The Pete Quiñones Show - Inquisition 11: Yockey Continues - The Articulation of Culture
Episode Date: April 16, 2025107 MinutesNSFWAstral, Thomas, Stormy and Pete continue a series exploring the thought of Francis Parker Yockey. In this episode they explore Yockey's thoughts on culture.Astral Flight SimulationStorm...y's Twitter AccountThomas' SubstackRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777J's YouTube ChannelJ's Find My Frens PagePete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
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is the law GUEH and not yet Gereina in Aundun,
and lay in the Gaela to give a time of either.
In Ergird, we're dig tour chaw-in-vun-ha to find-vin-vunner.
It's a usherad to do either in aangach-lectricer,
on as good people, people,
tariff in one taw and people, tariff in one-tash-o-wain-a-wain-law.
he's air to cooctawagin.
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I mean,
because this is the problem
with, like, a lot of the texts like that
is that you, uh, you're reading it
and you try and convey the information to somebody else
and unless you can tie it to something that's happening now
in their life,
they're unable to get it.
Well, I mean, and Yaki's speaking so
people,
seems he's esoteric,
where he's actually talking about real life and what
we should be how we should be processing things on a daily basis, how a culture should be forming,
should form how it, how it operates, how who's operating it because it's always going to be a
very, very small group. But the, when you try to relate that to people, especially from
the metaphysical, but when you add the metaphysical to it, so many people,
are run away from Yaki
because he
in ways that
people just aren't used to hearing.
That's one of the problems
with our age of politics. Our age
of politics is go vote.
If you can deport this amount
of people, everything will be fine.
If you can, if there's
a certain group that's causing all these
problems and we can just get them to go to their
country and leave our country alone, everything will be
fine. No, that's, that's
not it at all. That's not it at all. You can get rid of all those people and you're still going to have
the same problems you have unless you address high culture issues and you address metaphysical issues.
It starts to, I mean, you literally have people talk about boomers and they're like, oh, boomers,
you know, we just, people will get over their Zionism and their worship of Israel once the boomers are gone.
Really? You think that, huh? How's that going to happen?
you don't think that it you don't think it's being passed down you don't think that there is something
that something could happen something could happen that causes them to you know some kind of attack
some kind of thing like oh i don't know something that happened like 9-11 where people put their
guards down um you know start calling people third world this again because it's like hey wait a minute
there's this group out there that's really trying to destroy our enemies and are really trying
or at least weaken our enemies.
But you know, you're a third worldess if you support them in doing that.
I mean, really, people just, people think this is simple.
Isn't simple.
Yes.
So tie it back into Yaki.
People read Yaki and they're like, I don't get it because it's not simple.
And it's not for everyone.
Yes.
It literally is not for everyone.
That's actually the whole point.
And the one thing I seem to keep stumbling on is the, for a bunch of guys that really, you know, say they value greatness and individual achievement and hierarchy and aristocracy and all of these things, all of that shit goes out the window the moment that they start to get the feeling that they're not in it.
Right.
Like, oh, hierarchy, I'm not at the top of this.
Or I don't understand this.
Oh, well, I don't like it anymore.
It's the same.
It's the crabs in the bucket thing that we seem to knee-jerk our way into really quick.
Because as soon as this starts to happen, they immediate, like people immediately start infighting.
And to your point, I mean, this is where, you know, you start getting called third world.
And the reason that that even is possible, whether it's third worldist or whether, you know,
oh, you're just a trumper or basic, I'm trying to think of all the little different type of infighty.
It's actually crazy, like being off a Twitter for a couple weeks and like the drama like is actually
hard to remember.
But the reason that that happens is because the same reason why even if you sent all those people,
back to their country. Even if you send all the peoples, not just the ones that are causing the
problems, not just those specific people. All right, you get them to go live in their place in the Levant,
but you get all the Indians to go live in India. You get all the Mexicans to go back to Mexico.
It isn't going to help you any for the same reason that as soon as people start disagreeing with
you or in order of operations of things, you start attacking them.
because the reason that's sending all those people back is because you don't actually have a
you can't position yourself you can't orient yourself in a culture right you are not expressing
you weren't you're not on a mission basically right because the person that is possessed by
a high culture right or is in the process of being possessed in the process of
bringing that high culture about, that person has a purpose.
Like his, there is no period of time where he does not know exactly what he is about, right?
It's not, you know, the will, like, it's not ideologies.
It's ideals.
And we don't have those.
And this is why as soon as there's any tactical disagreement, any broad strategy,
strategy disagreement, we are impossible to coalesce because none of us is being actually moved.
Well, some of us are and a whole bunch of other people that don't realize that they're not going
to get it no matter what we do are not really falling into place.
Right. No one is willing to say, I don't know what the thing is.
So maybe I just don't have an opinion on this one.
We don't have the lefts can paint you a picture of exactly what it looks.
like when they win. It won't be a good picture. There'll be slight variances. But we can't even do that.
I ask one person like, oh, I'm a Nietzschean vitalist type, whatever, and then, oh, I'm a trad, cath,
monarchic, like, these are just words. You're not moving with, like, there's no purpose behind you.
If you believe those things, you're not moving to bring them about. You just think that they sound
cool. Well, one of the, one of the things that Yaqui says is he says, a high culture in the course of
its fulfillment acts in all directions of thought and action, and on every person within the area.
He says the intensity of its action in a given direction depends on the culture's soul.
Some of the cultures have been impassionally historical, like the Chinese.
Some completely ahistoric, like the Indian. Some have developed massive techniques like the Egyptian and our own.
Some have ignored techniques like the classical and Mexican.
The intensity of the impression of the culture on individuals is proportional to their receptivity of spiritual impressions.
The individual of small soul and limited horizon lives for himself because he understands nothing.
He doesn't understand anything else.
To such a man, Western music is merely an alternate up and down, loud and soft philosophy is merely.
is mere words, history is a collection of fairy tales,
even the reality of which is not inwardly felt.
Politics is the selfishness of the great military conscription,
a burden which his lack of moral courage forces him to accept.
Thus, even his individualism is a mere denial of anything higher
and not an affirming of his own soul.
The extraordinary man is the one who puts something else before his own life
and security, even as he,
faced a firing squad, William Walker could have saved his life by merely renouncing his claim
to the president of Nicaragua. To the common man, this is insane. The common man is unjust,
but not on principle. He is selfish, but is incapable of the imperative of Ibsen's exalted selfishness.
He is a slave of his passions, but incapable of higher sexual love for even that is an expression of
culture. Primitive men simply would not understand Western erotic if it were explained to him. This
sublimation of passions into metaphysics. He lacks any sort of honor and will submit to any
humiliation rather than revolt. It is always leader nature, leader natures who revolt. He gambles
in the hope of winning, and if he loses, he whimpers. He would rather live on his knees than die on his
feet. He accepts the loudest voice as to true one. He follows the leader of the moment, but only so far,
and when the leader is eclipsed by a new one, he points out his record of opposition. In victory,
he is a bully and defeat he is a lackey.
His talk is big, his deeds small.
He likes to play but has no sportsmanship.
Great thoughts and plans, he castigates as megalomania.
Anyone who tries to pull him up and along the road of higher accomplishments he hates.
And when the chance offers, he crucifies him like Christ, burns him, like Savonarala,
kicks his dead body into the square in Milan.
He is always laughing at this comfort of others, but he has no sense of humor and his
equally incapable of true seriousness.
He denounces the crime of passion, but eagerly reads the literature of such crimes.
He herds in the street to see an accident and enjoys seeing another sustain the blows of life.
He does not care if his countrymen are spilling their blood as long as he is secure.
He is everything mean and unheroic, but he lacks the mentality to be Ayago or Richard III.
He has no access to culture, and when he dares, he persecutes anyone who has it.
Nothing delights him more than to see a great leader fall.
He hated Metternick in Wellington, the symbols of tradition.
He refused as Reichstag to send ex-Chanceler Bismarck a birthday greeting.
He makes up the constituency of all parliaments everywhere,
and he invades all councils of war to advise prudence and caution.
If beliefs to which he committed become dangerous, he recants.
They were never his anyway.
