The Pete Quiñones Show - Pete Reads 'Coup D'état' by Edward N. Luttwak - Part 9 w/ Christopher Sandbatch

Episode Date: August 31, 2024

43 MinutesPG-13Pete continues his reading of Edward N. Luttwak's "Coup D'état." In this episode he welcomes back Christopher Sandbatch to conclude the reading of chapter 4.Sandbatch's SubstackSandbatch on TwitterAntelope Hill - Promo code "peteq" for 5% off - https://antelopehillpublishing.com/FoxnSons Coffee - Promo code "peter" for 18% off - https://www.foxnsons.com/Coup d'ÉtatPete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's Substack Pete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.

Brought to you by Heineken Zero Zero. Get the facts. Be Drink Aware. Visit Drinkaware.com. He claims he brought the mullet back. His short shorts are a bit too short. And he's nowhere to be found when it's his round. Uh, is my Heineken Zero Zero? But he's our best mate. And even though he's always banging on about stats. 90% pass completion. There's no one we'd rather watch the match with. To the sports that bring us together.

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Arland Limited, subject to lending criteria. Terms and conditions apply. and Financial Services Ireland Limited. Trading is Cooper Financial Services is regulated by the Central Bank of Ireland. If you want to support the show and get the episodes early and ad-free, head on over to freemanbeonthe-wall.com forward slash support. There's a few ways you can support me there. One, there's a direct link to my website. Two, there's subscribe star. Three, there's Patreon. Four, there's substack. And now I've introduced Gumroad, because I know that a lot of Argonaut, are on Gumroad and they are against censorship. So if you head over to Gumroad and you subscribe

through there, you'll get the episodes early and ad-free, and you'll get an invite into the telegram group. So I really appreciate all of the support everyone's giving me, and I hope to expand the show even more than it already has. Thank you so much. I want to welcome everyone back to part nine of my reading of Kudetat by Edward Lut-Wak, Christopher Sandbatch is back. How are you doing, Christopher? Yeah, pretty good, pretty good. I've survived my encounter with all 300,000 people that want to let me know how ugly Ella M. Hoff is. I've never been pounced so hard.

Do you know Davis that runs the Pamphletier up in Nashville? He was like, he's like, I was like, I was like, I've never seen a post that had 300,000. likes and 300,000 views and 100 likes. Oh, it was, I mean, I watched it from afar because I'm like, if I get involved in this, it'll, I'm going to be sucked into the sandbatch vortex and I don't need that at this point. Yeah, that's exactly right. Some days you just have to say no to sand badge. All right. We're finishing off chapter four here and it goes chapter five. So I'll start reading. Stop whenever. All right. Political parties, unlike the other groups that constitute a potential source of opposition to the coup,

political parties are our direct competitors in the sense of their primary purpose, like our own, is the accumulation of political power. This will not necessarily make them the main or even a significant potential threat to us, but it will mean that their response to the coup will be particularly prompt. whether this response will be verbal and purely declaratory or perhaps more direct and effective will depend on a variety of factors including the nature of their leadership, organization, and membership. Because political parties are as diverse as the countries within which they compete for power, we will classify them in certain categories as a prelude to examining the methods of their individual neutralization. Before he gets into this, because this is actually one of my like

keystone issues, I just want to point because I always like to go into this and I'll do this, I'll do the whole spiel somewhere else one day. But I always like to point out in the United States that the political parties are not actually constructed similarly. The only thing they really have in common is that there's series 527 organizations that put candidates up for office. Other than that, they're like corporate, the United States in the Anglosphere, they're like corporations and they can pretty much operate however they want to with their own bylaws and do whatever they want to do. But I've also worked, and I've also worked with African and South American political parties before. And, you know,

Americans are used to a certain amount of asymmetry, but it's like enough that we don't even, we argue amongst ourselves whether or not it even exists. You know, both parties are the same isn't or whatever. It is astonishing if you ever deal with third world countries or second world countries, how actually diverse the party representation is. Like, I mean, like any of you can, like, go right now over to, like, Chad. Like, look at the country Chad and, like, look at all the political parties there. There's going to be, like, 10 communist ones. But they're going to be really interesting, and they're all going to have their own little niche issue, you know.

