The Pete Quiñones Show - Pete Reads John C. Calhoun's 'Disquisition on Government' Part 5 - The Finale

Episode Date: March 29, 2024

32 MinutesIn this reading and commentary Pete finishes reading John C. Calhoun's celebrated "Disquisition on Government." John Caldwell Calhoun was an American statesman and political theorist who served as the seventh vice president of the United States from 1825 to 1832.VIP Summit 3-Truth To Freedom - Autonomy w/ Richard GroveSupport Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's Substack Pete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.

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advanced and civilized portions of the world are now in the midst of this period. It has proved and will continue to prove a severe trial to existing political institutions of every form. Those governments which have not the sagacity to perceive what is truly public opinion

to distinguish between it and the mere clamor of faction or shouts of fanaticism, and the good sense and firmness to yield, timely and cautiously, to the claims of the one, and to resist promptly and decidedly, the demands of the other are doomed to fall. Few will be able successfully to pass through this period of transition, and these, not without shocks and modifications, more or less considerable. It will endure until the governing and the governed shall better understand the ends for which government is ordained,

and the form best adapted to accomplish them under all the circumstances in which communities may be respectively placed. I shall, in conclusion, proceed to exemplify the elementary principles which have been established by giving a brief account of the origin and character of the governments of Rome and Great Britain, the two most remarkable and perfect of their prospective forms of constitutional government. The object is to show how these principles were applied in the more simple forms of such governments, preparatory to an exposition of the mode in which they have been applied in our own more complex system. It will appear that in each, the principles are the same, and that the difference in their application resulted from the different situation and social condition of the respective communities.

They were modified in each so as to conform to these, and hence their remarkable success. They were applied to communities in which hereditary rank had long prevailed. their respective constitutions originated in concession to the people, and through them, they acquired a participation in the powers of government. But with us, they were applied to communities, which all political rank and distinction between citizens were excluded, and where government had its origin in the will of the people. His idea of the concurrent majority, you get the idea that in his idea of the concurrent majority, would be a perfect kind of polity for a perfect kind of system for a people who know each other,

who respect each other, who have foundations in the same things, who've built upon, who come from the same place, who share the same culture, share the same background, share the same religion. But when it comes down to multiculturalism, it's just not going to happen. factions are going to fight against each other. Orrin McIntyre had a great tweet today in which he said that I will find it because I don't want to mess it up. He said, once men and women become political interest groups, your civilization is over.

The total state is the politicization of every aspect of society, and nothing demolishes social coordination faster than introducing this into the sexual sexual dynamic and family formation. Yeah, if politics has come down to men's rights and women's rights, you're lost. You're done. So a concurrent majority, you can never have a concurrent majority in that. You can't have one in this system. But however different their origin and character, it will be found that the object in each

was the same, to blend and harmonize the conflicting interests of the community and the means the same, taking the sense of each class or portion through its appropriate organ, and considering the concurrent sense of all as the sense of the whole community. Such being the fact, an accurate and clear conception how this was affected in their more simple forms will enable us better to understand how it was accomplished in our far more refined, artificial, and complex form. It is well known to all, the least conversant with their history, that the Roman people consisted of two distinct orders or classes, the patricians and the plebians, and that the line of distinction was so strongly drawn that for a long time the right of intermarriage

between them was prohibited. After the overthrow of the monarchy and the expulsion of the Tarkins, the governments felt exclusively under the control of the patricians, who, with their client and dependents, formed at the time a very numerous and powerful body. At first, while there was danger of the return of the exiled family, they treated the plebeians with kindness. I'm not going to say plebeians. I'm going to say plebians with kindness, because that's the way I learned it in school. But after it had passed away with oppression and cruelty, it is not necessary with the object in view to enter into a minute account of the various acts of oppression and cruelty to which they were subjected.

It is sufficient to state that, according to the usages of war at the time, the territory of a conquered people became the property of the conquerors, and that the plebians were harassed and oppressed by incessant wars in which the danger and toil were theirs, while all the fruits of victory, the lands of the vanquished, and the spoils of war, accrued to the benefit of their oppressors. the result was such as might be expected. They were impoverished and forced from necessity to borrow from the patricians at usurious and exorbitant interests, funds with which they had been enriched through their blood and toil, and to pledge their all for repayment at stipulated periods. In case of default, the pledge became forfeited, and under the provisions of law, in such cases, the debtors were liable to be seized and sold or imprisoned by the, their creditors in private jails prepared and kept for the purpose. These savage provisions were enforced with the utmost rigor against the indebted and impoverished Poblians. They constituted, indeed, an essential part of the system through which they were plundered and oppressed by the patricians. A system so oppressive could not be endured. The natural consequences followed.

