The Pete Quiñones Show - Reading Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together' w/ Dr. Matthew Raphael Johnson - Part 37
Episode Date: May 24, 202553 MinutesPG-13Dr. Matthew Raphael Johnson is a researcher, writer, and former professor of history and political science, specializing in Russian history and political ideology.Pete and Dr. Johnson c...ontinue a project in which Pete reads Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together," and Dr' Johnson provides commentary.Dr Johnson's PatreonRusJournal.orgTHE ORTHODOX NATIONALISTDr. Johnson's Radio Albion PageDr. Johnson's Books on AmazonDr. Johnson's Pogroms ArticlePete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
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Thank you.
I want to welcome everyone back to part 37 of our reading of 200 years together by
Alexander Solzhenyson.
Dr. Johnson, how are you doing it?
I've been listening to a lot of Frank Zappa.
I don't know if that answers your question or not.
I don't even know if that's a good or a bad thing.
That's a good thing, right?
Especially the older stuff.
I'm not even a guitar player.
That was a drummer for years and years.
Anyway, how are you doing?
I'm doing good.
I'm doing good.
Just recovering from a conference this past weekend.
It was good.
We had a lot of fun there.
We had good serious, serious,
serious talks about serious things.
That's about all I can reveal publicly.
All right.
Let's get going.
Even I don't know.
Even I don't know what he's talking about.
He hasn't revealed it to me.
I don't know what they're going.
We'll talk off there.
All right.
Pick it up page 212.
Here we go.
The Zionists were increasingly drawn into the revolutionary
world pool and in November 1906 at their all-Russian conference in Helsenforz, it was declared
indispensable and not only to turn to the daily needs and demands of the Jews of Russia, but also
to engage fully in their political and social struggle. Jabotinsky insisted that the Zionist
programs should include the requirement of the establishment in Russia of the sovereignty of the
people. Deep Hasmanic objected that such a demand can only be made by those who are ready to stand
on the barricades. At the end of its work, the Congress brought its sanction to the rallying
of the Zionists to the liberation movement. But the latter was just about to lose momentum
after the failing of Viborg's manifesto. The author of this, I want to have, um, okay, no, go ahead.
I'll talk to you afterwards. The author of this program, Javitinsky, put forward the following
arguments. The goal set by Zionism can only be reached in several decades, but by
fighting for their full rights, Jews will understand better what Zionism is. However, he said,
we leave the first ranks to the representatives of the majority nation. We cannot pretend to play a
leading role. We are aligning ourselves. In other words, Palestine is one thing. In the meantime,
let us fight in Russia. Three years earlier, Plev had told Herzl that he feared precisely this kind
of drift of Zionism.
see it yeah this you know Zionism of course it had a lot to do yeah that the main goal was well where so-called Israel is now I think there was a lot more to it but if you're going to be leaving anyway and somehow you know at the time talking the Turkish government into it because we know what happened years later of course they couldn't leave immediately
but if you're heading out,
you don't have a whole lot of incentive to work locally.
And that's besides the ideological distinction
between communists on the one side and nationalists on the other.
As we said before, you know, people like Moses Hess and others
bridge that gap a long time ago.
Because to matter how you slice it,
a viable Zionist entity has to have its people,
in at least some of the great powers having great influence and money to ensure a a sympathetic
sympathetic global point of view media or otherwise and I guess to a great extent
you know the original Zionists were established by Stalin were um you had you were
socialists. It wasn't that long ago. They took the portraits of Stalin down from the kibbutzim and everything else. Of course, they weren't doing a lot of the work. The Arabs, the Arabs were, their orange grows and everything else. On paper, it sounds like Zionists and communists would be opposed. But since communism was such a Jewish ethnic movement at the time, especially in the early 20th century, those two ended up merging together.
But you definitely had, it was more of a difference of emphasis rather than any kind of fundamental
disagreement.
Sliusberg is far from minimizing the role of the Zionists.
After the Congress of Helsenforz, they decided to take control of all public activities of the Jews
by trying to impose their influence at the local level.
In the first Duma of the 12 Jewish deputies, five were Zionists.
