The Pete Quiñones Show - Pete Reads 'The Last Crusade' by Warren H Carroll Part 6
Episode Date: July 12, 202437 MinutesPG-13Pete continues a reading of Warren H. Carroll's 1996 book, "The Last Crusade: 1936." In this episode, he finishes the August chapter; the Summer of 1936.Antelope Hill - Promo code "pete...q" for 5% off - https://antelopehillpublishing.com/FoxnSons Coffee - Promo code "peter" for 18% off - https://www.foxnsons.com/The Last CrusadePete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'VIP Summit 3-Truth To Freedom - Autonomy w/ Richard GroveSupport Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's Substack Pete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
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I want to welcome everyone back to Part.
part six of my reading of Warren Carroll's The Last Crusade.
Looks like we're going to be able to get through August today, and that takes us up to
September.
Yeah, September.
That sounds about right.
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All right, let's jump into this.
Warren Carroll, Last Crusade.
Let's finish up August.
Writing from Vienna, Alfonso Carlos expressed
this particular satisfaction that the Alquettes were fighting under the banner of the
sacred heart of Jesus,
as did the Carlist army of Catalonia back in 1873 when he had commanded
it, and said he trusted the Ricketts who died fighting in the crusade would be treated by God
as martyrs and go straight to heaven. At the Alzacar of Toledo and at Samanka's barracks in Guillaume,
there could be no mass on this holy day because there was no priest. But many prayers were offered,
and at the Alzacar, the Spanish tradition of fiesta on the great holy day was maintained.
One imagines this may have been at the suggestion of the beautiful and vivacious Carmen Aragonis,
with flamenco dancing and castanets.
At the Samuncas barracks in Gion,
where the besiegers attack with flaming gasoline
had been thrown back earlier in the day,
Colonel Pena, in a special order of the day,
congratulated his men for their heroic defense
and declared they must fight on to victory or death.
In fact, the end was very near for them.
The very next day at 11 o'clock in the morning,
after tremendous resistance and heavy casualties,
especially among the officers, during which the indispensable cruiser, Almerante Cervera,
was for the first time being not available to help them.
The remaining defenders of the Zapodores barracks had to abandon them and withdraw to the Samankas
barracks.
Water food and medicine were almost gone, and the Samankas Barracks was under almost constant
artillery bombardment.
On the night of the 19th, the Almerante Servera returned and signaled through the darkness
with blinking lights. The defenders saw the signal and reopened radio communications with the cruiser.
On the 20th, six bombs were dropped in the barracks, along with continuing heavy artillery fire,
which made a large breach from the walls of the barracks compound. One of the four colonels
commanding was severely wounded, but Pena and the other two fought on. That night the besiegers brought up a
large cannon and emplaced it just 200 yards from the barracks compound, whose walls, unlike those of
the Alcazar of Toledo, were never built to take such punishment. When the morning light on the 21st
revealed this new and overpowering threat, the defenders, after failing to damage the cannon with
their inadequate weapons, sallied against it, but were driven back by withering fire.
The shells of this heavy gun and from other cannon only a little further away,
destroyed large sections of the walls of the compound and of the barracks. A great cloud of dust
enveloped the battle. Then the revolutionaries charged in overwhelming numbers and with furious determination.
Wooden parts of the barracks blazed up adding columns of smoke to the dust cloud. By five o'clock
in the afternoon, the attackers were inside the barracks in force. One of their officers made a final
demand for surrender to Colonel Penaia, but he would not accept it. Attackers,
and defenders mingled throughout the barracks, fighting hand-to-hand. There had been nearly 300 defenders
when the day began, but many, perhaps half, were already dead or wounded. There was no rescuing army
anywhere near, no place to retreat, no hope to prevail. The enemy was giving no quarter. In their
whole flaming, exploding world, the crusaders in the Samunkus barracks had only one friend left. The
nationalist crews are offshore, still in touch with them by radio. But the Almarante Cervera now had no
enemy target to shoot at. The enemy was in the barracks, wherever the defenders were. So were the
revolutionaries. Colonel Penae, both of the officers still around him. With their consent, he sent a
message by radio to the Almerante Cittivada, whose like had not been heard since the days of ancient Rome.