Deep hatred was engendered between the orders accompanied by factions, violence, and corruption, which distracted and weakened the government. At length, an incident occurred which roused the indignation of the plebeians to the utmost pitch and which ended in an open rupture between the two orders. There's so much rugby on Sports Extra from Sky,

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The only known treatment is enjoying your new vehicle. Side effects may also include great value and exceptional customer service. Talk to a friendly professional at Frank Heen Volkswagen today and see if upgrading your car is the right prescription for you. An old soldier who had long served the country and had fought with bravery in 28 battles, made his escape from the prison of his creditor, squalid, pale and famished. He implored the protection of the plebeians, a crowd surrounded the team. him, and his tale of service to the country and the cruelty to which he had been treated by his

creditor kindled the flame, which continued to rage until it extended to the army. It refused to continue any longer in service, crossed the anio, and took possession of the sacred mount. The patricians divided an opinion as to the course which should be a pursuit. The more violent insisted on an appeal to arms, but fortunately the counsel of the moderate, which recommended concession and compromise prevailed. commissioners were appointed to treat with the army, and a formal compact was entered into between the orders and ratified by the oaths of each, which conceded to the plebians the right to elect two tribunes as to protectors of their order and made their persons

sacred. The number was afterwards increased to ten, and their election by centuries changed to elections by tribe, a mode by which the plebeians secured a decided preponderance. Such was origin of the tribune, which in process of time opened all the honors of the government to the plebeians. They acquired the right, not only a veto in the passage of all laws, but also their execution, and thus obtained, through their tribunes, a negative on the entire action of the government without divesting the patricians of their control over the Senate. But this arrangement, by this arrangement, the government was placed under the concurrent and joint voice of the two orders expressed through separate and appropriate organs, the one possessing the positive and

the other the negative powers of the government. This simple change converted it from an absolute into a constitutional government, from a government of the patricians only, to that of the whole Roman people, and from an aristocracy into a republic. In doing this, it laid a solid foundation of Roman liberty and greatness. A superficial observer would pronounce the government so organized as that one should have the power of making and executing the laws and another or the representatives of another, the unlimited authority of preventing their enactment and execution, if not wholly impracticable,

at least too feeble to stand the shocks to which all governments are subject, and would, therefore, predict a speedy dissolution after a distracted and glorious career. How different from the result? Instead of distraction, it proved to be the bond of concord and harm. harmony instead of weakness and unequaled strength, and instead of a shortened and glorious career, one of great length and immortal glory. It moderated the conflicts between the orders, harmonized their interests, and blended them into one, substituted devotion to country and the place of devotion to particular orders, called forth a united strength and energy of the whole,

in the hour of danger, raised to power, the wise of the patriotic, elevated the Roman name above all others, extended her authority and dominion over the greater part of the then-known world, and transmitted the influence of her laws and institutions to the present day. Had the opposite counsel prevailed at this crucial juncture, had an appeal had been made to arms instead of the concession and compromise, Rome, instead of being what she afterwards became, would, in all probability, have been an inglorious and as little known to posterity as the insignificant states which surrounded her,

whose names in existence would have been long consigned to oblivion, had they not been preserved in the history of her conquest of them. but for the wise course then adopted, it is not improbable, whichever order might have prevailed, that she would have fallen under some cruel and petty tyrant, and finally been conquered by some of the neighboring states, or by the Carthaginians, or the Gauls. To the fortunate turn which events then took, she owed her unbounded sway and imperishable renown. It is true that the tribunate, after raising her to a height of power and prosperity, never before equaled, finally became one of the instruments by which her liberty was overthrown,

but it was not until she became exposed to new dangers growing out of the increase of wealth and the great extent of her dominions against which the tribunate furnished no guards. What's he saying? Its original object was the protection of the plebeians against depression and abuse of power on the part of the patricians. This is thoroughly accomplished. This it thoroughly accomplished. had no power to protect the people of the numerous and wealthy conquered countries

from being plundered by consuls and pro-consuls, nor could it prevent the plunderers from using the enormous wealth, which they extorted from the impoverished and ruined provinces, to corrupt and debase the people, nor arrest the formations of parties, irrespective of the old division of patricians and plebeians, having no other object than to obtain the control of the government for the purpose of plunder. Against these formidable evils for Constitution furnished no adequate security.