But he also knows that this profusion of parties was the business of small circles of intellectuals,
not of the Jewish masses, and their propaganda only caused to confuse the issues.
True, all this scattering did not contribute to the clarification of the debate.
It was no longer clear what the Russian Jews were fighting for what rights, equal or integral,
or on which plan, civic or national.
And let us not forget, all these groups composed only of intellectuals,
did not understand Orthodox Jews, who eventually understood the need to organize to combat
the growing anti-religious influence exerting itself on Jewish youth. And it was thus that was born
what was later to develop in Taugud, Israel. This movement was concerned with Jewish revolutionary
elements are recruited among the Jewish youth who have moved away from religion, whereas a majority
of Jews are religious, and while demanding recognition of their rights and the lifting of the
prohibitions against them, remain loyal subjects to the emperor, and far,
and are far from any idea of overthrowing the existing regime.
I think back then you had those kind of groups,
something along the lines of Natura Khartan today,
so many of the old Orthodox Jews are opposed to Zionism.
And that was made clear to me, not all of them,
but the big ones in upstate New York
tend to oppose Israel.
The media doesn't like to talk about that very much.
You know, they don't like to see these divisions.
Chabad is a different story, of course.
They are.
And I'm not 100% sure what they mean by religious.
I mean, you know, so many of these Jews were part of movements that were materialists and atheists.
And I have the feeling that religious means hanging on to the symbols of the ethnic group,
more than any belief in God,
especially if they're promoting the Kabbalah
where God is essentially the unformed,
the enslave.
When they say religious,
it's not like when we say religious.
But I said this before,
but the last time I spoke to Rabbi Weiss at Natura Cardi,
he said,
the true Orthodox position,
Jewish Orthodox position,
is that we have to be loyal
to whatever country we're in,
keep to ourselves,
and be the best neighbors we possibly can be,
which is completely opposed to everything your typical Jew has become,
or it really always was.
I think they kind of live it, those guys,
and there's a lot of rabbis, but they're a tiny minority of,
I guess they're still up in Muncie, New York,
not that far away from New York City.
So that's the only.
I don't know if they were pro or anti-Zionist.
I'm pretty sure that the majority of the Hasidic Jews were opposed to Zionism,
because technically that's not supposed to be created until the Messiah comes,
which would then give Israel a Jew's total power over the planet.
And so leaving someone behind wouldn't be, the planet would be theirs.
Yeah, there may be a center in Jerusalem for them.
but that's essentially what the Messiah means.
It would be a global thing, and he would sit in Jerusalem.
But until that happens, many of the old Orthodox say that Zionism is a non-religious,
purely secular movement, an ethno-nationalist movement.
And as we've talked about before, the Orthodox in Jerusalem,
who were there before the establishment of Israel,
want nothing to do with it.
I mean, except for the welfare payments, because they are all on welfare.
the so-called Talmud students.
They do nothing else.
They don't work.
Like the settlers don't work either.
They receive welfare payments.
But if you remember, the draft riots,
there's still a lot of issue about the Israeli draft.
So it's not just, you know,
not just the Russians that they had a problem with being drafted.
The Israeli draft, they protest.
I had a Jewish professor a years ago.
When I was at Nebraska,
saying that those who have been exempt from the draft in the 70s
is something like 5% of the Jewish population.
Because of their population growth, by 1995,
it was something like 15, almost 20% of the population.
And the IDF, which is always short of manpower,
noticed that.
And that's where this whole thing got started.
Your typical Zionist doesn't like these people in Jerusalem.
and I just wonder if these are the same types.
And at the time, as far as I know,
these Ascic Jews in Jerusalem before 1948
didn't really have a lot of problems
with the Arabs around them.
I think there was conflict, but nothing like you had
starting with the establishment of Israel.
So I understand this, you know,
I picture this as a kind of an ascetic movement.
And I believe that they had a problem
with this entire thing.
but who do they speak for?
I think they spoke for a few more Jews back then than they do now.
Natura Carta is the only Hasidic group that says what it's like this.
And if you remember, they went to Iran for the Holocaust Revisionist Conference.
They don't buy that nonsense either, which people forget about.