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And now
she's a
last you're
a minute
He's
a lot
Goya and not
Gereena in Oandoon
and Lain de Gala
to Gaean
Gaean Tama
Gaea Gauta Deirin
In Ergird
We're talking
Invoin'vunah
Le Funivein'Vunah
There's Ousch
lecturches
on as to
every time
Gnough and Pobble
Tariffue
in Tashdie
There's Erere
Auerre at Cochduagin
Fulam Nis more
at Ergred Pongahey.
He is the inner weakness of every organism, the enemy of all greatness, the material of treason.
I don't think it's good podcasting form to ask you to read that again because it's long.
But fuck if that's not important.
Yeah, that's imperial.
That is as powerful as the very first time I read it because this time I'm now assigning,
I can just see profile pictures.
in every fucking sentence.
You know, and not all of them, but
and easily.
And easily someone like myself,
I can look at some of those and go,
damn,
I've been guilty of those.
Yep.
Same.
Yeah.
Yeah, I mean, there is,
there's a difference between
celebrating your enemies being defeated
and, you know,
Schadenfreude.
Yep.
What did, I'm trying to remember who said it.
Justice needs to be dispassionate
or it ceases being justice.
Thomas says they don't actually want to win.
Yeah, I think Thomas says all the time.
Go on.
Thomas says all the time, if you have hate,
if you have hate for people, you're just,
you're not in the game. It's not a, that is not
a
that's not an emotion
that people in high culture
people who, you know, or of the culture
bearing stratum of a culture bearing element
should bring to the table.
And we fall for it all the time.
Yep.
I've had that exact conversation
like with
leftovers that are
the situation is starting
to become so bad
that even the
wear leftoids. And it seems to be the foids out of these because the men that are on the left
aren't really possessing of any type of belief. Right. They're either there for safety, you know,
so, you know, they don't, they want to be seen on the right side or, you know, amongst the good
guys fighting the good fight and being where the risk is not, right? They want to have the
safe beliefs. So like the men of the left, they're not, A, they're not really men, but
really the only people that are on the left that I think are there because they believe
in some of the tenants are women. The left is feminine in its nature, right? I mean, D.E.
says it the best, where mom is always going to be left wing because if there is one piece of
cake left, she will make sure that every single person gets the same size, slice.
Right.
It is in her nature to have that empathy, right?
That just ease to sympathy, that predisposition to sympathy, right?
So I think, I think that Charles Padil said that women, women are.
Romantics, women are, he said, men are practical, or romantics pretending to be practical,
and women are practical pretending to be romantics.
I can't remember exactly what he said.
That's very true.
Yeah, there's an inverse, there's an inversion there.
But the, so it's not the men that I've noticed it in, of like, the left, but the women of,
Some of the women of the left are starting to realize that things are about to get bad.
They can't quite put their finger on how or why, but they are more spiritually intuned than us.
They are, you know, vessels is why like every clairvoyant, every oracle, every soothsayer, they're always women.
They're tuned in on a level that we're just not.
So they're starting to ask questions.
I've noticed this more and more.
Some in my personal life.
And just also more broadly, if you look at the ones that are,
if you look at the people that are kind of dipping their toe in even like Normie
conservatism, it's all women.
Right.
Like they know something's fucked up.
But the men aren't because they are a lot of what Yaki talked about.
And we see the exact same thing.
on our side.
These women,
they don't possess
beliefs in the way
we do.
There's are always going to be different,
so you can't expect them to be the same
or have the same responses.
But what I think is the most explanatory
is the men of the left
and the fact that they're never going to,
they're never going,
how do I put this fuck?
Damn it. I had it right in the tip of my tongue.
Something, something, something.
Half of our fucking guys are left voids.
Basically.
Basically.
They don't feel anything.
Like, they're not being moved by feeling.
Anybody that starts to take on any type of...
How did Yaki put it?
There's not a leader amongst...
Oh, shit.
Damn it.
Hey, hold up.
Thomas is here.
Thomas is here?
Oh, thank God.
Yeah, I just talked to.
I just talked to.
Jesus Christ.
Guys, I am so fucking sorry, man.
We already forgave you.
My kid has never done that.
All right, I'll shut up about it.
Thomas, you there, brother?
He already forgave you.
Thomas is here.
He just texted me.
Oh, real quick, guys.
Did you, any of you guys read the world in flames?
Not the whole book, but the essay, yeah.
Yeah, so like in the forward of the essay, right?
I don't know who he's talking about with the possibilities of Germany, whatever, but he says this.
In October 46, a quiet, in a quiet garden in Weissbaden, an unknown person whose writings and actions are only valued by his enemies and that negatively.
Composed a short monograph entitled The Possibilities of Germany.
And this estimate can best begin by a short.
citation from this unpublished work.
Eventually,
not before 15 years,
the Anglo-Saxon Jewish Combine
and the Russian Empire will wage
the third of its series of
World Wars.
1960 was the first year in which
the world political situation was ripe for a great war, but the
exact moment of its outbreak is known to no one
other than time, not even to any
clairvoyant it may take place this year it may take place the year after that the last possible time
oh yeah the last possible time is something about like i guess the whoever this person is the
prediction is like 1975 whatever but it goes on to basically talk about how this is going this has
to end in a third world war and i was reading that today and it kind of shook me quite a bit
considering like where we're at and the people that are escalating to the point that you know they are
and it just goes to another like i don't think anybody's chalking up ws about how fucking
predicted yaki it is like yaki's prediction yaki is able to predict yes yeah this is why i want to talk
about yaki story that's exactly why i want to talk about yaki stormy and i started started jumping in on
Yaki. And I read that part out of Imperium. I'm sure you remember it, where he's talking about the,
how a high culture in the course of its fulfillment goes in all directions. And the intensity of the
impression of the culture on individuals is proportional to their receptivity of spiritual impressions.
And then he goes through this whole list of how, you know, the common man just can't be a part of it
because he's unjust but on principle.
He's,
he,
you know,
he lacks any sort of honor and will submit to any humiliation rather than revolt.
His talk is big as needs are small.
He likes to play but has no sportsmanship.
Great thoughts and plans.
He castigates his megalomania.
And he just goes down this whole list.
So,
I mean,
I guess what we,
we wanted to talk about culture tonight.
So can you jump off on that?
Because that's like the article,
He's, it's a section that's called the articulation of culture.
And yeah, how do you, you know, how do you recognize it?
Part of that's a reaction to, yaki wrote Imperium from mostly throughout 19, like, 1947,
but pretty much throughout the year, 1947, he wrote Imperium, okay?
Not only was that.
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That's arguably,
I mean,
inarguably, actually.
Like when, when communism was added to Zeneath,
like in terms of the zeitgeist globally.
So it seems like he's savaging the proletariat,
and he kind of is.
But a lot of that's very.
reaction to this idea that, oh, you know, class is this illusory thing. People are sociologically conditioned
into these roles. There's not any biological or metaphysical aspects to it. You know, it's this
totally malleable thing. And, you know, even if you think that revolutionary imperatives
are destructive, obviously we've got to, we got to raise up the, we got to end the tragedy
the commons by like raising up the proletariat because they've got this boundless potential that
was not recognizing so if it seems sort of like an angry savaging of the mentioned material of like
the body politic in any in any given state yeah it is it's probably it probably seems mean
spirited but that's the context but you know the uh the the fact of the matter is he's right
and people don't accept that
you know something I
until the
20th century
there were
there were situations in Europe
politically
you know we I can't remember
I can't remember talking about Gustav Manorheim
some weeks back
you know Manorheim didn't even speak Finnish
okay
like there was
it's sometimes
the ruling element
was literally like a
different ethnicity and sometimes also
a different race than the people we
presided over. And like, why
was that, nobody
was rising up and, you know,
and demanding that these people,
you know, liberate them from
this, this,
this oppressive modality
or what have you. I mean,
like, why is that? It's because,
you know, I mean, yeah, there's situations
where there's
you know,
where like a genuine tyranny becomes untenable,
you know, but that's a different thing.
There's people being subjected to material deprivations
or punitive abuses that, you know,
are fly in the face of reason and, you know,
even slaves won't tolerate.