Defense is impossible. The barracks are burning. The enemy are starting to enter fire on us.
Man, that is just brutal.
On the bridge of the Amarante Servera, there was stunned silence.
Someone suggested that the message might have been sent by the Reds as a trick.
The cruiser radio backed.
We have received your message.
Give it to us encipher.
Instantly came the reply.
There is no time to encipher it.
The Red artillery had ceased firing to avoid hitting their own men in the barracks,
but the deadly crackle of small arms fire and the metallic clash of bayonets and knives continued within.
Captain in Geredño, standing atop the broken trunk of what had been a statue of the Blessed Virgin Mary, fell with a bullet in his body.
If any of you see the triumph of Spain, he gasped, look for my family and tell them I died gladly for God in my country, but I asked that justice be done for the crimes committed against us.
Then he died.
With feelings which may barely be imagined, the officers and crew of the Almendante Cervetta obeyed Colonel Pena's last request for fire support.
port. Salvos from her main battery crashed down upon doom barracks, pulverizing triumphant
attackers and ultimate defenders together. It was 6.30 in the afternoon of August 21st,
as the cruiser sailed sadly out to sea. Her captain's message to his admiral reporting
his departure ended. Samankas Barracks is a volcano. There were some survivors from whom we
know the story, but it is not a story most men outside Spain or even inside Spain today dare to tell.
Of all the English sources on the Spanish Civil War, consulted in the research for this book,
only Hugh Thomas's history mentions it, though there is a whole book about it in Spanish,
written in Guillaume, and published in what is proudly called on its title page, The Year of Victory,
1939. The late 20th century does not honor heroes, but fears of them, as a reproach upon an
age, which knows little to live for and nothing to die for. On August 20th, the day before
Samankas Barracks fell, the nationalist column of Jaguay left bloody Babaos on its march to Madrid.
Two days later, it routed the fresh and numerically strong phantom column of anarchist militia
trying to counter-attack Marida and outflanked the nationalist by going through the Guadalupe Mountains,
blaming everyone but themselves and their opponents for their defeat.
The anarchists are now refused to obey the orders of much-traveled Republican General Rikalme,
who was consequently unable to make any further immediate challenge to Jagu's advance.
Franco moved to Extra Madura and established his headquarters at Casares in that province.
With the help of German and Italian aircraft, the nationalist had now obtained control of the air over the advance.
advancing troops, a great asset.
The nationalist defenders of Zaragoza, including General Cabaneus, troops, and a large detachment
of Riketis, defeated the anarchists late in August at the Battle of Perigera on the road to
Zaragoza, again because of the anarchist military experience and frequent refusal to obey
orders.
In the north, a force of 2,000 consisting primarily of Riketis under a very tough and resolute commander,
Colonel Biorleki attacked the city of Erun on the French border.
The defenders of the city number 3,000.
Normally an attacking force must outnumbered defenders to succeed,
but Beorlegi slowly pushed forward in defiance of the odds.
When you realize that the anarchists have no military experience whatsoever,
you start to understand that even though the terror
by the absolutely insane things that they do,
the vile things that they do,
is a part of who they are.
But that's also what they're relying upon
for people to just be terrorized and not fight back.
Well, when you have a army full of people
who are fighting for a higher ordeal
than just what you get in this life,
maybe that's important.
because that's what anarchists are.
Most anarchists.
People can make the argument that,
no, I'm an anarcho-capitalist.
I'm a right-wing anarchist.
Okay, well,
you can try to change,
I mean,
maybe one day somebody will be able to change
what the word rape means,
but that ain't happening right now.
So you can go on
and continue calling yourself what you will.
This is what people think of
when they think an anarchist.
At least that's what I'm going to make it one of my goals in life for them to think of,
that they know this story,
that they know about World War I and a half.
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On August 16, Lieutenant Barber,
engineering officer of the Alcazar at Toledo,
listening with a stethoscope through the floor of the west cellar heard sounds
indicating to him that the besiegers were hacking out a tunnel
through the solid rock underlying the fortress.
