The Pete Quiñones Show - Pete Reads 'Jewish History, Jewish Religion' by Israel Shahak Part 1

Episode Date: June 12, 2024

48 MinutesPG-13Pete begins a reading of Israel Shahak's 1994 book, "Jewish History, Jewish Religion - The Weight of Three-Thousand Years." In this episode he covers chapter 1.FoxnSons Coffee - Promo code "peter" for 18% off - https://www.foxnsons.com/Jewish History, Jewish ReligionVIP Summit 3-Truth To Freedom - Autonomy w/ Richard GroveSupport Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's Substack Pete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.

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Two hours free parking just off the M-50. Exit 13. It's a Black Friday secret. Keep it to yourself. I want to welcome everyone to the fifth book I've chosen to read. And this one is called Jewish History, Jewish Religion by Israel Shahak. The Weight of 3,000 Years is the subtitle. I found out about this book by listening to the American Provda series by Ron Unz. Israel Shahok is he was Jewish. He was hated roundly by Zionists. He was against the way they treated non-Jews. And he'll get into it in the book.

You'll see the stories he tells. He actually starts off with one. Just so you know that this isn't some book that's just like some crank book. Some of the quotes here are from, The first one's from Noam Chomsky. He says Shahak is an outstanding scholar with remarkable insight and depth of knowledge. His work is informed in penetrating a contribution of great value. Christopher Hitchens had said Shah Hoc subjects a whole history of orthodoxy to a hilarious and scrupulous critique.

The Jerusalem Times said the future of the Palestinian people would have looked much brighter if there had been more Israelis like Shahak and outstanding personality. The Catholic New Times said, This is a remarkable book. It deserves a wide readership, not only among Jews, but among Christians who seek a fuller understanding of historical Judaism and of modern day Israel. Gora Vidal said, Shah Hak is the latest, if not the last of the great prophets. So, yeah, I have tons of notes on this. Just, I mean, the amount of information that is in.

this is pretty remarkable. So I'm going to actually read this pretty slow. Probably won't get through one chapter and episode. I will comment as much as I can. I understand as somebody who's not Jewish, taking on this task and commenting on it can seem odd or out of place. But I think the way he writes, he writes very simply. I think it explains itself. And I will keep my comments to just, as constructive as possible. Before we start, I just want to remind you about Thomas and my little venture of watching and reviewing movies,

freeman Beyond the wall.com forward slash movies. We've done two, the 1987, Catherine Bigelow Classic Near Dark, and the 1976 Martin Scorsese, Paul Schrader, classic taxi driver at Freemand Beyond The Wall.com forward slash movies. There are links there. You can get the audio or the video,

the video you get to see the movie, the audio. If you just know that you're not going to be able to sit down for a couple hours, three hours when it comes to taxi driver, go right ahead and get the audio. But yeah, I think you're going to like them a lot. And the next one, I think you're really going to like. I think everybody's going to want to hear that one. So, all right.

There are prefaces to this. There are prefaces who were written when it first came out, a preface each for updated editions. I'm just going to let Mr. Shahak speak for himself. So chapter one is called a closed, a closed utopia. And he has a couple quotes here. I write here what I think is true for the stories of the Greeks are numerous and, in my opinion, ridiculous. Hecateus of Miletus, as quoted by Herodotus.

Amicus Plato said, Amicus Amica Veritas. Plato is a friend, but truth is a greater friend, traditional paraphrase of a passage of Aristotle's ethics. In a free state, every man can think what he wants and say what he thinks. Spinoza. Here we go. This book, although written in English and addressed to people living outside the state of Israel, is, in a way, a continuation of my political activities as an Israeli Jew. Those activities began in 1965, 6 to 6 with a protest which caused a considerable scandal at the time. I had personally witnessed an ultra-religious Jew refused to allow his phone to be used on the Sabbath in order to call an ambulance for a non-Jew who happened to have collapsed in his Jerusalem neighborhood. Instead of simply publishing the incident in the press, I asked for a meeting with the members of the Rabbinical Court of Jerusalem,

which is composed of rabbis nominated by the state of Israel. I asked them whether such behavior was consistent with their interpretation of the Jewish religion. They answered that the Jew in question had behaved correctly, indeed piously, and backed their statement by referring me to a passage in an authoritative compendium of Talmudic laws written in this century. I reported the incidents of the main Hebrew daily Haredes, whose publication of the story caused a media scandal. so that's a compendium of Talmudic law is written in this century.