But, you know, the lower orders are essentially
the subjects of the historical process.
They're not, you know,
they're not animating it.
They're not really participating in it.
You know, and I think that that's an arguable.
You know, one of the, one of the things, one of the things that separates civilization and savagery,
like savages don't really have culture.
Like, they might have a stratified sociological situation that they exist in, almost
always they do. I mean, the only
kind of truly, like, egalitarian
cultures
would be something like the black
seminals, but it's basically like a war band,
like, masquerading as, is, like, a
nation.
who happened, like, I mean, and
you know,
the, um,
so, uh, yeah, I,
uh, I think, I think that that's an arguable.
And, um,
the, uh,
it's not,
not it's not it's um it was just this kind of like intrinsic thing to like human psychology
you know uh there there wouldn't be that stratification between you know not not even just
high culture and savages but like any culture at all you know like basically the emergence of um
of the ability to bear culture that's what raised man out of a you know essentially a beastial
mode of existence.
You know, it's like, why does that happen?
You know, it's
the emergence of
this culture, very element
which seemed to be intrinsic.
The book that guy wrote about
the Bronze Age,
it's interesting because he makes, I think it's called
a,
it's called
the horse, the wheel, and language or something.
Oh, yeah, I have that book of a book.
Yeah, that's a really good book.
But he makes a point
that, you know, the Indo-European element, you know, they weren't indigenous to the places they
conquered. They came from what's, like the, they came from the step. They were master equestrians,
and they imposed this order that became proto-Indian civilization.
on
Central Asia and Europe
and
you know
the world the world island
if you allow the
geopolitical
nominclature
you know
this
and usually that's
usually that's the case
like usually culture is imposed
from without
you know
so if it was this kind of spontaneous
thing if it was like universal grammar
you know or the capacity um to like make tools or something if it is something that like just
emerged like well there wouldn't there'd be kind of like a monoculture planetarily there might be
like different phases of development that people's found themselves at but you know there wouldn't
be this profound distinction between peoples and their modes of life and you know there wouldn't
um there wouldn't be uh there wouldn't be people
outside of the
outside of the paradigm of civilization.
It would just be something that happened.
Like, oh, eventually people develop this capacity
for high culture.
And then, you know,
but that doesn't happen.
You know,
plus two, it's just like,
and I realize I'm kind of rambling,
so forgive me for that.
But, you know, like I,
when you look at,
look at the largest structure
in the world,
in the world, about 3,500 years.
It was the great pyramid of Giza.
Like, nothing else I came close.
close, okay?
The amount of
like human labor,
like it's like human slave labor,
it took to built that thing is unbelievable.
You know,
like slavery is not just the ability
to force people to do things
by like literally cracking the whip on them.
Like people like internalize
the paradigm.
Otherwise they would otherwise like
the otherwise history would just be like one
ongoing slaverable.
You know, like some successful,
some not, but it isn't, is it?
You know, it's not just because everybody's brainwashed into believing that, like,
they're infuriars or something. That's not the way things work.
You know, it's, it's almost, I don't like information age metaphors,
but it's almost like at scale, um, different casts within a cultural organism.
They're like running a program, you know, and it doesn't even occur to them.
it's a revolt against it you know it would be uh i remember i can't remember who it was somebody said
that something like the bolshevik revolution or like the jacobin revolution or uh probably most um
most uh poignantly like uh that what happened in china with the cultural revolution and and it cannibalizing
an entire
you know
probably like 20%
of its own population. It's mostly the
cultural organism
developing a kind of cancer
you know and like attacking itself
and just deteriorating into
megasital
anarchy but that's an outlier
and that usually comes from
they usually owes of something like future shock
or some kind of breakdown in the internal situation
where whole classes of people end up starving or something or, you know,
or there's some kind of punctuated natural disaster that radicalizes people.
It's not just, there's not just inevitably at some point, you know,
oh, there's a massive slave revolt and the sociological structure just cannibalizes itself.
It doesn't happen.
It's like, why doesn't that happen?
you know um like marxists would say that like well it's because you know the the uh the psychological
environment like people can't think outside that paradigm it's like yeah but there's a universality to
it that doesn't really bear that out you know so i mean i think i think it kind of goes without saying
but it's also people don't people in america have a and to a lesser degree i think probably in russia
although I haven't been to Russia, so I can't say with certainty.
They have a difficult time with this because there's two things going on.
There's hyper modernity and the conditions they're in in America.
But America is also an incomplete culture without a medieval origin.
So the kind of prime symbols that would sort of tie like the past to the present,
you don't see that as much.
It's there.
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If you know what to look for,
but especially people who, you know, are kind of rootless anyway,
they don't like detect these things
because they're not insinuated into social conditions
where there's a vestiges of,
of the past and
and informative
events
all around them.
You know, so
I think people have this idea that
the conditions
they live in here are
we're just kind of spontaneously devised
or something. Or we're just like, you know,
the result of like nature's bounty and
you know, the rare
endutressness of early Americans or something. I know I'm going to be wrong.
They had obviously had
played a part in it, but
that's not the whole story. So, I mean, I think it's
in an, it's in arguable.
And this stuff has a mysterious origin
at the end of the day. You know, that's one of the
reasons why the
liberal perspective, capital
L, I mean, and, you know, the Enlightenment perspective
fails. Like this idea
that there was some sort of like rationally
devised process
of civilization that was
consciously implemented. Like that
that's ridiculous.
You know,
um,
there's a mysterious quality to
to the political order
is there are all like anthropological things
like this idea that one day this just happened
because of
you know it's a product of man's intrinsic
capacity to reason that doesn't make any sense
you know
that that's not how things work
do you think that the
one of the reasons why when you
talk like this and people read Yaki and they read about a high culture that they may reject it
out of hand is because they don't see themselves as being a part of it. And, you know, because I think
about the time that Yaki wrote this and it almost seems like writing this, I'm going to, this may be
a terrible metaphor for it, but like it's almost like evangelism. Like he's throwing, he's putting this
message out there and he's trying to figure out who's going to accept it, who's going to embrace it
at a time when culture has been torn to pieces and there's basically nothing, there's nothing left.
So he's putting this message out there and he's like, okay, who accepts this?
Who has this?
Where's the culture bearing element now so that we can start over again?
It almost seems like he does that.
But then, you know, people hearing this, listening to this and listening to us talk about this, you're like, well, this just isn't me.
So why would I, you know, I reject it out of hand?
Specifically, he was writing for a European audience.
And the political situation was very unstable.
You know, the, and what became the East Germany, which was just then, like as in terms of being written,
was just then like ossifying into the DDR.
You know, it was, it was literally the eastern occupation zone.
You know, the Soviets, there was a cadre of people like,
Wilhelm Pike and Ernst Volveber and Eric Milka and Hanukkah, and Hanukkah,
a lot, many of whom had fled the Soviet Union under the right,
government you know um so they had a reliable cadre but the the body politic and the eastern
occupation zone was what was was very resistant so they were imposing their system quite
literally at gunpoint in the west you know it uh it wasn't quite as um it wasn't quite as
heavy-handed, but it was still very brutal.
And early on, especially, the legitimacy of the occupation regime, a lot of it derived from, you know, fear of the Soviet Union and the Cold War paradigm.
I mean, I argue that almost entirely, that's what it derived from.
and
like devastated as Europe was
you know
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There was the potential to really monkey wrench the designs of the Americans in the Soviet Union.
And there was a radical element that very much realized that and was looking forward.
And that's why Iaki considered it so imperative to...
you know,
a lie with the Soviet Union
contra America.
So that's what we was writing for.
And,
you know,
there,
Moseley had similar thoughts,
although obviously he felt he,
he,
he was at Lagerhead to the Yaki
on the issue of the Cold War.
But,
you know,
that,
um,
that's,
that's the element that he was,
uh,
that he was addressing.
and that that was his singular focus.
Like what Yagi's view of the American situation was is an open-ended question.
You know, he wrote a couple of speeches from McCarthy, Joseph McCarthy.
This is in particular when McCarthy was on a tear about the treatment of Vermont and Vofen-S-S veterans and things.
