. Lenin made clear in identifying
the core doctrinal elements of the Red Army, you know, back in 1920, 1921, 1922,
that the Red Army was an instrumentality of revolutionary imperatives. It wasn't a defensive
element, you know, and it was to be deployed offensively at all times, you know, because the only
rationale for its existence within the paradigm of Marxist's historiography and Leninist revolutionary
doctrine was to facilitate the advance of history and the victory and the victory of the proletariat
against the class enemy so there's really no there's really no way to interpret
Soviet battle doctrine as anything other than discreetly ideologically coded
and axiomatically offensive you know and this is going on or
This is relying upon the strictures of Marxist-Leninist ontology and the distinct Marxist view of military power and its utility and its ethical functions.
and
the Marxist Leninism was
in fact a
a total
philosophical and political system
impoverished as it may have been
intellectually in various capacities
and to be fair it was sophisticated
in others
what's irrebuttable or indisputable
is that it was a total theory
of
political and social
and thus historical
ontology.
So,
the idea that
the party state
which, to be clear,
by 1941,
had
categorically
annihilated
millions of people
within the Soviet Union
owing to
what was identified
as their ineducability
you know the idea
that Stalin
or the Presidium
or the Politburo standing committee
or these surviving
command elements in the Red Army
the idea that they would
somehow hesitate
to see through
these duct
trinal imperatives is somewhat laughable, you know, and we're not in a court of law,
so it shouldn't be a problem to invoke subsequent, as well as prior precedent, to demonstrate persuasively what the doctor's
trinal character was of Marxist-Leninist revolutionary military elements.
I invoke the case of Cambodia a lot, you know, from 1975 to 1979.
And I know over a fact, because I get a hate mail with this effect and things.
people suspect I only do that
for the sake of
a
polemical
expediency
but that's not why
Paul Pot was not
some simple-minded brute
he was actually a very sophisticated political soldier
he had a very deep
understanding of Mars
Leninism far more than Mao and democratic Kempucia as Paul Pot and his cadre branded the
country during their brief tenure was a very pure Marxist-Leninist state in some ways
and there was nothing
there was nothing
heterodox
in ideological terms about the way they
implemented
class warfare
adjusting for the discrete
conditions on the ground in Southeast Asia
as in 1975
So what I'm getting at, and I'll move on here in a moment.
I don't quite understand are the same people who acknowledge that the Soviet Union was this outlier country.
And that was unusual in every conceivable sense, you know, in terms of praxis and policy and theoretical foundations and everything else.
yet they insist that this didn't somehow impact military decision making or that revolutionary ontology somehow stopped at the point of executive decisionism when it came to the decision to, you know, spread the revolutionary cause to Europe and specifically to annihilate.
the dialectical enemy in the German Reich.
But, you know, the, Stalin had spoken again and again as well to the Central Committee,
most notably on January 8th 1941 and there was two high
Air Force officers in attendance and Stalin apparently spoke directly of the ratio and
algorithm that was necessary to defeat the German Reich according to the general staff as well as
his own calculations as had been explicated to him by authorities that he trusted he spoke on this
particular day to quote twofold superiority he said that as it had been
explain to him two-fold superiority is a law of military science, meaning a two-to-one
ratio contra the enemy in offensive operations. You know, whether you're talking about
raw numbers or, you know, force multipliers and variables tending to act as force multipliers
that magnify the effectiveness of offensive elements.
You know, and Stalin stated openly that, quote,
this is not a game.
The time is approaching for military operations.
Twofold superiority is essential, but greater superiority is even better.
and he said that he spoke specifically of the difficulty of traversing the Carpathians
and the need to designate at least 5,000 attack aircraft in order to neutralize defensive positions
that infantry and armor aren't going to be able to readily traverse or into the terrain.
Now, this is hugely important for reasons I'm going to get into in a moment.
Okay, but from January of 41, specifically January 8th, until May, you know, only weeks before
Barbarossa. Stalin talks again and again about waging military operations in the Balkans,
specifically across the Romanian frontier and discreet exigencies that are presented
by waging war in that theater. Okay. In a lecture,
given uh in the spring i believe march of 41 but somehow neglected to assign the exact date
he uh addressed uh the soviet plenopitenti representative in belgrade which uh at that time
was under the rule briefly of a Chetnik junta which in turn led to the German intervention and ultimately the bifurcation of the kingdom of Croats, Serbs and Slovenes.
but in addressing the plenopetentiary representative in belgrade and select members of the
Politburo he said quote the USSR will only react at the proper time the powers are
scattering their forces more and more the USSR is therefore waiting to act
unexpectedly against Germany in doing so the USSR will cross
the Carpathias, which will act as a signal for the revolution in Hungary. Soviet troops will
penetrate Yugoslavia from Hungary, advance the Adriatic Sea, and cut Germany off from the Balkans
in the Middle East.