Under their baneful influence, the possession of the government became the object of the most violent conflicts, not between patricians and publicians, but between profligate and corrupt factions. They continued with increasing violence until finally Rome sunk, as must every community under similar circumstances, beneath the strong grasp, the despotic rule of the chieftain of the successful party, the sad but only alternative which remained to prevent universal violence, confusion, and anarchy. The Republic had, in reality, ceased to exist long before the establishment of the empire. The interval was filled by the rule of ferocious, corrupt, and bloody factions. There was, indeed, a small but patriotic body of eminent individuals who struggled, in vain,

to correct abuses and to restore the government to his primitive character and purity, and who sacrificed their lives in their endeavors to accomplish an object so virtuous and noble. But it can be no disparage, but it can be no disparagement to the tribunit that the great powers conferred on it for wise purposes and which it had so fully accomplished should be seized upon during this violent and corrupt interval to overthrow the liberty it had established, and so long, nourished and supported. It's very interesting that the, when you look at civilizations through history,

that as long as they stayed tight-knit, as long as they stayed homogenous, things were fine as soon as they started to try to branch out, or got overrun, obviously overrun, but branch out, bring people in from the outside, get rich, is when things start to fall apart. In assigning such consequence to the tribunal,

I must not overlook other important provisions of the Constitution of the Roman government. The Senate, as far as we are informed, seems to have been admirably constituted to secure consistency and steadiness in action. The power, when the Republic was exposed to imminent danger, to appoint a dictator, vested for a limited period with almost boundless authority,

the two councils in the manner of electing them, the auguries, the sibling books, the priesthood and the censorship, all of which I pertain to the patricians, were perhaps indispensable to withstand the vast and apparently irregular powers, the power of the tribunate, while the possession of such great powers by the patricians made it necessary to give proportionate strength to the only organ which the Pablilians could act on the government with effect. The government was, indeed, powerfully constituted, and apparently well-proportioned both in its positive and negative organs. It was truly an iron government.

Without the tribunate, it proved to be one of the most oppressive and cruel that ever existed, but with it, one of the strongest and the best. The origin and character of the British government are so well known that a very brief sketch with object in view will suffice. The causes which ultimately molded it into its present form commenced with the Norman conquest. This introduced a feudal system with its name. necessary appendages, a hereditary monarchy and nobility, the former in the line of the chief,

who led the invading army, and the latter in that of his distinguished followers. They became his feudatories. The country, both land and people, the latter as serves, was divided between them. Conflict soon followed between the monarch and the nobles, as must ever be the case under such systems. They were followed in a progress of events by efforts on both parts of monarchs and nobles to conciliate the favor of the people. They, in consequence, gradually rose to power. At every step of their ascent, they became more important and were more and more courted until at length their influence was so sensibly felt that they were summoned to attend the meeting of parliament by delegates, not, however, as an estate of the realm or

constituent member of the body politic. The first summons came from the nobles and was designed to conciliate their good feelings and secure their cooperation in the war against the king. This was followed by one from him, but his object was simply to have them present at the meeting of his parliament in order to be consulted by the crown on questions relating to taxes and supplies, not indeed, to discuss the right to lay the one and to raise the other. For the king claimed the arbitrary authority to do both, but with a view to facilitate their collection and to reconcile them to their imposition. From this humble beginning, they, after a long struggle, accompanied by many vicissitudes, raised themselves to be considered one of the estates of the realm, and finally in their

effort to enlarge and secure what they had gained, overpowered for a time, the other two estates, and thus concentrated all power in a single estate or body. Give me a second right here. You sent real quick. All right. This, in effect, made the government absolute and led to consequences which, as by a fixed law, must ever result in popular governments of this form. Namely, to organize parties, or rather factions, contending violently to obtain or retain the control of the government, and this again by laws almost as uniform, to the concentration of all

the powers of government in the hands of the military commander of the successful party. His heir was too feeble to hold the scepter he had grasped, and the general discontent with the result of the revolution led to the restoration of the old dynasty, without defining the limits between the powers of the respective estates. After a short interval, another revolution followed in which the lords and commons united against the king. This terminated in his overthrow, and that transferred the crown to a collateral branch of the family, accompanied by a declaration of rights, which defined the power. of the several estates of the realm, and finally perfected and established the Constitution. Thus, a feudal monarchy was converted, through a slow but steady process of many centuries into a highly refined constitutional monarchy without changing the basis of the original government. As it now stands, the realm consists of three estates, the king, the Lord's temporal and spiritual,