So this is what he's doing is he's laying these out for us. Some of these will be familiar, though. Right. Machine Parties. Where politics is a business like any other, parties take the form of an association whose purpose is a procurement of votes in exchange for specific and material rewards. The local boss secures votes for the party at election time in exchange for cash and or bureaucratic jobs for himself or his nominees.

The deputies in the Assembly then deliver their votes to the government in exchange for definite favors, some of which are retained and some of which are passed down to those who secured their election. The Machine Party can flourish in societies as different as early 20th century, America, Egypt between the wars and present-day South America. Just to point out here also, one of the things he doesn't, he hasn't gotten that. I can't remember if he does get into it. But again, this is actually where I worked.

This is the kind of wet work I was doing on K Street. That's what I call it. But I was like working for this like flea-bite consultancy on K Street that did things like represent third world parties. Okay. So like I'm really, not only does this all happen, an astonishing amount of it actually happens in the United States. States like like these like these countries like Niger or Chad or somewhere like that they will

have both the opposition and the ruling party will have separate lobbyists and they'll have separate personnel staffing in Washington DC and they actually do us an astonishing amount of their internal politicking in the you know the overall imperial capital so when you're thinking about this it's not spatially limited necessarily to the countries in which it's happening This could be happening in London. This could be happening in America. It could be happening in all three. All righty.

It needs two main ingredients, an elective parliamentary democracy and a socially backward electorate. It works. That's such a great sentence. Yeah. In the United States, at the beginning of the century, the immigrant communities were largely composed

of Eastern and Southern Europeans, whose mother countries were economically, and often politically unsophisticated. Thus, the newly arrived immigrants lacked the political awareness required to obtain direct concessions from the government in the shape of social welfare legislations or labor codes.

They soon learned, however, to obtain indirect favors by proposing their support to the local ward organization of the party, i.e., if the votes were delivered on Election Day and the candidate elected, rewards would be eventually received in return. present-day machine parties do not distribute their rewards as widely as the old municipal machines in the United States.

That is so because such parties participate in the Employo Gracia jobs for the boys politics, which dominates political societies in which industry and commerce are undeveloped. In such societies, politics and its associated jobs in the state bureaucracy are the main avenues of middle-class advancement, if not enterprise, and the party is the vehicle with legal training for the middle class activity of office hunting. Brought to you by Heineken Zero Zero. Get the facts. Be Drinkaware. Visit Drinkaware. com. He claims he brought the mullet back. His short shorts are a bit too short. And he's nowhere to be found when it's his round.

Uh, is my Heineken Zero Zero. But he's our best mate. And even though he's always banging on about stats. 90% pass completion. There's no one we'd rather watch the match with. To the sports that bring us together, Heineken Zero Zero. Pst, did you know? Those Black Friday deals everyone's talking about? They're right here at Beacon South Quarter.

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The Lidl Newbridge Warehouse Sale, 28th to 30th of November. Liddle, more to value. Okay, now this is going to be kind of a long one. I do it. The first thing we have to do is point out the dazzling Miltonian satanic performance that Lufth is putting on here as a literary figure. He's doing something which is very, he's echoing a historical narrative that is very interesting because he's functionally, again, remember him as a defense intellectual. he is suddenly mirroring what we refer to as the narrative of the Anglo-American WASP establishment.

Okay. That is about as clear an outline of Anglo-American establishment, WASP historiography, as you can find anywhere. You know, like, okay, we had these people from Southern Europe and they all, and this is, I mean, this is, the tricky thing here is this is how Lut-Faq's own people arrived here. So he's writing this book for this audience as though he's one of them, but he's explaining what his people did to the United States. Okay. Is what's going on here. And it's one of those things that I'm just like every time he does this,

I'm Florida. I'm like, I just, is who's it? I don't know how many people are in on this joke, but just from a writing perspective, you could understand how he actually managed to make a career out of this book because it is, it has lots of twists and turns. All right. Machine parties have their rationale in the contrast between constitutional structures and the social order in countries that are both poor and democratic.