You know, and McCarthy's view was, you know, obviously Germany is essential to, is the essential bulwark against the Soviets and what was, you know, and what by that time was Warsaw Pact.
Yacchi was coming from a different place than McCarthy was, but that was the main subject of the species you wrote for McCarthy.
But other than that, I mean, Yaki wasn't really writing for an American audience.
the stuff that his allies in the old resistance um people like um metal people like
george sebester veric the guys like Connie McGinley you know they they were the minority
faction and the old resistance who were pro-Soviet um and that was uh you know they they were
they were kind of running an insurgent
campaign
on
within that ideological
subculture.
So that's important to consider.
I mean, that's what he was writing for.
It's also, too, there is
something,
I mean, Yacchi was a Higalian, obviously.
You know,
and he was an national socialist.
So he viewed a
he viewed kind of like new European man as in the way that younger kind of did as like neither master nor a slave was kind of like the self-contained individual and that the caste paradigm in the traditional sense didn't really matter anymore you know along to historical and technological variables and that's kind of like a different question but you know um
generally
what he writes about
where when he like
the everything in Imperium is tailored
really for a European audience and specifically
you know the people
situated in
in
in key
and what was to be key
battle spaces
um
ideologically and
and potentially
um
Actually.
Okay, so there's a lot here.
So first, to go way back to the beginning of what Thomas was saying, we touched on Yaki's pension for saying, and this comes from Spangler, that certain people have race and certain people do not have race.
So the lower orders, as we understand, you know, the caste or the hierarchical stratified social system, informal or formal, the lower orders.
don't have race and the higher orders do, right?
So you were talking about like the slaves and, you know, we don't have a history.
The world history is not a world history of slave revolts.
Are you, were you saying that because of what Yaqui says about people who have race and don't have race?
So, for example, right from the text, I just want to give one example, right from the text,
he talks about how people who don't have race, if they, if they're in a situation in which they'll lose their lives,
will only lose their lives for themselves.
Their only self-sacrifices for themselves,
whereas somebody who has race will sacrifice themselves
for something higher.
They'll sacrifice themselves for the future.
They'll sacrifice themselves for the culture
and for the future of their nation.
And I even remember he says that, like, a martyr
is convinced that he possesses the truth.
A warrior is convinced that he,
that the honor that he feels is so important to help die for it.
and this is somebody who has race
and someone who won't put themselves in this situation
or who run away doesn't have race.
And I think this kind of gets to what you're talking about
how these things sort of sift themselves out informally.
There's like a mysterious origin to the way this all sorts itself out.
Yeah, well, it's also part of us too conceptual horizon.
You know, if you're somebody, like somebody who's part of the culture-bearing element,
they're not just a standard bearer of the cultural organism like ontologically like they view their existence
their kind of discrete conscious existence as uh like sort of a discrete sort of cellular aspect of a chain of
being, you know, and that's why, you know, that's why treat it royals and high culture is worthy of the name,
you know, they're basically oriented towards generational projects, you know, unless there's,
unless they haven't to be born in the conditions whereby, you know, they're charging.
with seeing the
nation through a total war or something
generally what's on their mind
are
historical imperatives
that began
centuries before they were bored and will
endure centuries after they're dead
you know
and that's the way
that that's an existential
and an ontological
phenomenon
you know
and
people who are limited
station don't think like that
because they've got no practical reason to
but also aren't capable of thinking in those terms
you know I mean that's the
that's that
that that's um
an important
distinction and that's one of the ways you can tell
that most people are natural slaves
man I mean like they like look at these fools
um
on either side or they kind of
contrived um
political divide
in this country
you know
they've got this idea that after they themselves
die like nothing exists or like
host any significance
it's the
it's the mentality of a rodent or something
you know like I
when I die I can't eat cheese anymore
so if I can't eat the piece of cheese
what does it matter you know like
because when I die
yeah there's a there's a French quote
that's attributed to a French king that
Yaki includes in here, after me, the flood.
And I guess the context was the king was asked, you know, what's going to happen after you die?
And it's basically him saying, I don't give a shit.
The flood can come and take everything away for all I care.
Yeah.
No, exactly.
And that's, you know, and it's not just a moral or ethical issue.
That's part of it.
You know, absolutely.
But it's really like ontological.
Like people aren't.
you know that's one of the that's the difference between um you know higher man and uh and and
slaves um in the aristotillion sense but also to be clear like yaki was not at all some like reactionary
or some realist or so even some guy like morass who like was like oh we got to go back to you know
the aristocratic order you know he was a national socialist he was saying that you know like new europe
man is um he's he's like he's like what younger described in their arbiter he's you know he's um or in
on pain you know he's uh he's neither a master or a slave he's he's he's a self-contained individual
you know he's a he's like a worker yielman um racial warrior who uh is uh you know at at the same time um
the
you know the
a culture bearing element
but you know he's
he's he's also like
literally the vanguard
humanry
you know
you catch them in the corner of your eye
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And that's the National Socialist.
That's their historical mission in terms of...
of the internal political situation, you know, anthropologically and sociologically,
is it cultivate, you know, that, you know, kind of new historical man who's, who can't be
conventionally understood within the caste paradigm, you know, because he, he partakes of,
of, you know, the noble aspects of wall, but he's, he's at the same time,
like neither or none of those things in and um archetypal or essential capacities what thomas
said is uh kind of borne out in uh yaki's essay about the american right it was the
individual the destiny of america yeah um the destiny of america how he describes how he describes
the American himself.
But yes, yeah, it is the destiny of America.
What is it, 1960?
Well, that's the title of the essay, I'm saying.
Anyway, anyways, it was the individual imperialism of the frontiersmen that actually
opened individual imperialism of the frontiersmen that actually opened up and conquered
the North American continent.
Daily, he was surmounted by a thousand dangers.
He lived in the face of death.
this intrepid type who was at once warrior explorer minister doctor judge and settler advanced until he reached this specific ocean and then looked onwards towards alaska and the western islands
this is um yaki's got a whole section in imperium on america and he elaborates on this for like either one long chapter or several chapters i can't remember but he talks about how that
spirit of America and those men, those men were driven by the same Faustian spirit that drove the men who
created European culture. So when Thomas comes back, I want to talk about this because America's a colony,
right? So it's not its own culture. It didn't grow up with its own ethnogenesis. America. He says that
something came out of it out of them due to basically the savagery. And out of it out of
those Colonials was bred a new man,
the Minuteman. These American
farmers. Yeah, which is awesome.
Yes. Yes, he talks about that
a lot. That's such a good estimate.
But nevertheless, it was
just going to say, nevertheless,
it wasn't an ethnogenesis
of a new culture.
It was a continuation
of European culture
that was the same
animating spirit that
sort of morphed into its own
different thing. But it
It wasn't an ethnogenesis, is all I'm saying.
And now, you know, that spirit is gone and or it's morphed into something different.
And I think Thomas is going to have something to say to contradict that.
But I'll wait for Thomas.
I want to ask him.
He and I have talked about, well, not about it being gone, but about the fact that there actually was a high culture in the United States.
Oh, yeah, there definitely was.
do you think there was do you absolutely personally oh yeah there after no no no there absolutely was for
sure yeah as somebody who like uh you know spends all this time reading uh reading and talking about
the robber barons i can definitely tell you there is a yeah even yeah but particularly in the
in the aristocratic ideals right so the i talk about it briefly in the in the robber baron
series and i give a lot of examples but this came up in a convent
with a friend from the UK, right?
When she's talking about the, um,
kind of the sorry dejected state of British men now and like what the British man is
like now and basically how backbiting and really, it's not just like a, a feminine, but
the best way that actually I've ever heard it this, the best way I can encapsulate what
she was trying to say is what Yaqui was trying was, was, Yaki was saying.
about like the um the low man about how they rejoice in like they'll you know watch a car accident
like they take joy and other suffering right but um i was trying i was explained to her that the
values of the aristocracy of england they died out in europe in roughly about the 1600s
the only they were continued in america by america's elite like these men if you read
Rockefeller, if you read Morgan, you read Ford,
they had nothing to index
their position in society too.
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Like they didn't have any points of reference.
So what they went and looked, what they were constantly looking back on
was like, was stories and memoirs of the British aristocracy in its glory days.