And that's what got their synagogue burned down at Muncie.
So, and that's why that's where I became.
friends with some of them. They always treated me very well. So I have the feeling that's what's going on
here as far as the who that israel or what the heck it is. Airgrid, operator of Ireland's electricity
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Brought to you by Insurance Ireland. When one studies a history of Russian Jews at the beginning of
the 20th century, there are few references to Orthodox Jews. Sleisberg once said,
racing the ire of the Bund, with the Malameds behind me, I rely on a greater number of Jews than
the Bun leaders, for there are more Malamaz among the Jews than the workers. In fact, the secularization
of Jewish society in no way affected the existence of traditional communities in the Palis
settlement. For them, all the ancestral questions concerning the organization of their lives or religious
instruction, the rabbinit remained topical. During the temporary lull in 1909, the reform of the
traditional Jewish community was discussed with great seriousness at the Kovna Konferes. The work of the
Congress proved to be very fruitful and few Jewish assemblies could have equalled it by the seriousness
and wisdom of the resolutions adopted.
there. Orthodox Judaism has always been in conflict, not always open, but rather latent,
with the Jewish intelligentsia. It was clear that in condemning the movement for the liberation
of the Jews had hoped to win the government's favor. But it was too late. On the eve of the
1905 revolution, we have seen that the autocratic regime had lost control of the country.
As for traditional Judaism, it had already lost a whole generation. Moreover, it was not the
first, who had gone toward Zionism, secular liberalism, rarer.
enlightened conservatism and also and with the heaviest consequences towards the
revolutionary movement saying that in this period that the the monarchy had lost control of the
country is an exaggeration probably in a couple of cities because of the penetration
the Jewish penetration of the labor unions and everything else we talked about with
their their view of the proletariat and all that and all the rumors that were
floating around very easy to spread rumors the Jewish press and the
the mainstream press owned by Jews, were not censored, generally speaking, were very good at lying,
as we've talked about before. They needed to create this mythology to maintain a unified front
against the monarchy. But the Russo-Japanese war wasn't enough. They needed something bigger.
The new generation of revolutionaries had emerged at the turn of the century. Its leaders,
Gregori Gershuni and Michael Götz had decided to revive the terrorist methods of the will of the people.
Gershuni took upon himself the heavy responsibility of creating in Russia a new revolutionary party called
to succeed with dignity to the will of the people and, thanks to his talents as organizer, as well as to those
of other revolutionaries entirely devoted to the cause, this party was born at the end of the year 1901.
At the same time was also constituted its armed faction.
Its creator and its inspirer was none other than the very same Gershuni.
Among the SR, the Jews immediately played a leading role.
Among them were Rappaport, Jitlovsky, Minor, Rubinovich, and still, and still, Mark Natenson.
The armed faction included among its members Gautz, brilliant Zilberberg, not to mention the famous Azif.
It is among the SR that M. Tristler was also formed. He who later would become famous in the Cheka.
Among the grassroots activists of the S.R. Party, there were also quite a few Jews, even though,
ad Shub, they never represented a tiny minority. According to him, it is even the most Russian of the
revolutionary parties. For security reasons, the seat of the party was transferred abroad. For example,
the Bund was absent in Geneva at M. Goetze.
an O minor's place.
The Bund was the socialist revolutionary foundation, at least as far as the 20th century is concerned.
The Bolsheviks were a schism from them, heavily Jewish.
But what the monarchy was facing, starting in 1901, something that Alexander III had crushed,
was a small but very well-funded, motivated terrorist group within its borders,
getting their weaponry from abroad through smuggling,
no doubt through British,
with British assistance.
And as I said before, they've killed,
I forget the total number before the revolution,
but it's something like 2,500 murders,
assassinations of everything from high-level bureaucrats
to the lowest-level policemen on the beat in the big cities.
And that's what they had to deal with.
As for Gershuni, the indomitable tiger, after succeeding and deceiving Zubatov's vigilance, he began to crisscross Russia, like B. Savankov, fomenting terrorist attacks and checking their proper execution. It was thus that he was present at the place St. Isaac during the assassination of Scipiagen. He was at Ufa when Governor Bogdanovich was killed, and at Karkoff when it was Governor Obolensky's turn. On the Nevsky prospect during the
the failed attack on Poba de Nesv.