Their whole manner of operation revolves around the exchange of votes for rewards at every level. In other words, it requires the functioning of the parliamentary apparatus with its periodic elections. In the event of a coup, this institutional framework would be frozen and the machine made parallel. even if the machine has a base of mass support, its leadership being a coalition of local power structures without a national presence, will not be able to mobilize it. We will, therefore, ignore the machine parties

and will not need to take any particular action in their regard. And now we've got to stop again. This is like, okay, what he's just laid out for you right there is the strategy of the Democratic Party in the year 2024. for. He has every single one of the adjectives and the nouns that he's used leading up to this leading up to the end of the section is in fact these are words if you could make a word cloud of the way people in coastal cities look at the inner provinces of the American empire that is precisely how they look at and most of many of them have this book from undergrad.

in the back of their mind whenever they think about the sort of wrote politics of middle america and that it's actually true to a certain degree that most red a met red state american precincts are in fact run by the political machine that is the republican party so i mean we're really familiar with looking at the black vote you know i know the good old boys are really fond of saying the black vote is delivered by machine so on and so forth the republican vote is also delivered by machine it's just a machine so vast and the individual pieces of it are so inconsequential that it never gets categorized as a machine politics because it's uniformly the entire second opposition party in the United States.

All right. That's enough. All right. Insurrectional parties. Such parties may or may not participate in open political life if it exists in our target country, but the primary purpose of insurrectional parties is to destroy the system rather than to work it. Like the Bolsheviks did before 1917, these parties live a semi-legal existence with a cellular organization, an underground mentality, and frequently a paramilitary

element. Such parties are characterized by their adherence to a set of definite ideological beliefs, a rigidly centralized organization, and their preoccupation with the use of direct methods to achieve political ends. You know, you're really shocked when you read this, he actually brings up the Bolsheviks and not that other group that you would think that he would pick he would choose oh no he's one of them he's like a deep deep deep Nazi if that's what you're talking about like this is like this is he's he's definitely if he's a neo conanized if he's a neo conan a Zionist then yeah you know that gets into the real tricky internal politics it's like the relationship between you know central europe and he is he's like one of these figures out of like almost like a

the spy who came in from the cold or some other like john le care novel where he's like this like marooned orphan figure that gets like tossed he's essentially from the same milieu as george soros he just came out on the other side you know he's like he's the anti he came out anti-communist because i guess it's i think it was america or the maybe the greeks or something that scooped him up. And so he grew up in the West and he's a and he's a like the only thing Edward Lutvac wants to do is kill Muslims and uh uh what is the other thing neocons do. Oh yeah, no commies. But like like he's got like he has the Zionist bloodlust for the destruction of the Mohammed and of the Mohammedan empire or whatever. But then he also uh is a like raging anti-communist.

And during the 1970s, those two strains came together and formed a seam for these people to pour into. You know, the neocons are on one hand because this is when the black party, this is, in fact, these are the parties he knows best because these are the ones he's talking about. These are the ones that he manipulates and that we actually don't really have a corollary to in the United States. Like there's not, no matter how hard MSNBC wants to meme this, there's no corollary to ISIS or the color. parties in the United States right now. But these are the ones he knows really well because these two things that he knows how to do, which is like destroy Muslim countries and philosophically opposed communism, the Middle East in the 1970s was the place to do that, you know.

And these were these were the types of parties. And now, you know, I used to hang out with these guys, like would do this stuff. And they would, you know, they'd talk about these are like the days of like black helicopters and like the special forces looking like dads. on like, you know, their summer vacation. But that's what these guys used to do. And they used to use parties. This was their favorite kind to work.