The results of the scandal were, for me, rather negative. Neither the Israeli nor the diaspora rabbinical authorities ever reversed their ruling that a Jew should not violate the Sabbath in order to save the life of a Gentile. They added much sanctimonious swaddle to the effect that if the consequences of such an act puts Jews in danger, the violation of the Sabbath is permitted, for their sake. It became apparent to me, as drawing on knowledge acquired in my youth, I began to study the Talmudic laws governing the relations between Jews and non-Jews, that neither Zionism, including its seemingly secular part,

nor Israeli politics since the inception of the state of Israel, nor particularly the policies of the Jewish supporters of Israel and the diaspora, could be understood unless the deeper influence of those laws and the worldview which the they both create and express is taken into account. The actual policies Israel pursued after the Six-Day War, and in particular the apartheid character of the Israeli regime and the occupied territories and the attitude of the majority of Jews to the issue of the rights of the Palestinians, even in the abstract, have merely strengthened this conviction.

By making this statement, I am not trying to ignore the political or strategic considerations, which may have also influenced the rulers of Israel. I am merely saying that the actual politics is an interaction between realistic considerations, whether valid or mistaken, whether moral or immoral in my view, and ideological influences. The latter tend to be more influential, the less they are discussed and dragged into the light. Any form of racism, discrimination, and xenophobia becomes more potent and politically influential, if it is taken for granted by the society which indulges in it. This is especially so if its discussion is prohibited, either formally, or by tacit agreement.

When racism, discrimination, and xenophobia is prevalent among Jews and directed against non-Jews being fueled by religious motivations, it is like its opposite case, that of anti-Semitism, and its religious motivations. Today, however, while the second is being discussed, the very example, the very exact, resistance of the first is generally ignored, more outside Israel than within it. Defining the Jewish state. Without a discussion of the prevalent Jewish attitudes to non-Jews, even the concept of Israel as a Jewish state, as Israel formally defines itself, cannot be understood. The widespread misconceptions that Israel, even without considering its regime in

the occupied territories, is a true democracy arises from the refusal to confront the significance of the term, a Jewish state for non-Jews. In my view, Israel as a Jewish state constitutes a danger not only to itself and its inhabitants, but to all Jews and to all other peoples and states in the Middle East and beyond. I also consider that other Middle Eastern states and entities which define themselves as Arab or Muslim, like the Israeli self-definition as being Jewish, likewise, constitute a danger.

However, while this danger is widely discussed, the danger inherent in the Jewish character of the state of Israel is not. This sounds a lot like what we talked about when we were reading Lorraine Gino, is that Jewish intelligentsia has a tendency to accuse others and point the finger at others of things that they are guilty of. They won't even examine them because, as many of their philosophers have said, they don't do anything. anything wrong. The principle of Israel as a Jewish state was supremely important to Israeli politicians from the inception of the state and was inculcated into the Jewish population by all conceivable ways. When in the early 1980s, a tiny minority of Israeli Jews emerged, which opposed the concept, a constitutional law, that is, a law overriding provisions of other laws, which cannot be revoked except by a special procedure, was passed in 1985 by an enormous majority of the constitutional.

of the Knesset. By this law, no party whose program openly opposes the principle of a Jewish state or proposes to change it by democratic means is allowed to participate in the elections to the Knesset. You know, when you think about it, it just makes sense. It's like, this is our country, this is for us, anybody who wants to change it, bugger off. I myself strongly opposed this constitutional principle. The legal consequence for me is that I, cannot belong in the state of which I am a citizen to a party having principles with which I would agree and which is allowed to participate in concessant elections. Even this example shows that the state of Israel is not a democracy due to the application of a Jewish ideology directed against all

non-Jews and those Jews who oppose this ideology. You're only going to have a, you're only going to have a monocultural society if pretty much everybody is on the same page, right? But the danger which this dominant ideology represents is not limited to domestic affairs. It also influences Israeli foreign policies. This danger will continue to grow as long as two currently operating developments are being strengthened. The increase in the Jewish character of Israel and the increase in its power, particularly in nuclear power. Another ominous factor is that Israeli influence in the USA political establishment is also increasing. Hence, accurate information about Judaism and especially about the treatment of non-Jews by Israel is now not only important, but politically vital as well.