Right.
And that's what they were basically using as a rubric to basically set the tones of their life,
how they interacted with the people around them, what duties they had to the,
the people that worked for them, say, one of the men that worked in their service, like the guy that
ended up running J.P. Morgan, right? After J.P. Morgan, after John Pierpont Morgan and after his son,
Jack was some was the son of one of the guys that worked on Morgan's cars, right, who died,
like unexpectedly, right? And because the guy was in, the gentleman, the mechanic was in
peer upon service, it was his duty, right, to take that young man in who's now orphaned.
Because this man's father was in his service, it was his duty to raise that person like it was his
son. He got sent to the exact same schools that his son Jack did. He got the exact same
doors opened and the exact same opportunities at J.P. Morgan. The guy's name is Thomas Lamont. He
ran the bank from like 1950 or sorry 1940 like onwards to like the 80s this was a you know an orphan
son of a guy that worked for him but we don't see any of that anymore but that that died out as
Washington for Hamilton because Washington had no son of his own yes exactly exactly exactly
and we didn't see that in the you know in the British Isles anymore by then it was all you know
trying to think of a word that's not overtly anyways yeah the the the the disease that
America inherited was running rampant in the UK beforehand the people that we
inherited so we were talking about America coming into its own as a culture and
Stormy read a passage from the destiny of America the essay about the
the Faustian spirit kind of like
pushing through
the founders of America
not just the founding fathers but like the pioneers
and the frontiersmen that they were
driven by the same spirit that that drove
the people who created culture
in Europe
but so
so
last time Thomas I asked you if you thought
America or if you thought
Yaqui thought America was the continuation
of the Faustian
and you said no
but Yaqui kind of accounts for that in a myriad of ways one of them of course being the revolution of 1933
where what I was trying to come to what I was saying before is that America now post-war America
or at least post-1933 America was fundamentally changed from the America of you know
pre-revolutionary war revolutionary war America so what's also the the war was when the states
change things too.
Like they don't, you know, I mean
that
the
the Faustian element, if you want
to, in
pure terms of the Confederacy,
you know, I mean that
yeah, yeah, yeah, they can't be denied.
But he actually says the
revolution in 1933 and then
before that, the, was
the Civil War. It was like
several republics, American republics.
Right. So, yeah. I mean, he says
actually the civil war brought about
the sub-American
and he rolls like liberals
and egalitarians in as
so I am assuming he did think
some ethnogenesis took place or else
the term sub-American means
means you know it's kind of nonsensical
unless you look at it in those terms
well I think he's basically
he's calling the north the sub-americans
I would
does he mean the northerners in general
I mean it's a historical phenomenon
I mean like it and you know
know after after um after the um this kind of monoculture was imposed which was the whole point of
reconstruction you know um there uh that uh the you know that that entire historical enterprise was
was derailed and essentially it ceased to exist i mean that's why it's why it's a sonine when
I mean, it's asked nine for all kinds of reasons for people to talk in the 21st century about the West.
Like, it's this thing that still exists.
You know, when, I mean, the Second World War obviously was, you know, that the West went down at Stalin grid.
But like this idea that America is this, like, legacy of Europe and it's somehow, like, fulfilling its historical mission.
Like, that's ridiculous.
You know, like, not only is they grossly at odds with.
you know, um,
with historical realities,
but New Dealer America literally waged like
a genocidal war of annihilation against Europe.
Like I mean,
I don't understand how this
tracks in people's minds,
but I guess it's because they
you know, they
simply lack a historical education.
But, um,
no, that's why,
why Yaki Lugatov Hitler made the point that America had more in common with the then Soviet Union and vice versa than like either did with Europe or any other extent or historical cultural form.
America became an ideologically driven enterprise.
And it remains, I mean, that remains the day.
You know, that's why
these goofballs,
like,
Hegsev,
I mean,
I mean,
excess,
hexathe's a fucking idiot.
It's like he's,
he's a cornball.
But he's also,
uh,
there's also,
it's like a profound ignorance to people like that.
But he's,
he's an exemplar of,
like,
what passes for the American right.
He's always going around talking about these,
these imaginary geostrategic threats.
And just today he was talking about
communists,
you know,
like calling like,
I guess you're talking about like MSNBC,
types or whatever like these people have they not only is it a totally impoverished um ideological
commitment that they represent but it like the parameters of it don't even exist anymore
you know it's all they have all they had was the cold war like all they have is this uh
ideological imperative that's extra abstracted for anything historically concrete
and that didn't make any sense anymore after 1989,
but that they're still trying to,
not only they still trying to milk that,
that paradigm for credibility,
but they,
but in ontological terms,
like they,
they, they, they, they, they, they, they, they, they, they, they, they,
they, they, they, they, they, they, they, they, they, they, they,
historical realities anymore, anymore, you know, because, um,
it's always making the point the regime's like it's like a million miles wide and like a
centimeter deep there's like nothing there you know that's why i don't understand how people can't
realize that it's dying like it's nothing to stand on you know nothing and uh a large part of that
is because um you know there's there's no there's no historical imperative animating it
Well, to go back to him writing, you know, at the end of, you know, 1948 or whatever it was, and him not being a reactionary, the Imperium is supposed to be the future.
And it's supposed to be the future of the Spanglarian, you know, model of history.
So he says we're moving towards Imperium.
And I think his argument, you know, in this book and others, the culmination of his work is that the Cold War was going to culminate in the European.
and imperium, right?
Potentially.
Potentially, yeah.
The idea was that
the only way that Europe can liberate itself
is through a political concord
with Moscow.
And because communism
is not long for this earth,
you know, it'll eventually
sort of exhaust its revolutionary
momentum.
And because it's
It's a superficial,
ideological overlay
that's at odds
with imbutable historical processes
as they actually are.
His notion was that,
you know,
yes, like, the Soviet Union will come to dominate Europe
in superficial terms,
but the Russians will be both attracted
to the political and cultural
works of superior European forms, but also they'll need that kind of driving engine, not just
of prosperity, but of cultural dynamism that is autocathanas to Europe.
So essentially, like, the Russians will become European.
The Europeans aren't going to become a Russian.
And basically, that tracked.
Like, if you look at, you know, it's when the, um,
it's not um it's not the places that were under soviet occupation that are mired in these kinds of sociological
catastrophes you know like like the west is like the you know and even in um in east germany it wasn't
like Putin was a kind of an outlier but kGB and g or you guys were different than the the military uh and party
occupation authorities you know Putin spoke uh German and um and he can actually speak English
in a rudimentary sense but he's highly fluent in German but most uh most Soviets in East
Germany didn't even speak German and they didn't fraternize with Germans socially you know
there was like a one off of like some Soviet officer who had like you know a German lady that
that he married but this now it was actively discouraged but it's the Russians just didn't
really index with the culture that way, but they wanted to emulate it and they wanted the
trappings of it. And that's why that's why East Germany was like the jewel in the crown of the
East flock. So I think that kind of goes without saying, but that's what is, um,
notion was. So moving forward, um, to an NSEC situation. Um, as Yaki saw it,
you'd uh you know you'd have this eurasian super state as uh was what um the third rike was
was their ambition you know but it would come about basically through
soviet victory in europe but then over time you know um what would happen is what i just
enumerated you know the russians had become kind of europeanized um as the soviet system kind of
collapsed under its own weight
and
the Soviet state abandoned these kinds of
revolutionary
imperatives
you know
that'd be the new
European
Imperium
and
you know again
it would be it'd be characterized
by a kind of
vanguardist
Yale-man
like metaphorically speaking not not talking about actual yeoman farmers although they
in the national association perspective they were to play a key role in the in the east um but that's a
difference um that's a tangential subject matter but uh that's yeah that that's what that's what
he meant by it and it's you know um the
there wasn't like a national socialist or a fascist
equivalent of like new Soviet man
but again
there is a
a Higalian archetype that
people like Yaki and people like
Hitler and people like Mussolini
viewed as
you know
the ideal part of
and that's that's very much a historical phenomenon, you know, and again, like this, this, this, this archetype is a man who's neither master nor slave, you know, and that's a very, but that's been, that's been the ambition of a European or a continental philosophy, you know, really, really,
from a really from yeah really really really from haigle onward and even people like uh cont and and
hume obviously like you know in in in terms of their political values they they they they
came down on you know on the issue differently than somebody like ficta or uh schopenhauer or nietzsche
or heidegger but that that was the ambition you know um
You catch them in the corner of your eye.