In fact, two tunnels were being excavated,
with small dynamite charges expertly placed by militant miners from the Asturias,
the province where Guillaume was located.
Other Asturian miners had been among the successful besiegers of the Samuncas barracks.
On the 19th, the first mortar fire began to fall on the Alcazar,
and then the first big shells from 155 millimeter cannon.
68 of these shells struck the Alcazar on the 20th,
and their bombardment continued daily, along with 12 air bombs on the 22nd, night attacks on the Gaborno building,
with flaming gasoline and incessant rifle fire and grenade throwing.
But on the 17th, the Alcazar Garrison, by attaching extra batteries to their radio receiver,
was able to pick up a broadcast from Radio Lisbon that for the first time told them of the advance of the nationalist army through Extra Maduro toward them,
and on the 22nd a nationalist plane came roaring past less than 100 feet above the spires on the four great towers of the Alcazar and dropped four aluminum containers for them, before going on to drop bombs on positions of the besiegers in the city.
The defenders wildly cheered the friendly plane and cheered even more when in one of the aluminum containers, along with food, was found a letter from General Franco, wrapped in the old golden red flag of Spain just adopted by the national.
nationalist as their banner. He told them,
We are approaching. We shall relieve you.
In the meantime resist. Surmounting all obstacles,
our columns are advancing, destroying resistance.
Viva, Spain. Long-lived the heroic defenders of the Alcazar.
The next day, Sunday the 23rd, after the customary prayers in the chapel in lieu of a mass,
the letter was posted in the central courtyard and the flag was brought there to.
Soldiers filed past, Nelson kissed it, and then it was raised above the crumbling north wall
in the last rays of the setting sun.
Each soldier of the garrison was given a buttonhole rosette of gold and red,
made by the women of the Alcazar out of old Navarra-style berets worn by the cadets at the Academy 25 years before.
All that matter, all that day, the mortars pounded away.
50-155mm shells were fired at the Alcazar.
There was another Republican bombing raid, and the digging of the tunnel went on.
That Sunday, Luis Mascardo was killed, along with the dean of the cathedral, 12 other priests, 11 Maris brothers, and a number of laymen.
Colonel Mascardo's only surviving son, 16-year-old Carmelo, had been imprisoned with Luis, and he too was marked for death.
But at the last moment, an anarchist called El Granadino, after killing a priest by smashing a skull with a rifle butt, while Carmelo watched, unexpectedly balked at killing one so young.
El Granadino took Carmelo Mascardo away to safety in an insane asylum, along with his mother, where they remained until Franco's army reached Toledo.
Late in August, the besiegers of the Alcazar brought up a 75-millimeter cannon and placed it in Conception Covent, just 70 yards from the Gobierno building.
On August 29th, they opened point-blank fire with it.
In the course of the day, its fire opened a wide breach in the wall of the Gobirno.
Posted at this point, priestly.
Private Jose Palomades stood his ground.
With the wall breaking down before him, half deafened by the explosions of the shells,
he climbed a pile of debris and fired repeatedly into the convent with his rifle.
The very unequal duel of fire with cannon ended in victory for the riflemen.
Four of the gun crew were seriously wounded, and it ceased firing.
The Alcazar had a few mortars, but only 50 shells for them.
On the 31st, Mascardo ordered six of his small stock of mortar shells
fired at the Conception Convent and the nearby Santa Cruz Museum
to keep them clear of artillery.
It was toward the end of August that the wife of one of the soldiers of the garrison
who had lived in Toledo and had not brought her into Al-Qazar before the siege began
was forced to go into a street near the northwest tower of the fortress
and calling her husband to come out and save his family.
but the observers in the windows of the Alcazar were able to see that at the same time that she said the words she had been required to say,
she was signaling to her husband with her fingers that he should stay and fight on.
Spanish women have never lagged behind their men in courage.
It was in Catalonia, more than in any part of Spain, that the revolutionaries who had seized power explicitly proclaimed their goal
to be the total extirpation of Christianity by force and did everything they could,
to attain the goal. On August 19th, the periodical La Bataya, published by P-O-U-M, the Catalan-Trottsky-I-I organization,
declared the Republic's proper objective to be not only to attempt to burn churches and execute
ecclesiastics, but to destroy the church as a social institution.