Let me look up real quick what year this was written in. I'm pretty sure it was 93. 1994. All right. Let me begin with the official is. Israeli definition of the term Jewish, illustrating the crucial difference between Israel as a Jewish state and the majority of other states. By this definite official definition, Israel belongs to persons who are defined by the Israeli authorities as Jewish, irrespective of where they live,

and to them alone. On the other hand, Israel doesn't officially belong to its non-Jewish citizens whose status is considered even officially as inferior. I thought there were people from Arab serving in the Knesset. Your means to tell me they, well, maybe we'll get to that. This means in practice that if members of a Peruvian tribe are converted to Judaism and thus regarded as Jewish, they are entitled at once to become Israeli citizens and benefit from the approximately 70% of the West Bankland and the 92% area of Israel proper, officially designated only for the benefit of Jews. All non-Jews, not only all Palestinians, are prohibited from benefiting from those lands.

The prohibition applies even to Israeli Arabs who serve in the Israeli army and reached a high rank. How many people know that Israeli Arabs are allowed to serve in the IDF? Yet people like Laura Lumer say in debates that all Arabs want to do is kill Jews. why would they allow them to be in their military if that's all they want to do? The case involving Peruvian converts to Judaism actually occurred a few years ago. The newly created Jews were settled in the West Bank near Nablus on land from which non-Jews are officially excluded. All Israeli governments are taking enormous political risks, including the risk of war, so that such settlements composed exclusively a persons who were defined as Jewish,

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Talk to a friendly professional at Frankenem Volkswagen today and see if upgrading your car is the right prescription for you. I suspect that the Jews of the USA or of Britain would regard it as anti-Semitic if Christians would propose that the USA or United Kingdom should become a Christian state, belonging only to citizens officially defined as Christians. The consequence of such doctrine is that Jews converting to Christianity would become full citizens because of their conversion. We can get into tons of history about that, but we'll leave that alone. Maybe another book in the future. It should be recalled that the benefits of conversions are well known to Jews from their own history.

When the Christian and the Islamic states used to discriminate against all persons not belonging to the religion of the state, including the Jews, the discrimination against Jews was at once removed by their conversion. I forgot he got into that right here. But a non-Jew discriminated against by the state of Israel will cease to be so treated the most moment he or she converts to Judaism. This simply shows that the same kind of exclusivity that is regarded by a majority of the Diaspora Jews as anti-Semitic is regarded by the majority of all Jews as Jewish. To oppose both anti-Semitism and Jewish chauvinism is widely regarded among Jews as a self-hatred, a concept which I regard as nonsensical. That's Israel Shah-hawks saying that. Not me.

The meaning of the term Jewish and its cognates, including Judaism, thus becomes in the context of Israeli politics as important as the meaning of Islamic when officially used by Iran or communist when it is officially used by the USSR. However, the meaning of the term Jewish, as it is popularly used, is not clear, either in Hebrew or when translated into other languages, and so the term had to be defined officially. According to Israeli law, a person is considered Jewish if either their mother, grandmother, was this Nuremberg? Hold on. Okay, hold on. I'll start over. According to Israeli law, a person is considered Jewish if either their mother, grandmother, great-grandmother, or great-great-grandmother was Jewish by religion, or if the person was converted to Judaism in a way satisfactory to the Israeli authorities and on condition that that person has not converted from Judaism to another religion,

in which case Israel ceases to regard them as Jewish. Of the three conditions, the first represents the Talmudic definition of who is a Jew, a definition followed by Jewish orthodoxy. The Talmud and post-Talmudic rabbinic law also recognized the conversion of a non-Jew to Judaism, as well as the purchase of a non-Jewish slave by a Jew, followed by a different kind of conversion, as a method of becoming Jewish, provided that the conversion is performed by authorized rabbis in a proper manner. This proper manner entails, for females, their inspection by three rabbis while naked in a bath of purification, a ritual which, although notorious to all readers of the Hebrew press,

is not often mentioned by the English media in spite of its undoubted interest. for certain readers. I don't know why anybody would find that interesting. I hope that this book will be the beginning of a process which will rectify this discrepancy. But there is another urgent necessity for an official definition of who is and who is not Jewish. The state of Israel officially discriminates in favor of Jews and against non-Jews in many domains of life, of which I regard three as being most important. residency rights, the right to work, and the right to equality before the law.