The executive was also entrusted to Christians such as P. Karpavich, S. Mokov, and E. Sarzanov, etc.
The bombs used for assassination of Plev, Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich, and planned attacks on Grand
Duke Vladimir Alexandrovich and Interior Ministers Bulgin and Dernival were made.
by Maximilian Schweitzer, who in 1905 was himself victim of the machine he was making.
Arrested by chance, Gershouni was condemned to death. Reprieved by the emperor without having
asked for it. In 1907, he found an ingenious means of escaping from the prison at Akutusk,
hiding in a cabbage barrel, and then gained by way Vladivostok, America, and Europe. The Russian
government demanded his extradition from Italy, but the European liberal opinion was unanimous
in refusing it, and Klemenshaw also used his influence. He was also, as we know, a tiger.
Soon after Gershuni died of a sarcoma in the lung, among other leader leading SR terrorists,
we must also mention Abraham Goetz, who played an active role in the attacks on Duonovo,
Akamov, Shuvov, Chavavov, and played a role in the
assassination of Mene and Riemann, but he had the misfortune of living much longer than his
elder brother who died prematurely, and the Bolsheviks later gave him a hard time.
I'm not sure what the Tsar was going to do in reprieving him.
What that was going to accomplish, a lot of these guys, especially in urban juries,
we know we talked about their control of the legal profession, and a lot of these guys
got off despite the fact that there was a huge amount of evidence.
but that was only in the in the big city especially uh petersburg but what's the most interesting
thing here is that we see that western europe refused to extradite um mass killers now that may
have been why the czar reprieved them although this this uh description seems to be to say that's
why you know he was able to escape um but um yeah they were executing people all the all over the place
in Western Europe.
So to say that they were a part of the revolutionary movement is not an exaggeration.
So they could go anywhere in Europe, these murderers, convicted murderers, self-described
murderers, and they know that they will never be sent back.
And it's more than just liberal opinion.
That's the level of distortion in the media and in history that Russia was subject to,
because they just assumed that there's no such thing as a fair trial
and all these guys were right
and we backed them, especially the British.
The other thing of interest is that,
we've mentioned this before too,
is that for high-level assassinations,
they didn't like a lot of guys named Goldstein.
They hand-picked non-Jews for those
so that people could point to it and say,
that's not Jewish,
despite the fact there was a Jewish organization.
That happened several times.
including or especially the assassination of Alexander II.
It was a Jewish organization, but they made sure that they weren't Jews, as far as I know,
who were involved directly with the bombing.
So there's a lot going on here.
But again, the Jews in Russia at this point were a organized crime syndicate,
far more powerful than anything that the Italians would create in the U.S.,
but and with the full backing of Western Europe
and this wasn't that far after the Crimean War
the propaganda in the West was outrageous about these
you know Mongols or whatever they called the Russians at the time
I read a little bit of it I have a paper out in the
Crimean War and and
that kind of language was was used on a pretty regular basis
so and given Johnson's law
especially back then,
there was no way for anyone to really refute it.
There was such a blank spot
on the mentality of Westerners,
especially Americans.
You know, historians specializing in Russia
or even people, non-Russians,
who could speak Russian, were very few.
That means they could say whatever they want
and they're going to be believed.
The unfortunate thing is it's still believed today.
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To play with history, precautions were less.
taken than the previous revolutionary generation. Less well known than others, Pinas Rutenberg is not less
worthy of interest. In 1905, he trained groups of fighters in St. Petersburg and supplied them with weapons.
Inspired by Gapon, he was at his side on the 9th of January, 1905, but it was also he who in 1906,
by order the SR Party, organizes and supervises his assassination. Later, he will author a book
entitled Gapon's assassination.
In 1919, he emigrated to Palestine
where he distinguished himself
in the electrification of the country.
There, he shows that he is capable of building,
but in his early years in Russia,
he certainly does not work as an engineer.
He destroys.