On August 20th, the Barcelona newspaper, Worker Solidarity declared, we have lit the tour,
applying the purifying fire to all the monuments which for centuries cast their shadows over every corner of Spain,
the churches, and we have crossed the countryside purifying it of the plague of religion.
A touch of awareness of the profundity of the evil that was happening
penetrated even the ideological armor of communist socialist Franz Borkenau,
a former employee of the common turn, as he reported a scene on a beach at Sitkaes in Catalonia in the summer
month of August. Quoting, the committee had ordered everybody to deliver objects of worship such as
images, statues, prayer books, talismans to be burned in public. There to the beach, the women went,
carrying the petty objects of devotion, most of them with obvious reluctance, many a one taking a last
to do with a sad look at what had been, perhaps an object less of religious value than a family
pride, a part of the familiar daily life. This was, there was not the slightest sign that anybody was
enjoying the proceeding with the exception of the children.
In the true spirit of Antoine Foucée Tinville, the public prosecutor of the terror in the French
Revolution, who had once demanded that the body of one of his victims who had committed suicide
be taken to the guillotine to have its head cut off even though it was dead, the revolutionaries
of Catalonia now extended their slaughter to the aged and the severely ill.
On August 18th, the last two Claritian seminary and seriously ill in a hospital were taken out
and shot at Barbasaro, making a grand total of 51 Claritian martyrs there.
The same day, seven-aged and sick priests and brothers who had been in the hospital at Cevera University
were shot by militia.
Another Claritian priest at Cervetta, Emilio Bovard, martyred two nights or later,
requested the privilege of kissing the hand of him who was about to kill me.
That's from the, there's a footnote there.
I always like to see if there's a footnote for things like that.
On August 20th at Laritha in Catalonia, 75 miles west of Barcelona, occurred one of the largest mass martyrdoms of the war.
No less than 74 priests and religious who had been imprisoned in jail, who had a normal holding capacity of 150,
but was now jammed with over 600 prisoners, were taken out at the usual midnight hour by about 200 militia and assault guards.
when their names were called several heroic rickettis and philongists offered to take the places to some of them, but were not allowed to do so.
The condemned priests and religious chained ten together, chanting the credo and singing Ave Maria and the Magnificat.
We're taken in trucks to the cemetery at the intersection of the roads of Tarragona and Barcelona.
Many of the 200 militia and assault guards cheered as the helpless victims gave up their lives' blood under a hail of bullets.
In another mass martyrdom in Catalonia on August 25th, 60 men were taken from prison ship in the harbor of Tarragona and machine gun next to a cemetery fronting a highway.
The majority of these victims were priests, but they included 13 Rickettsis.
Since Catalonia borders France, it was possible to smuggle threatened priests and religious to safety across the border.
A young layman named Jaime Creveres Pereda Avich made a practice of
this, becoming one of several scarlet pimpernals of the Spanish Revolution. He was captured during August
and executed by Barcelona's militia on the 27th. In Madrid, another massacre of a large number of
prisoners was carried out at this time by the militia after some of those held in the model
prison set a fire to try to help them escape, and after much angry talk in the streets about
the alleged massacre at Babahos by Yagwe's nationalist troops earlier in the month.
Some socialist political leaders tried to calm the crowds and control the militia without success.
The Republican government, as such, did not intervene.
Forty prisoners were shot in the courtyard of the model prison Sunday afternoon, August 23rd, and 30 more the next morning.
Many of them were prominent men.
The victims included Fernando Primo de Rivera, brother of Jose Antonio and General Villegas,
who had at first agreed to lead the military uprising in the Montania barracks, then backed out,
then supported the rising when belatedly launched by General Fon Hul, July 19th.
President Azania and Prime Minister Gidal were deeply distressed by these killings.
Azania said he wished he was dead and would resign and was talked out of it only with great
difficulty by his friend and confidante, the literary lawyer, Anhele Asorio.
It is very significant that Azania was so much disturbed by this murder of nationalist leaders,
but never voiced any regret for the slaughter of priests and religious.