Hmm. I thought everyone was treated. The only democracy in the region. Discrimination in residency is based on the fact that about 92% of Israel's land is the property of the state and is administered by the Israel Land Authority, according to regulations issued by the Jewish National Fund. an affiliate of the world scientist organization. Do you've ever seen me post that video of the...

No, that's... Nope, different one. Different one. I was wrong. In its regulations, the JNF denies the right to reside to open a business and often also to work to anyone who is not Jewish only because he is not Jewish. At the same time, Jews are not prohibited from taking residence or opening business

anywhere in Israel. At the same time, Jews are not prohibited from taking residence or opening a business anywhere in Israel. If applied in another state against the Jews, such discriminatory practice would instantly and justifiably be labeled anti-Semitism and would no doubt spark massive public protests. When applied by Israel as a part of the Jewish ideology, they are usually studiously ignored or excused when rarely mentioned. The denial of the right to work that non-Jews are prohibited officially from working on land administered by the Israeli-Israel land authority according to J&F regulations. No doubt these regulations are not always or even often enforced, but they do exist. From time to time, Israel attempts enforcement campaigns by state authorities, as, for example,

when the agricultural ministry acts against the pestilence of letting food orchards, belonging to Jews and situated on national land, i.e. land belonging to the state of Israel, be harvested by Arab laborers, even if the laborers in question are citizens of Israel. Again, I've been told Arab citizens of Israel or they have full rights. Is Shahak lying? Is it anti-Semitic to ask that question? Israel also strictly prohibits Jews settled on national land to sub-rent, even a part of their land, to Arabs, even for a short time, and those who do so are punished, usually by heavy fines. That's worse than prison.

There is no prohibition on non-Jews renting their land to Jews. This means, in my own case, that by virtue of being a Jew, I have the right to lease an orchard for harvesting its produce from another Jew, but a non-Jew, whether a citizen of Israel or a resident alien, does not have that right. Non-Jewish citizens of Israel do not have the right to equality before the law. This discrimination is expressed in many Israeli laws in which, presumably, in order to avoid embarrassment, the terms Jewish and non-Jewish are usually not explicitly stated as they are in the crucial law of return. According to that law, only persons officially recognized as Jewish have an automatic right of entry to Israel and of settling in it. They automatically receive an immigration

certificate, which provides them on arrival with citizenship by virtue of having returned to their Jewish homeland, and with the right to many financial benefits, which varies somewhat according to the country from which they emigrated. The Jews who emigrate from the states of the former USSR receive an absorption grant of more than $20,000 per family. All Jews, emigrating to Israel, according to this law, immediately acquire the right to vote in elections and to be elected to the Knesset, even if they do not speak a word of Hebrew. Other Israeli laws substitute the more obtuse expressions. Anyone can immigrate in accordance with the law of return, and anyone who is not entitled to immigrate in accordance with the law

of return. Depending on the law in question, benefits are then granted to the first category and systematically denied to the second. The routine means for enforcing discrimination in everyday life is the ID card, which everyone is obliged to carry at all times. ID cards list the official nationality of a person, which can be Jewish, Arab, Druze, and the like, with significant exception of Israeli. Attempts to force the Interior Minister to allow Israelis wishing to be officially described as Israeli,

or even as Israeli Jew in their ID cards have failed. Those who have attempted to do so have received a letter from the Ministry of the Interior stating that it was decided not to recognize an Israeli nationality. The letter does not specify who made this decision or when. There are so many laws and regulations in Israel, which discriminate in favor of the persons defined as those who can immigrate in accordance with the law of return that the subject demands special separate treatment. We can look here at one example, seemingly trivial in comparison with residence restrictions,

but nevertheless important since it reveals the real intentions of the Israeli legislator. Israeli citizens who left the country for a time, but who are defined as those who can immigrate in accordance with the law of return, are eligible on their return to generous customs benefits, to receive subsidy for their children's high school education, and to receive either a grant or a loan on easy-time. terms for the purchase of an apartment as well as other benefits. Citizens who cannot be so defined, in other words, the non-Jewish citizens of Israel get none of these benefits. The obvious intention of such discriminatory measures is to decrease the number of non-Jewish citizens of Israel