The insurrectionary party. In the social and economic conditions of Western Europe and North America, insurrection parties were insignificant numerically, and their challenge to the system usually unfolds in an atmosphere of unreality, though from time to time they can gather a mass following among certain sectors of the population. which are outside the mainstream of national life. The black power movement in the United States, for example, had all the traits of an insurrectional party,

but only operated among the black communities in areas whose social and economic conditions were those of an economically backward society. In the third world, however, the constant pressure of economic deprivation can generate a revolutionary mentality among wide sections of the population. which insurrectional parties try to channel and exploit. Their organization, however, is often inadequate to the task. Intersectional parties can oppose us in three main ways. A, through the agitation of the masses to the extent that they have a mass following.

B, by direct means such as assassination and sabotage. C, by syndicalist agitation. It's so specific. Yeah. Insurrectional parties usually have an authoritarian leadership structure, much of their strength in the confused circumstances that would follow a coup would derive from the coherence of a centralized leadership. With that in mind, we should make every effort to identify and isolate their key decision makers. The emphasis on party discipline and the habit of waiting for directives from the higher leadership rendered. there are many insurrectional parties powerless once the leadership has ceased to function. The social pressures that act as a source of strength of an insurrectional party may lead to its revival, but this would not take place in the short period of time that concerns us.

I guess this really makes the argument for professional soldiers. You see, I'm wondering if this is a portion that he added in the updated edition, because if like I don't know what year the United States stopped arming you know Osama bin Laden but this is the reason they like to use these insurrectionary parties is that section that he just outlined which is it usually if you cut the head off the whole thing goes away so you only have to keep guys near one guy so whenever this political party when this card that you have in your deck is you know is it has expired or it's no longer useful you just shoot the guy that you've been propping up the whole time.

That's how the US, the United States ran quite a bit of its foreign policy in Asia for the second half of this. But we probably still do it, but I can't, you know, I have eyes on that. The real like sort of dangerous thing is like what happens if we cut the head off and it does eventually grow back. And he goes, this won't happen for a long time. How long? about 20 years for al-Qaeda to emerge after we tried to, you know, scuttle it. Oh, man. Yeah, I mean, this really also, when he's talking about here, is that if you think you have a

movement within a society and you think it's a political movement and it's run by one person and there's just one person you're looking to and there's no obvious second in command, There's no one there to step up. If that one person gets taken out, you don't have a movement. Right, exactly. This is what you do. And I would compare strongly with the Bolsheviks who did not operate this way, actually. So like the Bolsheviks are this weird asteris because they really were a kind of cybernetic

entity where if somebody had managed to Off Lenin, you know, there's like there's, there's a whole group of people that get called the old Bolsheviks that theoretically were all interchangeable with one another, you know. Ready for huge savings? We'll mark your calendars from November 28 to 30th because the Liddle Newbridge Warehouse Sale is back. We're talking thousands of your favourite Liddle items all reduced to clear.

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Coopera, design that moves. Finance provided by way of higher purchase agreement from Volkswagen Financial Services, Ireland Limited, subject to lending criteria. Terms and conditions apply. Volkswagen Financial Services Ireland Limited, trading as Cooper Financial Services is regulated by the Central Bank of Ireland. Yeah. The social pressures that act as the sources of strength of an intersectional party may lead to its revival, but this would not take place in the short

period of time that concerns us. The vulnerability of insurrectional parties was strikingly demonstrated in the case of the Muslim Brotherhood, a major force in Egyptian political life after the war. Its large mass following, its network of economic and educational activities, and its paramilitary youth groups gave it great deal of direct power. Its effectiveness, however, derived largely from the coherent leadership of its founder, Shikasan Albana, and the movement rapidly declined after his death, in unexplained circumstances, just after the failed coup of late 1948. Where necessary, therefore, the committee or personal leadership of the insurrectional party should be arrested and held in isolation

for the duration of the coup. Because of the emphasis on party. disciplined, the beheaded movement will probably abstain from action in the short but critical period following our seizure of power. Paraburocratic parties. Before you get started, yeah, this one's sort of interesting because what he's doing here is actually collapsing to, you know, I'm actually trying to think about how you would, you know, model it ontologically right now the way you would do is because what he's essentially doing is taking a structure that we would normally conceive of as differing structures and he's actually

bundling them all into one into one subclass of political party here so like what and what interesting things he's doing here is he's actually he's he's removing the elect the can really removing the connection between you know the the the people and the parties that are represented. So now he's treating, you know, the bureaucracy as its own, you know, abstract class is what he's doing here. And this is the, you know, this is another one of these things. It starts to get really big in the 1960s.