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Okay, so what does this mean in both immediate tactical terms
and how this impacted the battlefield situation?
in Operation Barbarossa
as well as in broader strategic terms
well
I'll take up the latter question
first
for the latter aspect first
the Soviet Union
planned to assault Europe
through Romania
by capturing Romania
it could deprive Germany
of essential
access to petroleum
reserves and also that's commensurate with Soviet deep battle doctrine which
presuming forces in being ratios that Stalin described as being a you know at
least a twofold advantage and preferably double or triple that Stalin basically
was planning a deep battle like pincer flanking maneuver across the entirety of the continent
in the north through Sweden and then down to assault Germany from the north and in the south
the main Schwerpunct would be through Romania and I'll get into an
a moment. This is why the Army Group Center, Army Group South faced savage resistance
on Barbarossa. Army Group Center was moving so fast. It was basically like faced with no
more than token opposition on the road to Moscow, which doesn't make any sense unless you
understand the deployment schema of the Red Army, which was totally offensive and concentrated in the
South in a way that wouldn't be rational in a defensive in a defensive oriented schema.
most significant I realize I'm jumping around a bit but um so please stop me if I'm not being clear
most significant to Suvorov's hypothesis in terms of Stalin's declared intentions
was probably what's going to be known as the secret meeting with the Politburo and the Soviet representatives of the common turn,
who had been called back, presumably to be availed, for the specific purpose of being availed to this speech on August 19, 1939, which obviously coincided with the assault on the Japanese of Kelkin Gold.
but um this was a surprise secret meeting um and it was unprecedented for the russian delegation of the common turn to be called back among other things stalin didn't have a lot of respect for the common turn i mean in part because he his uh rigid command doctrine he didn't he didn't
I mean, he wasn't carnival with an ideologically coded cadre structure whereby,
independent of Moscow, just doing the fact of distance and, you know, remoteness, you know,
he didn't want some cadre making decisions even superficially on behalf of the soviet union without his direct oversight okay but nonetheless you know the common term still had tremendous clout in 1939 and especially coming off of the defeat in spain there was a real danger of a fracturing
of, you know, the broad international front, red front.
So this is highly significant.
You know, I guess what I'm getting at is that Stalin wouldn't have called the Russian delegation back just for, you know, for the sake of putting on airs or to stand on ceremony or something.
And this is when, I think I, excuse me, I think I briefly addressed this last episode.
episode. It was in this, it was in this secret meeting or secret speech that, uh, Stalin declared that, uh, you know, getting, uh, the Germans to a, getting the, the right foreign ministry to agree to a, a non-aggression pact. You know, that would embolden them to act against Poland, you know, because there to four the, the, uh, the,
Berlin and specifically Hitler felt that his hands were tied in resolving the Polish issue because an assault on Poland, even in the wake of a gross provocation or violation of Germany's territorial integrity on the frontier, you know, would lead to a Soviet counterstrike that would be devastating.
So, Stalin's reasoning was, you know, we will lull Germany with this non-aggression pact,
which, you know, absolutely guarantees that they'll assault Poland, which will then, you know,
lead to a war declaration by the UK and France.
Germany will probably be victorious on the Western Front, but only at puric cost.
You know, and then, you know, and this, thus, this is the icebreaker that will soften what would be Europe's defensive cordon and allow the Red Army to, you know, just bowl over and annihilate resistance in the West.
and, you know, thus reverse the defeat handed to them in Iberia and, you know, conquer the continent
in a rapid and devastating operation.
And, I mean, Stalin, this is remarkably consistent, as far back as 1925, you know, when he was less than
three years into his formal ascendancy as general secretary he spoke openly about the need to act
militarily against europe as soon as possible but not until the political climate and the
you know, the myriad
and ever sort of
changing alliance
structure in the
West
was
such that
what Stalin called a quote broad field of activity
would be realizable
in order to
you know
pursue the imperative
of world revolution
And to be clear, you know, not only was Europe, along with America and Japan, you know, the kind of productive core of this planet, but, you know, the understanding was that Europe was still the, in conceptual terms, you know, the political center of human.
affairs, you know, conceptually, you know, every, every, every ideological schema, you know,
came from Europe and even, even things like the anti-colonial movement were fully locked
into dialectical engagement, you know, with European thought.
So Stalin's notion was that, you know, first, last and always, Europe needs to be overrun and annihilated, and the revolution has to be implemented there.