in order to make Israel a more Jewish state. I have no problem with this at all. If they weren't so, if they just stayed in their land. If they had no influence where I live. If they didn't, if APEC didn't exist. For more on APEC, see Thomas Massey's recent interview with Tucker Carlson and Ryan Dawson has done a big APEC special

talking about basically where they get their funding from and it's probably the most exhaustive thing you will hear about APEC anywhere. So, you'll check those out. New heading. The ideology of redeemed land. Israel also propagates among its Jewish citizens and exclusivist ideology of the redemption of land.

Its official aim of minimizing the number of non-Jews can be well-perceived in this ideology, which is inculcated to Jewish school children in Israel. They are taught that it is applicable to the entire extent of either the state of Israel or, after 1967, to what is referred to as the land of Israel. According to this ideology, the land which has been redeemed is the land which was passed from non-Jewish to Jewish ownership. The ownership can be either private or belong to either the JNF or the Jewish state. The land which belongs to non-Jews is, on the contrary, considered to be unredeemed.

Thus, if a Jew who committed the blackest crimes, which can be imagined, buys a piece of land from a virtuous non-Jew, the unredeemed land becomes redeemed by such a transaction. However, if a virtuous non-Jew purchases land from the worst Jew, the formerly pure and redeemed land becomes unredeemed again. You getting it? Basically, they become a renter. only a Jew can own property. Again, what I said before.

The logical conclusion of such an ideology is the expulsion called transfer of all non-Jews from the area of land which has to be redeemed. Therefore, the utopia of the Jewish ideology adopted by the state of Israel is a land which is wholly redeemed and none of it is owned or worked by non-Jews. The leaders of the Zionist labor movement expressed this utterly repellent idea with the greatest clarity. Walter Lacker, a devouted Zionist, tells in his history of Zionism, how one of these spiritual fathers, A.D. Gordon, who died in 1919, quote, objected to violence and principle and justified self-defense only in extreme circumstances. But he and his friends wanted every tree and every bush in the Jewish homeland to be planted by no else except Jewish pioneers."

This means that they wanted everybody else to just go away and leave the land to be redeemed by Jews. Gordon's successors added more violence than he intended, but the principle of redemption and its consequences have remained. In the same way, the kibbutz, wildly hailed as an attempt to create a utopia, was and is an exclusivist utopia, even if, it is composed of atheists, it does not accept Arab members on principle, and demands that potential members from other nationalities be first converted to Judaism. No wonder the Kabuts boys

can be regarded as the most militaristic segment of the Israeli Jewish society. A lot of that has come out since 10-7. Talking about just exactly how, I'll use the word ideological, these people on the Kabuts are, or as he calls them, the Kabut's boys. It is this exclusivist ideology rather than all the security needs, alleged by Israeli propaganda, which determines the takeovers of land in Israel in the 1950s and again in the mid-1960s and in the occupied territories after 1967. This ideology also dictated official Israeli plans for the Judaization of Gats. This curious term means encouraging Jews to settle in Galilee by giving them financial benefits.

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displays and unforgettable moments. Who will you Wonderlights with? For dates and bookings, visit wonderlights.I.E. In parentheses, I wonder what would be the reaction of the U.S. Jews of a plan for the Christianization of New York or even only of Brooklyn would be proposed in their country? But the redemption of the land implies more than regional Judaism. In the entire area of Israel, the JNF vigorously backed by Israeli state agencies, especially by the secret police, is spending great sums of public money in order to redeem any land which non-Jews are willing to sell

and has preempt any attempt by a Jew to sell his land to a non-Jew by paying him a higher price. It's interesting because they don't seem to be, they don't seem to worry about being contradictory. Sounds like leftism. New heading. Israeli expansionism.