and the commons, the Parliament is to Grand Council. It possesses the supreme power. It enacts laws by the concurring assent of the Lords and Commons, subject to the approval of the king. The executive power is vested in the monarch, who is regarded as constituting the first estate. Although irresponsible himself, he can only act through responsible ministers and agents. They are responsible to the other estates, to the Lords as constituting the High Court, before whom all the servants of the crown may be tried for malpractices and crimes against the realm or official delinquencies, and to the commons as possessing the impeaching power and constituting the grand inquest of the kingdom. These provisions, with their legislative powers, especially

that of withholding supplies, give them a controlling influence on the executive department and virtually a participation in its powers so that the acts of the government throughout its entire range may be fairly considered as a result of the concurrent and joint action of the three estates. and as these embrace all the orders of the concurrent and joint action of the estates of the realm. He would take an imperfect and false view of the subject who would consider the king in his mere individual character or even as the head of the royal family as constituting an estate. Regarded in either light, so far from deserving to be considered as the first estate, and the head of the realm as he is, he would represent an interest too inconsiderable to be an object of special protection.

Instead of this, he represents what in reality is habitually and naturally the most powerful interest, all things considered under every form of government in all civilized communities, the tax-consuming interest, or more broadly, the great interest which necessarily grows out of the action of the government, be its form that it may, the interest that lives by the government. It is composed of recipients of its honors and emoluments, and may be properly called the government interest or party in contradistinction to the rest of the community, or, as it may be properly called, the people or commons. The one comprehends all who are supported by the government, and the other all who support the government, and it is only because the former are strongest,

all things being considered, that they are enabled to retain for any considerable time, advantages so great and commanding. This great and predominant interest is naturally represented by a single head, for it is impossible without being so represented to distribute the honors and emoluments of the government among those who compose it without producing discord and conflict, and it is only by preventing these that advantages so tempting can be long retained. And hence, the strong tendency of this great interest to the monarchical form, that is, to be represented by a single individual.

On the contrary, the antagonistic interests, that which supports the government, has the opposite tendency, a tendency to be represented by many because a large assembly can better judge than one individual or a few, what burdens the community can bear and how it can be most equally distributed and easily collected. Good luck. In the British government, the king constitutes an estate because he is the head and representative of this great interest. He is the conduit through which all the honors and emoluments of the government flows, while the House of Commons, according to the theory of the government, is the head and representative of the opposite, the great taxpaying interest by which the government is supported. Between these great interests, there is necessarily a constant and strong tendency to conflict, which, if not counteracted, must end in violation. and an appeal to force to be followed by revolution, as has been explained. To prevent this, the House of Lords, as one of the estates of the realm, is interposed and constitutes a conservative power of the government. It consists, in fact, of that portion of the government, who are the principal recipients of the honors, emoluments, and other advantages derived from the government,

and whose condition cannot be improved, but must be made worse by the triumph of either of the conflicting of states over the other, and hence it is opposed to the ascendancy of either, and in favor of preserving the equilibrium between them. This sketch, brief as it is, is sufficient to show that these two constitutional governments, by far the most illustrious of their respective kinds, conform to the principles that have been established alike in their origin and in their construction. The constitutions of both originated in a pressure, occasioned by conflicts and interest between hostile classes or orders and were intended to meet the pressing exigencies of the occasion, neither party, it would seem, having any conception of the principles involved or the

consequences to follow beyond the immediate objects in contemplation. It would indeed seem almost impossible for constitutional governments founded on orders or classes to originate in any other manner. It is difficult to conceive that any people among whom they did not exist would or could voluntarily institute them in order to establish such governments, while it is not at all wonderful that they would grow out of the conflicts between orders or classes when aided by a favorable combination of circumstances. The constitutions of both rest on the same principle, an organism by which the voice of each order or class is taken through its appropriate organ, and which requires the concurring voice of all to constitute that of the whole community. The effects, too,

were the same in both, to unite and harmonize conflicting interests, to strengthen attachments to the whole community, and to moderate that to the respective orders or classes, to rally all in the hour of danger around the standard of their country, to elevate the feeling of nationality, and to develop power, moral and physical, to an extraordinary extent. Yet each has the distinguishing figures resulting from the difference of their organisms and the circumstances of which they respectively originated. In the government of Great Britain, the three orders are blended in the legislative department, so that the separate and concurring act of each is necessary to make laws, while on the contrary, in the Roman, one order had the power of making