You know, it's a waste of time and it's self-defeating to pursue such imperatives on the periphery.
But I make no mistake, you know, wherever revolutionary activity jumped off that had historical.
momentum and forces in being
Stalin absolutely was in favor of
supporting that and seeing that through
but the
but the core mission orientation
of the Soviet Union had to be
you know the
the
you know the
implementing the world revolution in Europe
you know first and foremost
and that's also why the Spanish
war was so important
you know it wasn't just
I
I've read some court historians claim that Stalin was somehow like reluctantly forced into the Spanish war just for the sake of appeasing the common turn.
I mean, that's that's laughable for all kinds of reasons.
But it also, you know, Stalin wasn't as heterodox of a, of a Marxist Leninist as he's often portrayed.
I mean, Stalin was complicated.
You know, like I said, I, it's a lean volume, but it's a great book.
book, Kerry Bolton's book, Stalin, The Enduring Legacy.
You know, Stalin was a complicated figure.
And there were heterodox aspects to his worldview and his own Veltpolitik.
But it wasn't a radical divergence or something, you know, and that's important, especially
because these days, even some fairly heterodox.
political theorists and even some of revisionists seem to abide that fiction um
but yeah the you can't in other words this you can't you can't extricate the ambition of the
Sovietization of Europe from
the
existence of the Soviet Union itself.
You know, these
ambitions were synonymous.
And that's also why
the Cold War
developed the way that it did
in
raw geo-strategic terms.
But
you know, and I think, I can't remember if I mentioned
or not, this speech in question, you know, the August 1939 speech, it was obtained by
the French news agency Havas. And the French were kind of notorious for getting a hold of
these kinds of documents and records.
you know um and when uh when the havas agency um by way of uh genevae
when they went public with it it was published uh in uh some international journal and then in many of the major french language
newspapers but moscow's propagandists immediately went into overdrive you know
and claiming you know this is a this is a forgery you know this is this is
confabulated by the the enemies of russia and the Soviet Union you know it's
fascist propaganda and uh it did not make as nearly as big of an impact as one might
think you know um which is really interesting because it goes to show you too how you know and a lot
of that too had to do with uh this kind of deafening silence um from american news agencies
you know and other than all all the major papers in america i mean other than those brands held by
McCormick were basically mouthpieces for the New Deal regime you know but it's still I mean
obviously too I mean this there's a kind of nascent low-tech globalism emerging at least
between America and Europe by way of you know the UK but even you know I mean it's
It's so I mean's remarkable that there is basically no impact in terms of global opinion.
And I've looked, too, to see if this pops up in the America First literature.
And I haven't found anything just positive on that question.
But that again goes to show you, too, the degree to which.
the psychological environment was being actively manipulated you know long before the onset of formal hostilities which might seem like an obvious point to you or myself but people are inundated in this country with this idea that you know somehow the new dealer
had no interest in these goings on and the European war and the entries from the Soviet Union and the German Reich, you know, until Pearl Harbor, when America was attacked, then that changed everything. I mean, that could not be more false.
From the first months of the New Deal regime, which, again, coincided almost precisely with, uh,
the National Socialist Revolution, which was a totally legal revolution, again.
You know, and Roosevelt from the first days of his administration was pursuing an
an absolutely radical anti-fascist imperative as the core mandate of
an ambition of his administration
you know and that can't
that can't be denied
you know and the
I don't want to spin this off too
tangentially
and I know that
a lot of people criticize me for my sources
well yet they have
yet to directly
rebut any of these data points that I've derived
from these sources, namely Robert Conquest
and
Ernst Nolte
and
as well as the Black Book of Communism,
which is a great resource, I may to add.
But
it's indisputable
if the Soviet Union exterminated
millions of people
between
1917
and
1941
and there was a massive series
of death camps, actual death
camps,
that were employed
towards this incredibly gruesome task.
And the degree to which there
was an information blackout about this reality can't be overstated you know and people who raised
this issue you know not just not just America firsters but um Joseph Schumpeter's
wife interestingly she spoke Japanese and and she was a big advocate for Japanese people
She was kind of a human rights type, but of a genuine sort, not like the 21st century sort.
And she raised the issue of Soviet annihilation therapy, as an old he called it.
And she was, she instrumented over her hassled by the FBI, both for, you know, sympathies for the Axis vis-a-vis her, you know, dealings with Japanese people and stuff.
and particularly Japanese people who were being persecuted by the new dealers,
but also, you know, propagandizing against the Soviet Union in their view
was this big subversive act, you know, which seems kind of incredible,
I'd imagine the people today, but they don't, I mean, but it only seems incredibly,
if one doesn't accept the true nature of that regime.