The main danger which Israel is a Jewish state poses to its own people to other Jews and to its neighbors is its ideologically motivated pursuit of territorial expansion and the inevitable series of wars resulting from this aim. The more Israel becomes Jewish, or, as one says in Hebrew, the more it returns to Judaism, a process which has been underway in Israel, at least since 1967, the more its actual politics are guided by Jewish ideological considerations and less by rational ones. My use of the term rational does not refer here to a moral evaluation of Israeli policies

or to the supposed defense of security needs of Israel, even less so to the supposed needs of Israeli survival. I am referring here to Israeli imperial policies based on its presumed interests. However morally bad or politically craft such policies are, I regard the adoption of policies based on Jewish ideology in all its different versions as being even worse. The ideological defenses of Israeli policy are usually based on Jewish religious beliefs or, in the case of secular Jews, on the historic rights of the Jews which derive from those beliefs and retain the dogmatic character of religious faith. It's almost clear that Shah Hak is a, you know, considers himself to be a democracy respecter.

You know, probably likes the United States because it's multicultural. This is about education. This is about what the man is teaching us. My own early political conversion from admirer of Ben-Gurion to his dedicated opponent began exactly with such an issue. In 1956, I eagerly swallowed all of Ben-Gurian's political and military reasons for Israel initiating the Suez War until he, in spite of being an atheist, proud of his disregard of the commandments of Jewish religion, pronounced in the Knesset on the third day of that war, that the real reason for it is the restoration of the kingdom of David and Solomon to its biblical borders. At this point in his speech, almost every Kinesit member spontaneously rose

and sang the Israeli national anthem. To my knowledge, no Zionist politician has ever repudiated Bengarians' idea that Israeli policies must be based within the limits of pragmatic considerations on the restoration of the biblical borders as the borders of the Jewish state. Indeed, close analysis of Israeli grand strategies and actual principles of foreign policy, as they are expressed in Hebrew, make it clear that it is Jewish ideology more than any other factor, which determines actual Israeli policies. The disregard of Judaism as it really is and of Jewish ideology makes those policies incomprehensible to foreign observers who usually know nothing about Judaism except crude

apologetics. Let me give a more recent illustration of the essential difference which exists between Israeli imperial planning of the most inflated but secular type and the principles of Jewish ideology. The latter enjoins that land, which was either ruled by any Jewish ruler in ancient times, or is promised by God to the Jews, either in the Bible or, what is actually more important, politically, according to a rabbinic interpretation of the Bible and the Talmud, should belong to Israel since it is a Jewish state. no doubt many Jewish doves are of the opinion that such conquest should be deferred to a time when Israel will be stronger than it is now, or that there would be, hopefully, a peaceful conquest.

That is, that the Arab rulers or peoples would be persuaded to cede the land in question in return for benefits which the Jewish state would then confer on them. A number of discrepant versions of biblical borders of the land of Israel, which rabbinical authorities interpret as ideally belonging to the Jewish state, in circulation. The most far-reaching among them include the following areas within these borders. In the south, all of Sinai and a part of northern Egypt up to the environs of Cairo. In the east, all of Jordan and a large chunk of Saudi Arabia. All of Kuwait and a part of Iraq, south of the Euphrates. In the north, all of Lebanon and all of Syria, together with a huge part of Turkey up to the lake. And in the west, Cyprus. An enormous body of research and learned a discussion based on these borders embodied in Atlas's books,

articles, and more popular forms of propaganda is being published in Israel, often with state subsidies or other forms of support. Certainly the late Kahana and his followers, as well as influential bodies such as Gush Amundim. Not only desire the conquest of those territories by Israel, but regarded as divinely commanded, regarded as a divinely commanded act, sure to be successful since it will be aided by God. In fact, important Jewish religious figures regard the Israeli refusal to undertake such a holy war, or even worse, the return of Sinai to Egypt, as a national sin which was justly punished by God. One of the most influential Ghush Amunim rabbis, Davyor, the rabbi of Jewish settlements in Kiryat, Arba, and of Hebron, stated repeatedly

that the Israeli failure to conquer Lebanon in 1982, 1985, was a well-merited divine punishment for its sin of giving a part of the land of Israel, namely Sinai, to Egypt. Although I have chosen an admittedly extreme example of the biblical borders of the land of Israel, which belong to the Jewish state, those borders are quite popular in national religious circles. There are less extreme versions of biblical borders, sometimes also called historical borders. It should however be emphasized that within Israel and the community of its diaspora Jewish supporters, the validity of the concept of either biblical borders or historical borders as delineating the borders of land which belong to Jews by right is not denied on grounds of principle

except by the tiny minority which opposes the concept of a Jewish state. Otherwise, objections to the realization of such borders by a war are purely pragmatical. One can claim that Israel is now too weak to conquer all the land, which belongs to the Jews, or that the loss of Jewish lives, but not of Arab lives, entailed in a war of conquest of such magnitude, is more important than the conquest of the land. But in normative Judaism, one cannot claim that the land of Israel, and whatever borders, does not belong to all the Jews. In May 1993, Ariel Sharon formally proposed in the Lakud Convention that Israel should adopt the biblical borders concept as its official policy.