And it becomes increasingly important for, you know, world systems analysis, geopolitical analysis, and pretty much everything, you know, this is one of these, you know, concepts, concept splitting. is what I call it. You have to kind of, if you want to understand the world after 1960, you got to grok what's going on here.

All right. Paraburicic parties. In one party states, such as China, most notably, the party itself has lost its major role of securing the allegiance of the masses. Because it is a monopoly, the party is also in danger of appearing superfluous. But like any other bureaucratic organization, the party can survive the loss of its primary function,

either as a system of spoliation or as an ancillary or supervisor of the administrative bureaucracy of the state. African parties formed during the political struggles which preceded independence tended to legislate their monopoly of power as soon as they had attained it. Some like the Tanzania and African National Union, TANU, have turned into constructive galvanizers of the communal and state development programs. others like Nakumra's old party in Ghana become adjuncts to the personal leadership and a system of outdoor relief for his activist followers. The majority, however, until swept away by the military dictatorships, have acted as the principal agent in the main local industry. Politics.

This, all this is, by the way, this is, you know, me as really my formal field of expertise. piece actually like it seems buried in the rubble compared to what I actually do now. But it's actually the antebellum south. And like the situation he's described actually describes southern politics, possibly up to the present. And to such an extent that I tell people frequently that Southerners in a sense aren't even Americans, because Americans don't really have politics the way we do where like every interaction with the Southerner is a political action. You know, it's like our cultural shared ethno-language is politics.

Like it's the sort of comparison that I've made before. I'm not as happy with the comparisons I used to be, but this is just something I thought was interesting here. The Paraburocratic Party treats the state bureaucracy as its subordinate. It investigates its activities, reports on its behavior to the higher leadership, and often demands special privileges and concessions. These parties do not have to be. a mass following, except within the framework of normal political life, when they can be relied upon

to produce demonstrations for this or that stand of the leadership. As soon as the hold of the leadership is threatened, as soon as the police apparatus no longer acts as its muscle, the pariburocratic party dissolves. Therefore, we can ignore it in the active stage of the coup. However, its secondary function, that of intelligence and security, will be important and will be dealt with as part of the general defensive measures towards such organizations. Parties in developed countries. Whether it is a two-party system as in much of the Anglo-Saxon world, where parties are in effect coalitions of pressure groups, or whether they are class or religion-based parties of much of continental Europe, the major political parties

in developed in democratic countries will not present a direct threat to the coup. Though such parties have mass support at election time, neither they nor their followers are versed in the techniques of mass agitation. The comparative stability of political life has deprived them of the experience required to employ direct methods, and the whole climate of their operation revolves around the concept of periodic elections. Even where there are still nominally revolutionary parties, as in France and Italy, two or more decades of, parliamentary life have reduced their affinity and revolutionary methods now here here we have the actually this is the you know the Iker and break the neocons right here this is one of their assumptions that turned out to be wrong and it's why there's

not very many of them left because they didn't they didn't they actually believed their own bullshit about you know this you know of the Democrat Party doesn't have the ability to deploy mass agitations. It doesn't understand how to use political party, you know, political power properly, so and so forth. This is a real, this is a real actual domestic home front assumption of the neocons that ended up being wrong. Well, you know, I think of if they really wanted to, if the Democrats really wanted to unleash, say like Antifa, Black Lives Matter or something like that, and unleash it in a way that would, cause revolutionary change. It would be in the kind of violence we're talking about here.