On the day of the model prison massacre,
the Gidal government legitimized the revolutionary courts,
which had authorized many of the killings,
but provided that to qualify as agencies of the government,
they must include two representatives each from the Socialist Workers' Party,
Largo Caballeros, UGT, and the Communist Party.
The Communist Party, the Anarchist Union, CNT,
the anarchist party FAAI, Asagna's left Republican Party, and Martinez-Badio's Republican Union.
The theory, if there was one, was that the various parties would check one another and thereby
prevent indiscriminate massacres. Asagna, with his almost invincible ignorance of the political
reality of what Spain had now become, may have actually believed it for a little while.
But if anyone really thought that courts with a revolutionary majority of 10 to 4 were going to
mitigate the horror of sweeping Republican Spain, they were soon, they were very, they were very
soon disillusioned. Nevertheless, throughout the whole savage and ruinous course of the Spanish
Republic under revolutionary control, president and name only Manuel Lazzania never worked up
the moral courage to resign. I mean, reminds you of someone.
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For dates and bookings, visit wonderlights.io.
All over Spain, the martyrdoms continued.
It was in August rather than in July.
that they reached their peak.
On August 16th in Ciudadreale,
Department of the Center of Spain,
six priests and 14 brothers of the brothers
of the Christian schools were killed at Fuente del Frizzan.
They marched to their death,
chanting requiem.
Their superior Reverend Victor Chumias
adjured them to raise your eyes to heaven
and recite your last our father
for in a few minutes you will be in the kingdom of heaven.
At the end, he led them in saying,
Christ, forgive them, Lord, for they know not what they do. Six days later, the bishop of Ciudad Real,
Narciso de Estania Ecaveria was shot. His body was later found near a small village, eight
kilometers from the city of Ciudad Real, but no details of his martyrdom are known. In the entire
persecution, 106 priests of the small diocese were martyred, which was almost all of them.
on August 18th, 15 priests and religious were killed near the village of Valdei al-Goria in the province of Teruil,
of the diocese of Zaragoza. Like so many of the other martyrs, they parted in their killers and died shouting Viva Christoere.
Another exceptionally large-scale martyrdom, comparable to that of Lereda on the 20th, took place August 31st at Malaga in the far south,
where 60 priests and religious, including Enrique Vida Vidaureta,
rector of the Malaga Seminary, were taken from prison and killed.
On August 28th, as on the 9th, two bishops were martyred in a single day.
Diego Ventaja, Vintaja, Milan, Bishop of Almeria in southeastern Spain,
and Manuel Medina, Bishop of Guadis near Grenada.
Their bodies were burned.
However, many supporters of the Republic in and out of Spain might try to hide from themselves and others the full magnitude of the horror unleashed there, particularly during the month of August, or feebly to justify it as a reaction against fascism and excessive church power in the past. Pope Pius XIus XIth understood exactly what was happening. The church, as so often before in her long history, was under maximum attack from Satan. Within the borders of the Republic, her enemies rode high,
unchallenged. No earthly material means remain to defend her, only the sublime courage of the martyrs.
The rally of the martyrs was presaged. The rally of the martyrs had presaged the end of the reign of terror in the French Revolution,
especially the glorious parade of the 16 Blessed Carmelite Sisters of Campin of Campin to the guillotine in July 1794,
singing on their way like the Carlisian martyrs of Barbastro.
In Spain in 1936, there was a still greater rally of the martyrs,
befitting the magnitude of the assault upon Christ and his church,
which the actual firing on statues of Christ so clearly betokened.
On August 22, Pope Pius XI. 11th,
granted special permission for the celebration of the mass in secret in Republican Spain
without altars or sacred signs or vessels with a chalice of glass or pottery
in view of the persecution.