There were rather few objections to this proposal, either in Lakoud or outside it, and all were based on pragmatic grounds. No one even asked Sharon, where exactly are the biblical borders, which he was urging that Israel should attain. Let us recall that among those who call themselves Leninists, there was no doubt that history follows the principles laid out by Marx and Lenin. It is not only the belief itself, however, dogmatic, but the refusal that it should be ever be.

doubted by thwarting open discussion, which creates a totalitarian cast of mind. Israeli Jewish society and diaspora Jews who are leading Jewish lives and organized in purely Jewish organizations can be said, therefore, to have a strong streak of totalitarianism in their character. However, an Israeli grand strategy, not based on the tenets of Jewish ideology, but based on the purely strategic or imperial considerations have had also developed, since the inception of the state. An authoritative and lucid description of the principles governing such strategy was given by General Reserves Shlomo Gazit, a former military intelligence commander.

According to Gazit, quote, Israel's main task has not changed at all since the demise of the USSR, and it remains of crucial importance. The geographical location of Israel at the center of the Arab Muslim Middle East predestines Israel to be a devoted guardian of stability in all the countries surrounding it. Its role is to protect the existing regimes, to prevent or halt the process of radicalization, and to block the expansion of fundamentalist religious zealotry. For this purpose, Israel will prevent changes occurring beyond Israel's borders, which it will regard as intolerable, to the point of feeling compelled to use all its military power for the sake of their prevention or eradication.

In other words, Israel aims imposing a hegemony on other Middle Eastern states. Needless to say, and this is something that you will hear conservatives, I mean, Americans say, without Israel, there'll be no order there. Okay. How are they doing with that? Needless to say, according to Gazette, Israel has a benevolent concern. for the stability of Arab regimes. In Gaza's view, by protecting Middle Eastern regimes, Israel performs a vital service for the industrially advanced

states, all of which are keenly concerned with guaranteeing the stability of the Middle East. He guarantees that without Israel, the existing regimes of the region would have collapsed long ago, and that they remain in existence only because of Israeli threats. While this view may be hypocritical,

one should recall in such context, La Roche Foucault's Maxim that hypocrisy is the tax which wickedness pays to virtue. Redemption of the land is an attempt to evade paying any such tax. Needless to say, I also oppose root and branch to Israeli non-ideological policies as they are so lucidly and correctly explained by Gosset. At the same time, I recognize that the dangers of the policies of Ben-Gurion or Sharon motivated by Jewish ideology are much worse than merely imperial policies, however, criminal. The results of policies of other ideologically

motivated regimes point in the same direction. The existence of an important component of Israeli policy, which is based on Jewish ideology, makes its analysis politically imperative. This ideology is, in turn, based on the attitudes of historic Judaism to non-Jews, one of the main themes of this book. Those attitudes necessarily influence many Jews consciously or unconsciously. Our task here is to discuss historic Judaism in real terms. The influence of Jewish ideology on many Jews will be stronger the more it is hidden from public discussion. Such discussion will, it is hoped, lead people to take the same attitude towards Jewish chauvinism as the contempt displayed by so many Jews towards non-Jews, which will be documented below.

As that commonly taken Jewish, let me say that again. Let me try that one again. Such discussion will, it is hope, lead people to take the same attitude towards Jewish chauvinism and the contempt displayed by so many Jews toward non-Jews, parentheses, which will be documented below, as that commonly taken towards anti-Semitism and all other forms of xenophobia, chauvinism, and racism. It is justly assumed that only the full, not only of anti-Semitism, but also of its historical roots, can be the basis of struggle against it. Likewise, I am assuming that only the full exposition of Jewish chauvinism and religious

fanaticism can be the basis of struggle against those phenomena. This is especially true today, when contrary to the situation prevailing 50 or 60 years ago, the political influence of Jewish chauvinism and religious fanaticism is much greater than that of anti-Semitism. But there is also another important consideration. I strongly believe that anti-Semitism and Jewish chauvinism can only be fought simultaneously.