The court systems would basically not be, would probably not be functioning. So, you know, crazy white guys with guns could actually fight back and they would, they wouldn't have the support of the state, but they wouldn't have the state breathing down their neck with DAs looking to throw them in jail. Yeah, that means a seriously ugly situation. Like should the day that's that this is actually the reason why the Democrats I mean a registered Democrats the reason why the Democrats make me more nervous right now than the Republicans do is that you know sort of perceive that you nice is at this like particular catastrophic point in its history and that like anyone getting really jumpy will cause problems and the Republicans I'm like

I can't get anything together let's just go with them we'll just get we'll get four years of relatively boringness from the Republicans. I don't know the Democrats are like I'm afraid to push the advantage and like create some situation like a dude frying a turkey on Thanksgiving or something. I have a tendency to believe I think Charles Haywood describes it this way that the regime right now is like a hundred foot tall toddler with a butcher knife. Yeah, that's that's yeah. Yeah, that's what.

Yeah, like really dangerous, but all it needs to do is step in a ditch and it basically it's out of commission. Yeah, yeah, that's true. That's, you know, the international situation is everybody else is also like everyone else is equally egg shell thin. But I also would point, Heywood is the guy who is making, he's like he's gone from shampoo magnate to like, you know, right wing genius specifically because he's the guy that has managed to turn a message like create a message out of what I just said which is this was one of the

new kinds assumptions that turned out not to be true. That's like that's his whole that's his whole stick. All right. You're right. Yeah, right. Yeah, keep going. Yeah. The apparatus of the party with its branches and local organizers can, however, allow them to perform a role of information gathering and coordination, which could be potentially dangerous. Even though their leadership may not take any action, the apparatus can still serve as the framework for anti-coo agitation, period. Closing administratively, the network of branches should be sufficient to neutralize this particular threat. The only serious threat from this direction will come from the trade union movements affiliated with the mass parties of the left.

Their experience of industrial agitation has provided a natural training for mass intervention, against the coup but this will be dealt with separately below this sounds like that that part sounds like he wrote it in the 60s that doesn't sound like yeah from the yeah i was good part right yeah i was i was yeah i was going to put that as well he's like literally talking about longshoremen stevedores and this is that old left you know actually loggadal was of all people pointed out this yesterday that had like most of us been around at that point we would have been hanging out with the longshoremen in the like communist unions just because they were cooler Like this is like the early beat you like the early beat generation which is kind of like one of my like hobby horses

They were around at the tail end. So this is the very tail end of like though like It actual influence of the wobbleys and the in the Democrat party and before the unions turned into fronts for the mob I mean they kind of already were but before it got decadent when like the the unions could still deliver actual muscle There's so much rugby on Sports Extra from Sky. They've asked me to read the whole lad at the same speed I usually use for the legal bit at the end. Here goes.

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Book now at Guinness Storehouse.com. Get the facts. Be Drinkaware. Visit drinkaware.e. All righty. Next section. Deal with trade unions. Wherever there is a significant degree of industrial development, and in many countries where there is not,

trade unions are a major political force. I guess we'll just have a little history here. I mean, my dad was UTT. His stepdad was Teamsters. So yeah, I've really stories grow up. Oh, that's wild. See, that's an aspect of, that's the aspects of the American experience that fascinates me.

Because I mean, I am like from like as like stale white red wasp family as you can get. And like I like always look up when I meet other people. I'm always amazed. And that is one of the, it's like one of the like lineages of American that I think is super cool. But like it's so foreign to me. It's amazing. I have stories, I'll tell you privately, because if I told them publicly, no one would believe them.

Yeah, yeah. The stories that I was told, no one will believe them. But because of their experience with industrial agitation, which can be readily applied to political purposes, the response of trade unions to the coup could constitute a serious danger to us. The mass following of trade unions, unlike that of political parties, is in continuous session. polling booths are only open once every five years, but factories work all year round. The immediacy of the threat presented by trade unions will depend on their size, cohesion, and degree of militancy. The fragmented syndicalism of the United Kingdom with its purely electoral politics would not, for example, add up to the threat of, say, the Italian movement with its centralization and long history of political strikes.