One loses the trace of the student of Zion,
irresponsible instigator of the mutiny of Zverborg,
who, however, escaped that slaughter,
the slaughter that ensued.
Yeah, Gapon, we're referring to Father George Gapon.
who essentially was a double agent.
He was a priest in the Orthodox Church.
He had been removed even before the 1905,
so-called Bloody Sunday disaster.
But, you know, he played both sides.
There were a few guys like that, like as a few others.
But at Ruttenberg, of course,
is a very important character.
I've written on him many times in the past years ago.
So Gapon was really distinguished only because he led the protests in Petersburg that led to the Buddy Sunday massacre.
Otherwise, he didn't do much of it.
He had been removed even before that from the clergy.
He had been disciplined many times long before that.
But that's what Gapon refers to here.
Apart from the SR, each year brought with it new democratic fighters, theorists, and talkers.
Some had short-lived notoriety in narrow circles, such as Alexandra Sukulovskaya, whom history retained only because she was Trotsky's first wife and the mother of his two daughters.
Others had been unjustly forgotten.
Zenovi-Letvian Sidoy, the chief of staff of the detachments of the Krasnaya-Presnia district during the armed insurrection in Moscow.
Zenovi Dosser, a member of the Troika, who led this insurrection.
Among its leaders, we can cite Marat Chanzer, Lev Kaventhausen, Lewatsky, Zagorski,
who for nearly a century gave his pseudonym to the monastery of the Trinity St. Sergius,
and Martin Mandelstam Liodov, member of the Executive Commission of the RSDLP
for the Organization of the Armed Insurrection.
Others like F. Don and O. Namhamicus were to play an important role later in 1917.
Despite Bakunin's aversion for the Jews, there are many of them among the leaders and theorists of anarchism,
but other Russian anarchists such as Kropotkin had no hostility toward the Jews and tried to win them over to their cause.
Among these leaders were Yaakov Novomirsky, Alexander Gou, Lev Cherni, V. Gordine,
one of them I Grossman-Roshen evokes with the greatest respect the figure of Aaron Elyne,
of Bielashtok, a famous terrorist, but not only a specialist in gory operations, never does he fall
into systematic activism. The least patient among the mass of Jews are looking for a faster way
to achieve socialism. And this recourse, this ambulance, they find in anarchism. It is the Jews of
Kiev and southern Russia who have been most attracted to anarchism, and in the
documents relating to the Bogroff affair, there is often mention of smaller-scale anarchists
forgotten by history. Yeah, anarchy really had its roots in Russia. So many of the early
theorists were, I mean, anarchism is such an absurd doctrine. I don't think its leadership actually
believed it. It's just a negative. It's just we have to wipe out what exists, and then someone
else will build on top of it. Just like the Marxist, I've read the collected works of Kropotkin and
Bukunin, including their letters. And they don't have a, they don't talk a lot about the future,
like the Marxist didn't, which is always very suspicious to me. But they seem to believe that a group
of people who can destroy a society should be the same ones who should rule it afterwards,
which doesn't make any sense.
You know, because when you win a civil war, you do it through, you know,
Mossad tactics, you know, you do it through deception.
You know, you can't be a moral man.
The revolutionary is a murderer by his almost by definition, especially on the left.
Well, revolutionaries are leftists, I think, almost exclusively.
But, you know, the point, but, you know, the broader point being,
this isn't this isn't an ideology that that can that can function or the society is immediately
destroyed and then you know Bakun and Kropokin say right afterwards it should then self-gather
into communal bodies without any outside interference they can't possibly believe that
especially in Russia where that was already the case Russia was very very decentralized
especially among the peasantry.
But of course,
these guys had no connection
with the peasantry whatsoever.
He mentioned,
I've mentioned him before,
but he says that Krapakin
wasn't a big fan of the Jews,
and that's right.
Specifically,
when the manifesto,
Communist Party came out,
he ripped into Karl Marx
because he knew
he was getting money
from the roster.
Charles. He said it over and over again. He was kicked out of the first international, obviously,
which he said, I know for a fact is financed by the, by the Rothschild, the Rothschild clan, and many
in the, the elite in Britain. But, but for some reason, anarchism found its roots in Russia.