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He's asking a question. New heading. Until such attitudes are widely adopted, that the actual danger of Israeli policies based on Jewish ideology remains greater than the danger of policies based on purely strategic considerations. The difference between the two kinds of policies, as well expressed by Hugh Trevor Roper in his essay, Sir Thomas Moore and Utopia, in which he termed them platonic and Machiavellian. Quoting, Machiavelli at least apologized for the methods which he thought necessary in politics. He regretted the necessity of force and fraud and did not call them by any of the

other name, but Plato and more sanctified them, provided that they were used to sustain their own utopian republics. In a similar way, true believers in that utopia called the Jewish state, which will strive to achieve that biblical borders are more dangerous than the grand strategists of Gazette's type because their policies are being sanctified either by the use of religion or worse, by the use of secularized religious principles which retain absolute validity. While Gaza at least sees a need to argue that the Israeli Dictot benefits the Arab regimes, Ben-Gurion did not pretend that the reestablishment of the Kingdom of David and Solomon will benefit anybody except the Jewish state.

Using the concepts of Platonism to analyze Israeli policies based on Jewish ideology should not seem strange. It was noticed by several scholars of whom the most important, was Moses Hadass, who claimed that the foundations of classical Judaism, that is, of Judaism as it is established by Talmudic sages, are based on platonic influences and especially on the image of Sparta as it appears in Plato. According to Hadass, a crucial feature of the platonic political system adopted by Judaism as early as the Maccabeeian period 142 to 63 BC, was that every phase of human conduct be subjected to religious sanctions which are in fact to be manipulated by the ruler. There can be no better definition

of classical Judaism and of the ways in which the rabbis manipulated it than the platonic definition. In particular, Hadass claims that Judaism adopted what Plato himself summarized as the objectives of his program in the following well-known passage. The principal thing is that no one, man or woman, should ever be without an officer set over him, and that none, should get the mental habit of taking any step, whether in earnest or ingest, on his individual responsibility. In pieces and war, he must live always with his eyes on his superior officer. In a word, we must train the mind not even to consider acting as an individual or know how to do it. Laws is 942A.B. If the word rabbi is substituted for an officer, we will have a perfect image

of classical Judaism. The latter is still deeply influencing Israeli Jewish society and determining to a larger extent the Israeli policies. It was the above-quoted passage which was chosen by Carl Popper in the open society and its enemies as describing the essence of a closed society. Historical Judaism and its two successors, Jewish Orthodoxy and Zionism, are both sworn enemies of the concept of the open society as applied to Israel. A Jewish state, whether or not a Jewish state, whether based on its present Jewish ideology, or if it becomes even more Jewish in character than it is now, on the principles of Jewish Orthodoxy, cannot ever contain an open society. There are two choices which face Israeli Jewish society.

It can become a fully closed and warlike ghetto, a Jewish Sparta, supported by the labor of Arab Helots, kept in existence by its influence on the U.S. political establishment and by threats to use its nuclear power, or it can try to become an open society. Let's see, which one do you think it took? Is it a fully closed warlike ghetto, Jewish Sparta, supported by the labor of Arab Helots, kept in existence by its influence on the U.S. political establishment and by threats of use of its nuclear power,

or did it try to become an open society? There will be some people that will tell you that 10-7 happened, because it tried to become an open society. Those people are lying to you, and they can go fuck themselves. The second choice is dependent on an honest examination of its Jewish past, on the admission that Jewish chauvinism and exclusivism exist, and on an honest examination of the attitudes of Judaism toward the non-Jews.

All right. That was chapter one, Israel Shahak, Jewish history, Jewish religion, the weight of 3,000 years. And we'll get into chapter two. Prejudice and prevarication. I'll have to look that up on the next episode. You'll notice this episode had ads in it. If you want to support the show and get the episodes early on ad-free, head on over to freemambeonthe-wall.com forward slash support.

You can support me. There's five ways. There's right there on my website. Subs stack, subscribe star, gumroad, Patreon. Get the episodes early and ad-free. And yeah, that's it. Until the next time. Thank you for coming back for another reading.

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