So question, could one of the purposes of moving manufacturing off continent be to just break up the power of trade unions? That was certainly a theory that was floated at the time, and there were a lot of Jimmy Carter voters that thought that was what was going on. That's totally a thing. Um, whether or not it happened. I don't know. Like this is like, okay, once you get to this point, this is like one of the reasons why I like, like, have to give like serious conspiracy theories. Serious conspiracy theorists like a glass of sweet tea and like sit on a porch with them at the barbecue because I'll sit there and listen to them and I'll be like, yeah, it's true, man. It's true because like almost everything is true to one degree or another.

Yeah, there were because of that paraburocratic party, the thing we call the deep state where all these federal agencies in the hive mind in DC are working at cross odds and not really ever sharing information. I don't know if you know this about federal agencies. They don't do much data sharing. They never have. They still don't. They have not. They don't like the state doesn't really talk to DOD so on and so forth. there's a lot of like pair you know there's a lot of room for these you know groups to maneuver around in and any of them deciding to get that you know we need to get this industrial muscle offshore that makes kind of sense because in the 1970s we were getting very nervous about the you know effectiveness in particularly the Zapatista government for us to do something like offload with so we get rid of our communist labor movement.

And we go down there and we establish free trade movements and get cheap labor. So I had never thought about that, but it lines up perfectly. That's totally what happened. Yeah. We're going to finish up this chapter and just end it because we won't start chapter five. And plus I got a, I just got a message. I got to go do something. So we have time to finish this up.

All right. The experience of Bolivia after it's April, 1952, Revolution, which upended the social order, illustrates how a single trade union and its activities can dominate a country's political life. Bolivia was the poorest country in all of Latin America with an economy characterized by subsistence farming and the activities of the large tin industry. Before the revolution and the nationalization of the mines owned by the Petino, Aramayo, and Hochschild family, that one of those doesn't seem like the other. The miners, had worked in physical and economic conditions of extreme harshness.

Following their emancipation, they naturally wanted to achieve immediate and substantial improvements in these conditions, and Cummable, the state tin mining organization, started immediate reforms. It was soon discovered, however, that the geological and economic conditions of the industry required an increase in productivity, which could only be achieved by introducing much new machinery and reducing the labor force. As the only source of capital was the United States, the miners' leaders opposed to reforms on the dual plank of no yonkey or junkie, rey-eankee, capitalism, and no redundancies.

Such problems are, you got something on that? I love, I love, I just love Latin American politics, like genuinely, like when Bolivia, when Venezuela was threatening to invade. that French colony or last year, I got like, I got genuinely romantic for the, you know,

the Venezuelan national cause for a minute. They crack me up. If like, if like everything goes, I'm thinking about moving to El Salvador, it's like, let's just do it. Just go full banana republic.

Well, get down there before it starts getting expensive. Yeah, yeah, that's true. Mexico City is already bad. Such problems are familiar from nearer home, but the crucial difference was that the miners were also an army.

They had been armed by the middle-class leaders of the revolutionary movement nationalistist revolutionary party, MNR, in order to act as a counterweight to the old army dominated by associates of the mine owners. The revolution disbanded the army so that the miners could not only exert political and economic pressures, but also more direct military methods. until the MNR leadership found a counterweight in the unions organized against the peasant farmers, the Indian Campasinos, who were also armed, the miners had things pretty much their way. Led by militants of the Katavi Siglo Vente mines.

I've wondered who owns that. It's the Vatican Bank eventually. You know, literally all of this is going on. There's so much rugby on Sports Extra from Sky. They've asked me to read the whole lad at the same speed I usually use for the legal bit at the end. Here goes. This winter sports extra is jam-packed with rugby.

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Talk to a friendly professional at Frank Heen Volkswagen today and see if upgrading your car is the right prescription for you. The miners imposed the control on Kamabal and therefore on the country, which depends on it as the major source of foreign exchange. Certainly no coup could have held on to power without the minor's consent, and had the central institutions in La Paz been seized, the real power base in the mines, would still have been under the control of the union leaders. Even without the special circumstances that existed in Bolivia, trade unions will often be a major political force, especially in terms of the situation immediately following a coup. But much will depend on the particular organizational structure of the trade unions and crucially on the degree of effective centralization and the nature of their political affiliations.