But that aside, it's remarkable that degree to which these things could, in fact, be hidden.
you know um but it also raised i mean there's also obliquely and conversely
it also begs the question you know if if there was this uh mass murder conspiracy
hatched in
the German Reich
at Vancey in 1942
like why wasn't anybody
you know publicizing that
I mean that one would think that would be a gods
to the new dealers
and a perfect way
to portray
the Germans as
these horrific villains
and especially became imperative
you know by
1994 as the U.S. Army was quite literally near mutiny, you know, which we've talked about.
That was the real catalyst for the execution of Port Etislovak.
You know, it's people, so, you know, the Walter Winchell and the Office of War Information
and all these myriad
Anglophone
news agencies
they just decided not
for a port on the fact that
the German Reich only existed
to exterminate Jewish people
just because they didn't think it was important.
They didn't think it was a useful
way to code propaganda.
I mean, I realize that's like a bit tangential,
but moving on real quick
because I realize we're running out of time.
I mentioned a moment ago
something that's often raised is,
okay, so why was Barbarossa so tactically successful?
And why was the attrition rate
so algorithmically skewed
against the Soviet Union?
if in fact
the Soviet Union was mobilized for war and planning to attack
but that's exactly why these things
did develop that way
the Soviets were planning to assault Romania
by autumn of 41
and that's exactly why
like I said
Army Group South encountered comparatively savage resistance.
And that's also why there was powerful reserve elements in Ukraine
because essentially they were there to rapidly reinforce the shock element
that was going to assault the Balkans.
is this awkwardly unbalanced deployment schema of Soviet field armies, where Soviet forces blocking
the corridor to the Moscow-Leningrad deployment space, they were exponentially weaker than those
deployed to Ukraine, which doesn't make any sense unless you account for the fact that
they were deployed in an offensive posture, the spherpunct of which was
you know in the south to assault romania do the carpathians um now don't get me wrong the soviets were
sensitive to the fact that moscow was being left relatively undefended but uh
you know it doesn't um like it doesn't track any other way other than to accept what i just acknowledge
and it's also you know again this idea that's endlessly bandied to this day that that Stalin was
afraid of Hitler or that the soviet union was afraid of the vermouth it's like well i mean okay
that's preposterous anyway but so Stalin was so afraid of the vermouth that he he he he
their base was a token deployment um on the uh path to moscow you know i mean how is that work um any uh i mean any interpretation
It can only result in a conclusion that the Soviets were poised for exclusively offensive operations.
I mean, unless he can, it's a tortured kind of logic.
I mean, I guess he could claim that the Soviets wanted to draw the Germans in
and funnel the main line of
the funneled
to the main line of resistance
at the gates of Moscow and stop them
in their tracks. I mean, Moscow practically felt.
You know, that doesn't
make any sense. I've read
people who try to make some variation of that
argument, but it's so preposterous.
I don't really think it warrants to kind of
blow-by-blown rebuttal.
But
that's really um you know an example of extant conditions speaking of herself and the resistance that
every group center did encounter to be clear they weren't defensively deployed either there
wasn't any depth to their deployment schema and they in fact were forward deployed with a heavily armed shock element in the lead you know which is one reason why army group center such that they didn't counter resistance they got hit with a lot of firepower
that was immediately exhausted and then when counterattacking the
Vermacht immediately broke Soviet lines because there will again there wasn't any
there wasn't any depth to the deployment you know if you know anything I'm
not any I'm not at all like a military type person but I do know something about
the internal logic of modern warfare, you know, in an abstract deployment sense, I mean.
And if you know anything about this, it's just not even really deep diving into the numerical
data points and stuff, but it's literally looking at the map of the deployment schema, this
should jump right out at you. It's almost like, you know, it's like illusion pictures. They used
see them a lot like beer companies it's like you look at some picture and it looks like uh it's like
a bunch of little pictures of spudge mackenzie or something but then you see it and it's like a sexy
girl or something and then once you see that like you can't unsee it looks like that okay i mean you
look at you look at a deployment map of uh the moscow leningrad gorky um battle space on
June 22nd,
1941,
and you
realize, like, what
it is.
And then you can't
unsee it.
You know,
so the fact,
anybody who makes an argument
to the contrary,
I got to assume
they're being dishonest
or they're just
profoundly ignorant
to the subject matter.
Yeah,
looks like we've gone
a little over an hour.
I hope that wasn't
too scattershot, man.