Cardinal Eugenio Paceaille.
the future Pope Pius at 12th, and a letter to the general of the missionaries of the
Immaculate Heart of Mary, conveying the special permission, assured them that the Pope's heart
was with his afflicted sons, who were writing with their blood a glorious new page in the
2000-year history of Christian martyrdom. He told Cardinal Passe to tell them that he
shared in spirit their agony and their sacrifice. God was with them, and the vicar of Christ
would never forget them. The red tide of martyrdom in Spain during August needs to be constantly
kept in mind to provide due perspective of the nationalist execution of Federico Garcia Lorca,
probably Spain's greatest living poet at the village of Viznard near Grenada at dawn, August 19th,
and the extraordinary attention given to it by historians. The famous city of Grenada,
site of the alhambra and of the completion of the reconquest of Spain from the more
in 1492 by the great Isabel and Fernando was part of the province of Andalusia.
Most of Andalusia had been taken over by the nationalists as a result of Kiepo-Gaiano's
remarkably successful coup in Sevilla, though some of its northern and eastern parts
and coastal city of Malaga remained in the hands of the republic.
Kieppo had quickly established himself as civil governor of all parts of Andalusia,
the nationalist control. Franco at this point held no authority, not strictly military.
This was made very clear when during the week of August 9th through 15th, he made a personal appeal to
to Kieppo to commute the death sentence imposed by a nationalist court-martial on General Miguel Kompens,
who had been commander of the Grenada garrison and had not supported the military rising.
General Kompens was a friend of Franco and had done nothing actively to oppose the rising.
Nevertheless, Kiepo flatly rejected Franco's personal request that the death penalty be reconsidered, and Kompans was executed.
The nationalist governor of Grenada, appointed and supported by Kieppo, was Jose Valdez.
At dawn August 16th, the day the poet Garcia Lorca was arrested, his brother-in-law Manuel Fernandez Montesinos, who had been the socialist mayor of Grenada, which shot at dawn, along with 29 others considered important,
collaborators with the overthrown government.
This brought Valdez's total executions to 236 during less than a month since the rising.
The following April, when he had full power, Franco dismissed Valdez from his position because
of the excessive number of executions which he had ordered or authorized.
Garcia Lorca was brought to Valdez's headquarters in Grenada in the afternoon of the 16th,
after being arrested in the home of Luis Rosales, a phalanist but a friend of his, where he had taken
refuge a week earlier. Known as both a political leftist and an open homosexual, Garcia
Lorca was well aware that many nationalists abominated him. Rosales' vigorous protest about Garcia
Lorca's arrest caused him to be fined and dismissed from the Falunge. The next morning, a servant
girl brought food to the poet, delivering it to him in his cell at the prison in Grenada government
headquarters. She is the last person known to have seen him alive.
On the evening of the night of the 18th, Valdez talked with Kiepo on the phone, asking him what he should do about Garcia-Lorca.
Kiep told Valdez to execute him.
No other leading nationalist knew anything about it.
Certainly not General Franco, who was in Burgos at the other end of Spain that day.
Having flown there on Sunday the 16th, the day Garcia-Lorca was arrested to meet with General Mola.
Valdez, as was his custom, wasted no time.
Garcia-Lorca was shot at dawn the very next day.
There is no record that he was ever charged with anything to say nothing of having been convicted by any court.
It was certainly an indefensible crime for which Valdez and Kieppe deiano share responsibility,
but no other nationalist leader was involved in any way, and at the time there was no functioning nationalist government.
To keep perspective, we should remember that 197 holy innocent priests killed in the city of Barcelona alone during the last 12 days of July,
along with 124 equally innocent who were killed in Madrid during that same period, a combined
total of priests alone well in excess of Valdez's list of victims in Grenada during the month
after the rising. Assuredly, two wrongs do not make a right, but where was the greater wrong?
On August 24, the new ambassador from the Soviet Union, Marcel Rosenberg, arrived in Madrid.
He was accompanied by a sinister and significant figure, Vladimir Antonov.
Senko, who had commanded the Red Guard in Petrograd during the revolution, which established Lenin's
communists in power in November 1917 and stormed the Winter Palace. He was now named Soviet Consul
General in Revolutionary Barcelona. Also included in Ambassador's Party was General Jan Pavlovich
Berzin, former chief of Soviet military intelligence. On the 30th, General Walter
Kravitsky, Chief of Soviet Intelligence in Western Europe, was ordered to begin covert purchase of
weapons for the Spanish Republic. Meeting with socialist and anarchist leaders around the end of the month,
Rosenberg convinced them that to keep the support of most of their friends and sympathizers in the
West, they needed to seem to maintain the popular front government with supine President
Azanya as its titular head. They had been considered a complete overthrow. They had been considering a
complete overthrow of the government in its replacement by a Largo Caballero dictatorship.