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The sovereign individual, you know, who's not a...
Who doesn't...
Who wasn't part of this minuet of a...
You know, of the...
A traditional class paradigms.
and that that's that's that's fundamental because a lot a lot of people they send up this idea that
national socialism and and some of it's adjacent to ideological tendencies that these are just like
reactionary guys on steroids or something that's not at all the case that's that completely
misunderstands what their historical ambition was so how does that translate how do we translate
this to the situation that we're in in the United States in 2025,
more people are waking up to people like Yaki, people like Spengler,
to high culture, more people are waking up to our occupation,
and they're looking for answers to how to fight against it,
or at least how to mitigate the damage it's done.
How do we translate that now?
Well, I mean, in America, the situation has always been, the path forward has always been to secede from the ruling regime.
You know, it's not, it's not, it's not, the ambition isn't to capture the government and put the right policy in place.
Like, that doesn't make any sense.
That, uh, um, that, that, that, that be, that, that, that, that, that put people in the same camp, metaphorically as, as these guys, you know, in the Soviet Union in 1986 or 86, or 86.
seven thinking like oh well we just need to we just need to find a way to get into the
polit bureau or the supreme soviet and try and do what shivid narzzi is doing or whatever but
like you know with an eye to advance you know our own kind of imperative that the regime is
slowly dying you know as i've written about extensively and the only the only divide now
in real terms is between globalism and the resistance, you know, and people who identify as
right wing, if they're all serious, you know, they're building alternative structures and
seceding as much from regime and system life as possible, and, you know, building alternative
structures that will be there when it's gone.
And again, that's already underway.
Like, I'll be dust.
Yeah, globalism's dead.
Yeah, exactly.
It's on its way out.
And it's probably going to be another 200 years before, like, this fully realized.
And even after that, like, something that called itself the United States of
America is going to like kind of shamble on you know it like um it's still going to put its like
steel on things but no one's going to really take it seriously you know um and it's not uh
it's going to be more kind of like a formality than anything you know and the real the real power
um the real power projection capability is going to be with these kind of constellations of
private actors you know um some of which are extraordinarily powerful
but none of which have like a monopoly on the ability to project um hard and soft power
in planetary capacities you know i mean that's the way to look at it and um that's why i'm always
making the point too that um like like people people aren't in the game who uh
who look at like all like non-white or non-Western people as their ops or something
like whether you like it or not like you've got to like
live among these people.
Like, that doesn't mean you should, that doesn't mean like, you know, I'm not talking about like
the current immigration paradigm or something, which obviously is tailored to cause destruction.
I'm not talking about that.
Like, what I'm saying is that deciding that, um, resistance elements are, or, or, like,
your enemy, like, is, is, is, is totally self-defeating and it's literally retarded.
Because, um, you know, so the paradigm's totally different than during the Cold War.
but um
you know
the uh
but that's uh
I mean
yeah people ask like
what would Francis
Pergoyaki or people like him think today
you know they'd
uh
they'd um
they'd look at uh
they'd look at Russia
they'd look at
as the you know
as um
as a key aspect of the resistance
you know
you'd consider um
the Arab world
especially um
um
you know,
especially,
you know,
the Palestinian resistance is key to
this constellation of,
of,
resistance actors, you know, this should be clear
at anybody who's engaged.
I mean, you can tell you talking to either a fantasist or an idiot.
He's like, yeah, we're going to save the West
and, like, wake up Europe. It's like, what are you talking about?
Like, you're going to get in a time machine back to
back to 1943, you know,
and you're going to turn the tie to
Stalingrad. You know, like,
but these people don't live
in reality. You know,
that's why,
um,
that's why they're our ops. Not just because
I mean, yeah, like some of them are like
obvious grifters and
like, like,
fig, it's like, uh,
like Princess Dickie Spencer and,
um,
or guys like Greg Johnson who
decided they don't like
darkies because, like, some hood rat, like,
called them a gay or something but uh i mean just like it's easy to kind of like poke fun at those
guys because they deserve it and they're just so obviously like goofies but um you know most of um
like probably like 90% of these people just like aren't aren't serious and and even some of those
that you know maybe their heart is in the right place they they don't understand the
they don't understand the parameters of uh the historical situation so
you know, they're not really worth engaging with.
I mean, I try not to go to my way.
I try not to be mean to anybody.
I only, the only people I openly criticize and make fun of are guys who are like
legit assholes and are doing harm, like the guys that just mentioned.
But I'm not gonna, I'm not gonna pretend that we've got like on board or like
indexed with people.
We don't know what the fuck's going on.
Just because like they're good guys, you know, or their hearts in the right place or something.
I mean, I feel very strong about this, but, you know, I, um, I'm one of the things you said about the West.
I was listening to Carl Benjamin the other day talking about England.
And an American super chatted him and asked him a question about, you know, taking back England.
And he said, he said, the problem we have here.
is not that people don't care about England.
He said it's gotten to the point where people don't care about themselves.
Yeah.
So it's like how, what are you trying to save?
How do you, how do you save a people who like are self-loathing at this point where they,
they will literally not do anything?
They won't even speak out for threat of being arrested.
like some guy the other day who said that, you know, people should speak English and, you know,
in England. And you have these like British cops who are, who are like ready to arrest them for it.
It's like, I mean, if you're, if your cops, if your, if your police won't step up for you and they're armed and you,
and the people literally hate themselves, how do you save that?
well it's also uh yeah let's also too and yeah i mean that england's an extreme situation because it's it's
um it's a totally destroyed um country but even i've made the point of people like even even in um
circumstances here like in america even in places where you know there's more people are more
animated towards corrective action, like without, without some sort of, uh,
without some sort of spiritual life and without any sort of like communitarian ethos,
like you're pissing into the wind. It's like, so if I, like, even if, you know, if you,
if you go to go to some blighted place like Flint, Michigan or like,
or some of these places in Philly or whatever, it's like, okay, even with those people,
were to like wake up and like purge immigration or something but like having like a pointless
society of like all white people like it's just that it's like a pointless society it's like a
pointless nihilistic society of like all white people like why is that awesome you catch them
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And now,
she's chock of Rehaw,
it's leargoal
to the law
Gouah and not
Gereina in Aondoon
and Lain de Gala
to give the amalfa
Gawaddae
Gailta Deirin.
In Ergird,
we're dig tour
in Woonagh
with Funeifunner,
it's a Wachachan
on the Ongachter
Lectorch,
onus,
all the child,
Gnow,
and Pobble,
Tareife,
in Tashue,
a RON,
Oakhukuk to Aung,
full of nismos
in airgrid, point out of he.
You know, like, obviously it's not,
not being somewhat obtuse.
But, um,
no, the, uh,
the UK, uh,
well, I mean,
the UK, the UK is as badly off as Germany
because they lost World War II.
And like, that's,
they're not just, um,
it's not just, yeah, it's not just an issue
like them having a bad government
or the ship needing to be righted.
Like,
the degree to which like they literally lost the war like well well but diluting themselves and the
thinking that they won it can't be overstated you know um and that's uh you know people don't
people who don't understand that uh you know aren't in the game because they don't understand
the meaning of the 20th century and they don't understand why war war two was fought you know um
like they don't understand the stakes that were involved and they they don't understand why that's like a critical juncture you know um and then that's also why regime narratives are so bound up with it you know because like that was their that that that was that was that was the that was um their ensig you know that's why it's like their founding myth um but uh it's basically impossible
to get people to understand these things unless they're a student of such matters,
and they just kind of instinctively apprehend politics.
So it's kind of a fool's error and trying to explain it to people, because they won't,
they just, they don't get it, you know, and that's fine.
I mean, most people aren't going to understand politics at this scale.
I'm going to raise up in a minute.