I don't know if it appealed to the Jews nearly as much as communism, because at least, you know,
in verbiage, in theory, there was to be no rule. There was to be no power after the,
after the revolution. So that's why I think you have many like, you know,
Bukchen and Beekman and others over the years, Luxembourg, who were anarchists and Jewish,
but I think Marxism had a far greater appeal because then they would actually be able to rule
violently. The anarchists, I guess, once a revolution occurred, they're not allowed to do anything
else because they're anarchists. They can't force anyone to do anything. And I think that wasn't
important to the Jews whatsoever. But except to the extent that it was just negative, it was a
destructive reaction to things rather than anything constructive. Well, and also the less central
organizing you have, the less collectivizing you have, the more the, the,
people who have the money and the power can control you and stay in power.
Yeah.
So, I mean, I've looked at every anarchist movement and even ones in the 20th century,
they're always concocted and led from the front by Jews who just, you know, always seem to be
selling something.
Yeah.
Even ideology, yeah.
Yeah.
What happens after they get their way, though, is not something they're going to answer.
So I think anarchism is just to appeal to the kids.
You know, Bukunin tried to write a systematic theory like Marx did, and it's not quite the same.
This was a more wild, absolutely, but you know, you had some of the ethno-anarchist ideas.
The Slavophiles hated the state.
But Kunin said the Slavophile, there are people.
who said the Slavophiles hate the state, not the monarchy, but the state more than I do.
Because it was this agrarian communes, which did exist and should be empowered even more in a war against the oligarchy.
On a very Russian and religious basis.
Now, of course, the Russian and religious basis is what separates the Slavophiles from anarchists.
but it's not an exaggeration to say that the early Slavophiles were national anarchists,
so to speak, or ethnic anarchists, religious anarchists, but they were right-wingers, though.
But if there was one place where that was going to happen, it would have been the Russian Empire,
because you didn't have a strong state in St. Petersburg, it didn't enforce much,
it didn't have that capacity, so everything was local.
And even Karl Marx, in his very famous,
letter to Vera Zasolich, one of these assassins who, by the way, got off in Petersburg,
Jewish woman. He said it's because of the peasant commune that Russia is a very good example of a
possible revolution. I know it's a myth. People say, well, Russia wasn't fully,
Russia was quite industrialized, but not like Germany or Britain. But Karl Marx schema
of, you know, feudalism, capitalism, socialism, communism,
he said that only applies to a handful of countries in the West.
Russia is a very different story.
This is something Mao Zedong made a big deal of,
in his new democracy nonsense.
But in his letters to Vera and other Russian leftists,
he thought that Russia was a prime candidate for revolutionary action,
not quite in the way that his like you read in capital that he had planned out that was for
Germany, Britain, France but so that wasn't a that wasn't a historical scheme set in stone
but as far as Russia is concerned at the time you had a very decentralized system
a very democratic system especially after the reforms of Alexander the second you know
It was in the big cities that you had.
It was a different story.
And that's where the left really dominated
because they had no support in the countryside.
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We have already observed, but it is worth recalling, that it was not only because of the inequalities of which they were, the victims that many Jews were rushing into the revolution.
The participation of the Jews in the revolutionary movement, which had gained the whole of Russia, is only partly explained by their situation of inequality.
The Jews merely shared the general feeling of hostility toward the autocracy.
Should we be surprised?
Young people from the intelligentsia, both Russian and Jewish, heard in their families all year long
only crimes perpetrated by the power of the government composed of assassins,
and they precipitated the revolutionary action with all the energy of their fury.
Bogruff like the others.
That's called projection.
That's a neurotic response of people who actually live by assassination.
nation. In 1905, the Jewish historian Esdubinov accused all Jewish revolutionaries of national treason. In his article
entitled slavery in the revolution, he wrote, the entire numerous army of young Jews who occupy the
most prominent positions in the Social Democratic Party and who run for positions of command
has formally cut off all ties with the Jewish community. You build nothing new. You are the only,
you are only the valets of the revolution or its commissaries.
But as time passed, the approval of the adults to their revolutionary progeny grew.