laws and another of annulling them or arresting their execution. Each had its peculiar advantages. The Roman developed more fully the love of country and the feelings of nationality. I am a Roman citizen was pronounced with a pride and elevation of sentiment never perhaps felt before or since by any citizen or subject of any community in announcing the country to which he belonged. It also developed more fully the power of community, taking into consideration their respective population and the state of arts at the different periods. Rome developed more power comparatively than Great Britain ever has, vast as that is and has been, or perhaps than any other community ever did. Hence, the mighty control she acquired from a beginning so humble,

but the British government is far superior to that a Rome in its adaptation and capacity to embrace under its control extensive dominions without subverting its constitution. In other words, they can be an empire without the constitution falling apart. Well, in this respect, the Roman constitution was defective, and in consequence soon began to exhibit marks of decay after Rome had extended her dominions beyond Italy, while the British holds under its sway, without apparently impairing either, an empire equal to that, under the weight of which the Constitution and Liberty of Rome were crushed. The great advantage it derives from its different structure, especially that of the executive department and the character of its conservative principle.

The former is so constructed as to prevent inconsequence of its unity and hereditary character, the violent and factious struggles to obtain the control of the government, and with it, the vast patronage which distracted, corrupted, and finally subverted the Roman Republic. Against this fatal disease, the latter had no security whatever, while the British government, besides the advantages it possesses, in this respect from the structure of its executive department, has, in the character of its conservative principle, another and powerful security against it. Its character is such that patronage instead of weakening strengthens it. For the greater the patronage of the government,

the greater will it be the share which falls to the estate constituting the conservative department of the government and the more eligible its condition, the greater its opposition to any radical change in its form. The two causes combined give to the government a greater capacity of holding under subjection, extensive dominions without subverting the constitution or destroying liberty than has ever been possessed by any other. It is difficult, indeed, to assign any limit to its capacity in this respect. The most probable which can be assigned is its ability to bear increased burdens.

The taxation necessary to meet the expenses, incidents of the acquisition and government of such vast dominions may prove, in the end, so heavy as to crush under its weight the laboring and productive portions of the population. I have now finished this brief sketch, I proposed, the origin and character of these two renowned governments and shall proceed to consider the character, origin, and structure of the government of the United States. It differs from the Roman and British, more than they differ from each other. And although an existing government of recent origin, its character and structure are perhaps less understood than these others. And if you

want to read about that, it's called a discourse on the Constitution and Government of the United States. You can read that on your own. All right. It reminds me of when he was talking about Rome, it was saying, Rome, people didn't love Rome because it was great. Rome was great because people loved Rome. And it seems like when the people like something, when they love something, when they're invest in something, it sticks around. It will keep its form.

But unfortunately, it's, uh, we've just gotten to the point where even through this reading, five, five readings of this, you see that what he was proposing and what had been proposed since the beginning just couldn't be held on to.

And you can make, um, you can look at him talking about, Britain becoming an empire, but still being able to hold their constitution together. And a lot of people point to the beginning of our empire building, which is say turn of the century, 19th to 20th and see how things fell apart there. But two world wars didn't help. Cold War didn't help.

And basically getting involved in other people's businesses where we could have been concentrating on. I think even at a point around 1991 where the Soviet Union fell and Pat Buchanan said, great, no more enemies. Let's concentrate on the homeland. If they hadn't decided to switch over to concentrating on Islam, things would be a lot different now. But it's hard to say. Mistakes were made long before the 1991. We still lived under a basically Nuremberg New Deal anti-fascist regime.

1991, you already started seeing political correctness coming through. And, yeah. So can it be, would it have, it probably would have kicked the can down the road a little bit. But people would have got tired. They would have got tired of peace and they would have won a war. They would have wanted enemies. and that's the way elites look

at things they see war, see an enemy, and see it as something they can bring people together. Common enemy. People in Hawaii volunteering for the military after 9-11 even though there were no attacks anywhere near it. We're all Americans, right? I think falling more and more away from that.

So like I said, through this whole thing, I don't think any of this is going to help us. I just think it shows where we went wrong and shows what doesn't work, and that we need something new. And that's about it. Look forward to my next reading. There were ads on this.

Sorry about that. Got to pay the bills. If you want to be able to get the episodes add-free, go to freemamandbeonthe-wall.com forward slash support. If you subscribe on my website right there, on SubscribeStar, on Substack, on Patreon, or on Gumroad, I give you the episodes early and ad-free. So consider doing that. And I just want to thank everyone and on to the next reading.

Take care. Bye.