I don't mean to be abrupt, and it's my fault because I got to start a
late so forgive me for that but um i um will uh we'll reconvene later in the week if that's cool
and uh i'll be able to dedicate more uh more time and i promise i won't i won't uh i won't delay the
proceedings again i'm gonna take a picture up with guys i'll be right back yeah yeah it's all good
man we all got shit going on it's great that we can keep convening this uh pete you want to stick around a few
minutes. I would like to take the high culture conversation a little bit longer if you have time.
Yeah, I mean, I have I have Imperium pulled up here. So, you know, I can go off.
Well, it's not even necessarily from Imperium, but maybe I misunderstood you the other day,
but we were talking and you said something about a high culture in America. I agree that there was
a high culture in America. And I think it's basically what you and Stormy were talking about,
the gilded age.
But is there
another chance for it?
You know, is America going to have?
I think there, I think there is
something happening. I don't know if it's the,
I think we just talked about the fact that like
America's over. So if there's
going to be a high culture, it's going to be
it's going to be in pockets.
And it's going,
I mean, am I wrong, Thomas?
It would have, there's no way you're going,
America is going to have a high culture.
If you're going to have a high culture, it would have to be
localized it would have to be people coming together of a culture-bearing element and and channeling
you know channeling the spirit of it but see but so consciousness doesn't work locally though we're
watching ideas travel literally all over the place pop up in all these different places i'll see you guys
all right thomas you take care of right traditional like this yeah you're welcome the way
not even just the fact that the spiritual element of this uh is non-local right
I'm hearing my ideas out of like people in their 50s that are not plugged in, talking about
martial cultures.
Like, it's fucking unreal.
The way that ideas travel and it's not just because of the internet, it's something else.
So I don't think the, I don't think the, I don't think we're going to see it be local dependent.
I think we're kind of at that point in time where a solid percentage of us are all kind of tuned into the same thing.
Not a lot, but you don't need a lot.
And it's non-geographic dependent.
We all feel a certain type of way inside.
We are all sensitive to something, whatever you want to call it, use your preference.
We're all getting the same ideas at the same time.
time. We're all getting the same feelings at the same time. None of us are in the same place.
And frankly, like, we just saw globalism get detonated by the U.S. government.
The U.S. government pulled the plug on globalism. Well, Donald Trump did. And yes,
everyone's trying to stop him, but it doesn't matter. Once you signal intent, the market's
taking it from there. Like, if you haven't noticed, he says, I'm going to do these things.
The market doesn't wait for those things to be done.
It starts unwinding the trades itself.
Capital is already moving.
All you need to do is signal intent.
And after that, it's going to be taken care of by people that are trying to front run the trade.
They're going to do the moving for you.
They're going to unwind globalism for you because they can make a bunch of money doing it, getting there first.
And I don't think we're going to see anything
resembling globalism within
two or three years from now, right?
The onshoreing that's happening
is only just, hold on one second.
Well, I mean, to Stormy's point.
Sorry about that, cat problems.
Yeah, I figured it was your cat.
I just wanted to interject here to your point.
What we're talking about, Yaki,
we're talking about the Golden Age, the Gilded Age,
excuse me, the end of
globalism,
Trump is talking about ushering in a new golden age.
So, of course, there's some of that, some of that is Trump's typical pomposity and bombastic speaking.
But at the same time, that's what the Caesar figure does if he is the Caesar figure.
The Caesar figure reinvigorates people to get them back on track and to get them filled with the nationalistic spirit and the spirit of the culture to work together as a,
culture again like they once did.
Look at Zionism.
Well, that's what Yaki says.
Exactly. Are you getting back to the essay?
No, I'm actually pulling up the most recent
Quintapac poll.
Oh, yeah. Well, what are you saying about Zionism, though?
Well, okay. So what
Quinnipak is saying is that
60% of Americans don't support Zionism.
as far as actively view Israel as a threat to the United States security.
Right.
And the most important part about that is that is the most dramatic shift is in conservatives and independence.
Yeah, but what does that happen?
It was the new golden age.
We'll hold the home.
The between the ages of 60 or sorry, yeah, 59 and 20.
We're talking about millennial.
It's under 50.
I just did sub-stack this morning on this.
But in the in the substack articles,
since it's like present in your head,
I believe it was conservative and independence
in that age group went from 70% in support of
to now 30% in support of.
That's fucking huge.
That means the only people that still believe this shit.
Well, first off,
none of those like the people that are 50 they're not getting their shit on Twitter they're like
these people are picking it up culturally from people around them and you don't view Zionism as a
threat to the United States like an actual threat which is I believe how the questions in the
surveys were posed right unless you see the apparatus that controls the U.S. government
through, we'll call it unscrupulous behavior and means,
and then forces the U.S. government to then go do things that hurt it.
Because that's the only way Israel is going to be a threat to the United States
is it's going to take control of your government,
and it's going to make it do things that hurt your government.
So you can't wake up to that without waking up to the power structure.
Like, that's a profound thing.
Because you, and let's put this way, you don't stop at APEC.
Did any of us stop at APEC?
What do you mean?
Once you go down that road, you know, you may not end up where we're at,
but you're definitely not checked in anymore.
Right.
The people who stop, the people who stop at Zionism,
as Thomas would say, they're not in the game.
You have to go further.
The people who are running Zionism and doing the things in Zionism,
and doing the things that Zionism does,
we're doing this before Zionism existed.
So this isn't a Zionism problem.
Zionism, I will use the term Zionism strategically.
But everyone knows I'm not scared of saying it is Jews.
And I don't even really like the Jews.
I just like Jews.
Because when you look at banking,
you find Jews.
When you look at D.C., I mean, not D.C., well, D.C. too.
But Hollywood, you find Jews.
When you look at pornography, you find Jews.
It's not the Jews.
It's Jews.
And you can see this in a lot of Jews right now
are basically running.
They're, I mean, they're running as far away from their fellow travelers.
their fellow
Ethical Ethics.
He's on Jimmy Door today.
Yeah.
Norman Finkleston.
Yeah, Norman Finkleston was on Jimmy.
Yeah, Norman Fanklstein was on Jimmy Door today
saying that Hollywood is controlled by Jews.
He said, yeah, and it's more than this, actually.
He said since 1980, there have been 200 Holocaust movies made.
No, actually, maybe out of Hollywood.
But if you look at minor studios and things like that,
it's actually you're looking.
more like 400.
Well, why is that?
Because that's their,
that's their crucifixion.
That's their Christ.
That's their cross.
They have to keep that going,
or else, you know, it all falls apart.
So,
yeah, Zionism is
a major problem.
But when you look at,
like, say,
Saudi Arabia has Jews.
Syria had Jews. Turkey has Jews. Russia has Jews.
Now, a bunch of Spirgs will tell you that Putin is completely, you know, enslaved to the Jews.
Well, they're retarded. I mean, they're they just, they believe, they're bigger Zionists than Zionists.
They're bigger Jewish supremacists than any Jews.
They're there because they believe that they, they control everything.
and it's just not true.
You know, it's like Stormy, you know, Stormy and I had a long, you know, conversation about who controls Wall Street.
People are like, oh, it's Jews.
Well, no, it's not.
Wall Street is basically a guild of interest groups that protect each other.
Because they know if they don't protect each other and one gets too much power or one fucks off too much,
they're in trouble of losing their fucking cash cow,
which is their ability to do what they do.
This is the problem with people that know things,
but they don't know enough of things, right?
They know that Jewish power exists and they organize and, you know,
they generally push out other people, and they see some of them, like you said,
in Wall Street.
But that doesn't make you know what's up on, like,
and how that place functions.
Like, I love this.
It's one of my favorite, you know, little stats.
J.P. Morgan Chase, the bank, didn't hire its first Jewish person until 1989.
1989.
Right.
So, like, and they didn't.
I think it was 19.
I think it was 1979, actually.
Oh, man.
Are you correct?
Oh, man.
I'm fucking up tonight, guys.
That's all right.
I'm fucking up tonight.
Yeah.
that tells you a very important fact is that there are interest groups right david solomon and
jamy diamond the two most powerful people in finance globally have signaled the end of globalism
well what is this organized power group that we talked about what do they want they want globalism
they wrote they want the end of nationalism they wrote the treaties they wrote the
They literally wrote globalization.