But Rosenberg, speaking for his superiors in the Kremlin, Joseph Stalin and his Politburo,
fully agreed that Largo Caballetto should be actually in charge of the government.
Most political leaders in the Republic agreed as well.
Even as bitter rival socialist Indolicio Preeto said on the 26th in an interview with Russian
journalist Mikhail Koltsov, quoting, my opinion of him, Lago Kavayero, is
universally known. He is a fool who wants to be clever. He is a disruptor and a bungler who claims
to be a methodical bureaucrat. He is a man capable of leading us all to ruin. And yet today he is
the only man, or at least the only name, that it would be useful to put at the head of a new government.
To borrow the meme, what did he mean by that?
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Ireland's largest award-winning light show experience is back.
Wonder Lights is now open in three spectacular.
locations, Malahide Castle and Gardens, and Marley Park in Dublin and photo house in Cork.
Follow the enchanting walking trail that will captivate all ages, as the night comes alive
with dazzling displays and unforgettable moments. Who will you Wonderlights with? For dates and
bookings, visit wonderlights.io. It was no ringing endorsement, but a reluctant tribute to the
impact of the Spanish Lenin and the immense following he had acquired. Speaking in his turn to
cult of Largo Caballero stated his intentions and goal with unmistakable clarity.
The workers' parties must sweep away the bureaucrats, the officials, and the ministerial
system of work as quickly as possible, and move on to new forms of revolutionary control.
By the ministerial system of work, he evidently meant the whole structure of democratic
parliamentary government. Largo Caballetto was fully a communist now, Lenin's faithful disciple,
even though he had never formally joined the party and was later to differ sharply with them
to his cost not theirs on policy and strategy. Like Lenin, he scorned elections and individual
freedom as he scorned the Christian faith. He was about to take over the government of the Spanish
Republic and make it exactly what everyone involved in the nationalist uprising had always been
sure it would soon become, a vehicle for communist rule over Spain. That is August. We'll look
at September next time.
But yeah,
is what I've been saying all along.
If the Republic would have won in Spain,
it would have just been,
it would have just meant that the Soviet Union
controlled the bottom of the peninsula of Europe.
We know that they were going,
they had plans to invade the whole peninsula.
But, you know, people still want to argue
that all this is
is a two left-wing.
authoritarian groups that are fighting against each other.
Because apparently if you believe in like Social Security and, I don't know,
pensions for your soldiers or something like that, that makes you a liberal,
you're the same, that just makes General Franco and, you know,
Adolf Hitler, the same as Joe Biden or, you know,
at Elizabeth Warren, because people are fucking stupid.
And they want to reduce everything to the most dumb denominator that their stupid minds can figure.
Or they're just so unbalanced ideologically where they think they're balanced,
riding in the middle while doing absolutely nothing,
that they can't wrap their heads around
the fact that people can be on the right
and actually think that, hey, wait a minute,
maybe there is a problem with business.
September next, next episode.
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If you want to get the episodes early an ad-free,
free man beyond the wall.com forward slash support.
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Patreon, subscribe star, Gumroad.
And yeah, that's it.
Appreciate all you.
And yeah, see on the next one.
I know this is a rough one.
You know, a lot of people, a lot of books out there about war, like to talk about, you know, what happened.
And, you know, something like Anthony B. Vour is the Battle for Spain.
give you all the details,
let you know everything that happened.
Well, too.
I mean, he's a little more sympathetic
to the libertarians. You can see that,
but he gives you the facts.
This is telling you about the people.
This is telling you about,
it's letting you know that
they wanted to destroy,
their goal was to destroy Western civilization.
This is exactly what people want to do now in this country.
It's exactly it.
maybe it's 1931 in Spain right now see on the next episode take care thanks bye