In the United Kingdom, with its much weakened trade unions, their main focus of decision-making is the executive of individual unions. But in some of them, it can easily shift to the shop floor. apart from this fragmentation, which would at least impair the speed of reaction to a coup, the largely mainstream politics of British labor would not be a suitable framework for direct measures. Yeah, like there's nothing in the, there's also, by the, there's nothing in the UK that can move on a, this is the reason why they have so many problems right now. The only entity inside the UK that can move, can mobilize enough people at once.

one time to be politically effective as Muslims. And that's the reason why it's become terror island now. It's because the only, literally the only group that can exert any kind of like coherence is the like is the migrant one. So like, you know, game over. Sorry. Had a good run. It's just alienated a third of the audience. Sorry about that.

Yeah. Yeah. I mean, that's definitely, from the outside looking in, definitely looks that way. Yeah, it's just not good. In France and Italy, the trade union movement is not divided on craft lines as in Britain or on industrial lines as in the United States and much of Northern Europe, but on political lines. Individual industrial unions are affiliated with central organizations, which in turn are associated with political parties. In both countries, the largest organization was long controlled by the country's Communist Party,

with smaller Social Democratic and Catholic Trade Union organizations affiliated to the respective parties. The Communist labor organization, CGL in Italy and CGT in France, expressed their militant activism in political and general strikes, but all that ended long ago with the collapse of the respective communist parties. Unless our coup is directly linked to them, the central organizations of French and Italian trade unionism would react to it and do so in unpredictable ways. Immediately after the coup, they would, A, try to establish contact with our Democratic forces

to form a popular front opposition. B, contact their national network of branches to coordinate a general strike, and C, put into execution their contingency plans for underground activity and illegal survival. The only tactic which would present a threat to us is the general strike, which would be organized with the deliberate intention of confronting the forces of the coup. Our general measures would affect the overall performance of this emergency program, but specific action would be needed as well in order to avoid the confrontation that the unions would probably seek.

Both the CGT and the CGL have memories of the wartime resistance movements, both are aware of the destabilizing nature of open repression, and they would therefore try to provoke us into using violence. Now, that's an interesting thing. That's gone now. That's the, that's the, well, you know, argue, we still see more of it in France. This is the reason why France is by far the most interesting European country is because they have, they still have some, their political party stuff, some backbone.

And they do still have some, like, measure of militancy in the pocket, in their population and it's a big country and it's spread out there's a lot of reasons but there's but like the frances you know france this is no how there's no way to put it these conditions have receded significant there's nobody in the you've had french resistance guys to mobilize back then you know we don't have that now though some form of confrontation may be inevitable it is essential to avoid bloodshed because this may well have crucial negative repercussions among the personnel of the armed forces and the police. The avoidance of bloodshed intense crowd situations as a matter of technique, and competent

handling of our incorporated armed and uniform forces will be essential. The incidence of Reggio Emilia in Italy in summer of 1964, in which seven people died following a political strike, illustrated how an incompetent police force can impair the authority of the government it is trying to protect. If the trade unions of our target country approximate to Franco-Italian levels of political effectiveness, approximate to Franco-Italian levels of political effectiveness, it will be necessary, assuming that our coup is not politically linked with them, to identify and arrest their leaders and close their headquarters

in order to impede the operation of their secondary leadership. Elsewhere, it will be a matter of orienting our general measures to deal with the particular threats, which trade union movements could present. And that is the end of chapter four. Chapter five. No, well, not really well. I'm in the middle of the only thing I think probably most people are interested in probably aware of it.

I'm in the middle of writing some really wonky stuff. It's actually getting psychedelic. I may even talk about the psychedelics a little bit on my blog. So like the blog is alive in case you in case you follow. it's go check it out oh it's the name of it's ecologica americana yeah i will link to it like i did the last time i appreciate it i'm not not meaning to rush you off or anything but i do got i do got to no no before someone before someone closes so um thank you christopher i appreciate it until the next time no problem oh yeah talk to you later