What was it?
NAFTA.
And yeah, NAFTA in 1994.
Couldn't get passed.
They had proposed several drafts of NAFTA.
I remember I had an argument with a guy who was of the tribe.
And I said, the Jews are responsible for globalism.
And he said, that's total bullshit.
It was a bipartisan bill.
I said, yeah.
It was a bipartisan bill.
Stormy, you were there for this argument.
It was a bipartisan bill.
Yeah, it was in a group chat because one side drafted a proposal for NAFTA that everyone rejected.
Another side drafted a revised proposal that everyone rejected.
And then Jews came in and wrote a new revised proposal that everyone accepted.
And two of those Jews were Joseph Stiglitz and Paul Krugman.
Some of them, I don't know if those two have both won the Nobel Prize for,
economics. I'm not sure if they want it specifically. And both of them are basically, um,
in the last five years to call them discredited. I mean, everyone is basically, everyone in finance,
nobody, like these people held a huge position of like financial authorities and like banks
would do what they say. Banks were putting money where these people said. Yeah, Paul Krugman. Yeah,
in particular. Right. He was like dictating.
policy from the pages
of the New York Times. But see, this is how it works,
right? Because they have plausible deniability.
Because it was a draft. It was a, excuse me,
a proposal that was accepted by both sides.
It was a bipartisan thing.
But at the same time, the 1964,
well, I don't know if it got pat.
Yeah, the immigration bill, 1964.
That was also written by Jews.
So you blame it on Jews and people say,
Oh, no, it was John F. Kennedy. It was the Democrats and it was agreed upon by everyone. No, sorry. They were trying to get some sort of immigration bill passed that had massive amounts of restrictions on non-Europeans. And the one that they finally put through was literally written by Jews. The book, A Nation of Immigrants that John F. Kennedy wrote was written by Jewish people. So that's what we're talking about. That's why we are saying that.
But Pete is also correct.
They don't literally control every single facet of every government and the entire world.
And Pete, I wanted to add to that what you said.
Not only do those people say that Jews control literally everything,
but they also say that there's no escaping it,
that they will never lose control until everything crashes and burns.
And the only thing to do is prepare for how to fucking live off of rainwater and, you know,
possum roadkill.
I mean, you've heard that, I'm sure, right?
That, like, they don't just control everything, but they will never not control.
There are guys that are so blackpilled.
They're actually doing exactly that astral.
Oh, yeah, I wasn't being hyperbolic or facetious.
Someone, you know, I had a tweet today.
Some, one of the typical Zionist females on Twitter had something about, if a
certain breed of dog continuously takes human life, often the tiniest, most defenseless humans,
then that breed should be banned. And then she goes, the fun part about this post is,
I didn't name a breed, you just know. And my comment was, if a certain people group continually
gets kicked out of every country they go to, amazing that I don't have to mention who. And someone
goes, what's your solution? And I said, localism is far away from them as possible and then
gatekeeping. No group has a right to access to a number.
another. And he said, what if that doesn't work? And I said, that's the exact question someone
asks who gets excluded from our group. They, they don't think, they don't think you can win.
100%. Why do I want, I'm not going to have somebody around. I don't want somebody around me who's
asking that question. Now, if some, if you want to say, if you want to start getting into
particulars of how this would work, everything like that, sure. But if you come right out of the
gate we're going to lose.
Fuck you.
You're out.
I want anything to do with you.
Because we're going to win.
It's so much
of this depends on
hiding.
Right?
Like,
how does Maccabilly say it?
If you're going to take over a government,
but you need, if you're going to take over a,
I can't remember whether he says kingdom or
principality, whatever, but if you're going to take it
without the people knowing that you've taken over.
If you leave all of the edifices, all the outside fixtures, the aesthetics, the buildings,
and you change the way that they operate inside, you can effectively run that for an infinite,
a long period of time as long as the people don't ever know.
Right.
But once they do, he basically says this is the risk.
thing to do in the world. Because once they do, you no longer have the ability to wield force.
You can't wield any type of martial power because you rule from in secret. So therefore,
your authority is a secret authority. It's a, you know, finagally type authority.
And men won't do anything in their own soil against their own countrymen.
with that type of given by that type of authority if you're going to command men to either rebellion
right or to quelling insurrection you have to have the authority the authority needs to be visible
as in like foxes can't make foxes can't make for oppressive governments you could never
get away with what Stalin did right if it was just the Politburo if it was not Stalin the guy
where authority is rested clearly in him,
you would never be able to do any of that.
That's exactly why I was optimistic about Trump, dude.
It's exactly why I was optimistic about Trump.
He doesn't have to do shit.
All he has to do is talk.
All he has to do is, yeah.
And he has to see people, all everyone,
the best thing that Trump can do is sit there
and keep getting these people to come out of the fucking woodwork
where normie Republicans can see him or see them and then try and fuck up his agenda.
The best thing that Zionists can do is actively push the most MAGA people out of his government,
out of his cabinet, and try and get him into wars that he's actively campaigning against.
Right.
Like the best thing that they can do for us is exactly what they're fucking doing.
Right.
You got like fucking who are the Hodge twins?
Like, I know boomers that listen to like the Hodge twins because like, oh, they're, you know, they're base blacks.
You know, I am both not racist and conserving and, you know, consuming my daily slump allowance at the same time, a multitasking.
And these guys are having fucking, like, having people on that are openly talking about how the Holocaust isn't real.
All right.
How APAC works.
those are the fucking hodge twins
like kansas owens is going after the holocaul
like we're in a very different place than i think anybody
predicted that we would be and guys like even the one thing that i think
that i wish francis was around today for
is because he what he describes an imperium and how it functions is
the thing that gets us from here, this place that he actually, like a lot of people, him included,
didn't think that we would ever be in unless things would absolutely just collapse.
Right.
But now we're at the point where just the regime is collapsing and not the country.
And like the thing that gets us from here to where we want to go is that ideal that he is able to explain the way he does.
does. And that's like that's why I think it's important that we we focus on him because he's the only one that accurately describes both the spiritual and physical like, you know, corporeal realities of the political, but also that it's not like you're just seeing the expressions. You're seeing the ripples on the water. You're not actually seeing the current underneath it.
It's too late in the show to dive into that, but I want to start off talking about that another time.
because that's a whole other thing that's absolutely needs to be talked about with yaki
he do you remember when i first reached out to you astro like the very first thing i ever talked
to like the i think it was like the very first time you and i spoke and we talked about um
the zeitgeist yeah yeah of course and i was like everybody thinks the zyce is like a vibe
and it's not look look it's like a vibe we're we're coming back around to yaki now like the zeitgeist
and all the stuff you're talking about we're
We're like catching up to Yaki.
He talked about all this shit.
He said all of this stuff.
So we're like, we're just now catching up to him.
Yeah.
And I was like what the zeitgeist is, is what another horribly misused term in Agrigor is.
All right.
Like this is something that possesses people.
If you look at like the national socialists, everyone in the country was every painter.
all right every architect every you know typist every tailor like there wasn't big meetings of all the
tailors like hey this is how you need to tailor or any architect saying hey this is how you got to build
stuff this is how it has to look right or painters or name anybody in that culture they were
all guided by the same aesthetic they were all bringing
it's like they all had a unified vision of what needed to come out and what their little role in it would be.
And they were unconsciously bringing about something that was a much bigger cohesive thing,
even though they only saw a little piece of it.
They didn't all of a sudden decide like, oh, well, because of the political situation and who is, you know, in the Bundestag,
I think that I am going to start building buildings with a little bit of this type of flare in it.
or I think we're going to start, you know, we're going to start tailoring suits this particular
type of way. Like, that never happened. These people just instinctively just did it. I don't think anybody
ever, like, focus, enough attention is paid on that because all of these people were going about
their daily lives suddenly in the spirit of something. And that's exactly what he's talking about.
And I think we're at the earliest stages of that now.
Everyone kind of knows history is happening.
Yeah, well, and it's turning against the Holocaust narrative.
Again, when you peat and you were just saying it, I was thinking to my head, I'm like, well, fuck, there goes the old religion.