Let me,
let me hit you up
one question.
question before we go, and this is a little bit off topic, but it's a question I wanted to ask
since we were talking about Stalin so much. Yeah. Did Stalin take half of Europe at the end of the
war, or was he given half of Europe at the end of the war? I mean, both. That's what was decided
at Yalta. If Stalin's going to be precluded from taking Germany, that meant that Eisenhower and
Montgomery would have had to assault Berlin and had they done that what would have
happened was even accounting for the punitive and purely a lot purely
ideologically motivated an additional surrender demand
Vermacht and Vophanes S elements would have basically welcomed them in because that
would have prevented the literal rape and destruction of the German Reich and once it was clear that Anglo-American forces intended to take Berlin, Stalin would have immediately shifted to a footing of hostility, cops for the United States and the UK.
Even before that happened, it's conceivable that these elements that were driving for Berlin on the Soviet side, like First Ukrainian Shock Army, which I think was under Rakhosk...
I think First Ukrainian Shock Army was under Timoshenko, but whoever, whatever Formation Konev and Rokosovsky,
respectively were commanding, it's very conceivable that they would have ordered down
the company level commanders to treat the U.S. and the U.K. as enemies who were literally trying
to race to Berlin to act as a blocking element in the Soviet view, you know, for the Germans.
um so
america found itself at war with the soviet union
you know um
that's the only alternative
but i mean that's what that
like i said the thing was decided at yalta
it's i mean i don't
you can uh
on the one hand um
Yeah, it was the new dealers who kept the Soviet Union in the war.
But like Von Manstein, I highly recommend von Manstein's,
it's marketed as his memoirs.
It's called Lost Victories.
But in reality, it was his debriefing by the war department,
which obviously was very interested in learning as much as they could
about fighting the Soviet Union with conventional combined arms,
with an emphasis on
armored columns, obviously.
Von Manstein, who really was
like a kind of Prussian Martinet
and a very prejudiced guy,
he stipulated that
the Soviet army was unbelievably
tough. They could absorb
catastrophic attrition and not
fall apart.
And
much as in the
Western world is
we might view their doctrinal orientation on the battlefield as exhibiting a kind of callous
disregard for human life it was and is highly effective and those things are all true you can't
really take away from the gameness and just the raw toughness of the red army you know so
I'm not going to sit here and say that
Oh, Stalin was just
handed a gift by
you know, the new dealers
and
General Eisenhower, you know,
because the Soviet
Union fought for every single
inch of ground
that
they won back and
the
attrition they endured is almost
unfathomable.
Yet by the time they
reached Berlin, their morale was great.
They were acting like they were at a party.
I'm not being flippant. They were doing utterly horrible,
horrible things.
But my point being,
the army that arrived in Berlin wasn't some broken
rag tag for us. It was a very game,
very aggressive,
very high morale element, which is
one reason why they were so dangerous.
Like, it's realistic
and through Untergang, where Troutel Young
you know uh she's trying to pass through soviet lines and then like the kid runs up and grabs her
hand you know so it's a really poignant scene but uh there's these soviet infantry men and
they're like guzzlin vodka and like dancing like you're at a party you know these guys
have just been in action for you know these guys probably were the last they're probably like
the last element drafted they're probably guys who turned 18 you know
know in uh in uh in the in the in January in 1945 you know and then took you know like
80% casualties you know and they're they're like the surviving element and they're acting like
around a party you know they uh most most people would have fallen apart you know even when they
had that kind of momentum um in in broad strategic terms just because it was so it was so brutal
and so catastrophic.
So, yeah, I'm not going to take anything away from the Ivans
in terms of their toughness and gameness.
But, you know, I, a race to Berlin between Montgomery and Eisenhower
and the Soviets would have meant war.
So that's the best answer I can give.
Awesome.
All right.
Well, I will encourage people to go over to Thomas's substack.
That's real time.
Thomas 777.substack.com and you can connect to him from from there to anywhere that he's at and
check him out on Twitter and make sure to subscribe to a substack so you can get the episodes
and hear them. So yeah, that's it, Thomas. This was a this was a great series. I thought this
was a series that needed to get out there, especially after reading after reading Suvoroff and
getting a little of the way through Hoffman and having to finish Hoffman,
it's just vital information that people are, you're not going to hear,
even if you exit court history, this is stuff that's hidden.
And there's a reason why both of those books,
if you want original copies of both of those books,
you're paying $200, $300.
Yeah, yeah, no, I agree on all accounts.
And yeah, thanks for including me, man.
or rather for inviting me to participate in lieu of somebody else.
That's just great.
Absolutely.
Thank you, Thomas.
Take care now.