This phenomenon was intensified among the fathers of the new generation.
It was on the whole more marked among the Jews than among the Russians.
Meyer Bohmich, member of the Duma, declared 10 years later in 1916,
we do not regret that the Jews participated in the struggle for liberation.
They were fighting for your freedom.
And six months later, in the conflagration of the new revolution in March 1717,
the celebrated lawyer O.O. Grusenberg held the,
passionate but not unfounded remarks before the leaders of the provisional government and the Soviet
of deputies of workers and soldiers. We generously offered to the revolution a huge percentage of our people,
almost all its flower, almost all its youth. And when in 1905 the people rose up, countless Jewish
fighters came to swell their ranks, carried by an irresistible impulse. Others will say the same thing.
Historical circumstances made the Jewish masses of Russia unable to not participate in the most active way in the
revolution. For the Jews, the solution of the Jewish question in Russia was the triumph of progressive
ideas in this country. They were a privileged cast of people, just like they are in the U.S.
Inequality, you know, yeah, certain things weren't allowed because of Jewish violence, but
for them to talk anything negative, as the economy was doing very well, even during the Russo-Japanese
were. I've said it before. I'll say it again, it's really hard to build the revolutionary
movement when things are going well. When you do have a highly democratic and centralized
society. I mean, the monarchy was only really interested in, you know, military policy and
foreign policy, taxes, which were always gathered locally. You know, laws didn't really matter
beneath the level of a governor. You know, the county and the Zemstva and the mayor,
if they didn't want it.
They didn't want it. It didn't matter.
They were the cells of the society.
And so how do you build a revolution then?
Industry was growing, wages were growing,
workers were treated far better than they were elsewhere.
So the Jews led the revolution because they're Jews.
They despised Christianity.
But even more than that, the stories of the pogroms,
these inventions, these exaggerations,
is what created this
a close-knit group of people
who were very well-armed,
had tons of connections with Western Europe,
always was supported by the West,
as we've already seen,
to the point where even killers won't be sent back,
won't be repatriated,
which is outrageous.
And so they had to invent it.
They had to invent situations,
including attacking,
Russian religious processions and then calling it a program later.
And that's what kids are being taught every day at the university classroom.
The revolutionary effervescence that had seized Russia was undoubtedly stirred up by that which reigned among the Jews.
However, youth alone, trained in intellectual or manual labor, could not make the revolution.
One of the top priorities was to win over the revolutionary cause and to lead the industrial workers,
and especially those of St. Petersburg to battle.
However, as noted by the director of the police department at the time,
at the initial stage of its development, the workers' movement was foreign to political aspirations.
And even on the eve of January 9th, during an extraordinary meeting which they had organized on December 27th,
the workers chased a Jew who tried to make political propaganda and distribute leaflets,
and three Jewish women who sought to propagate political ideas were apprehended.
In order to train the workers of St. Petersburg,
Gapons' pseudo-religious propaganda took place.
On January 9th, even before the troops opened fire, and it was the young Simon Rekzamer,
the son of the director of the warehouse and grain storage company,
who took the lead of the only barricade erected that day on the 4th Street of St. Basil's Island,
with the destruction of the telegraph and telephone lines and the attack on the police station.
Moreover, the workers of this quarter were employed two days later to copiously beat the intellectuals.
Well, there's a lot there.
One of my favorite papers I've written is on Bloody Sunday.
That's what they're referring to, troops opening fire.
You know, labor in Russia was doing very well.
Initially, these labor groups drew up some quite legitimate and very acceptable demands.
It was just the Marxists later on who took that.
and rewrote it and given their tremendous, you know, Jews had nothing to do with the workers.
They were the ones who then took over this.
And this is what they handed over to the authorities.
Of course, Tsar Nicholas was not in the palace at that point.
And it was supposed to be peaceful.
It was.
They stole, they broke into churches and stole icons.
The whole thing was it was a scam.
But your typical participant didn't know that.
We talked about this with a Lena gold mine situation.
It was a handful of these Marxist Jews who were armed, who did open fire, who did set fire to things.
And then the troops did fire because that's what riot control was back then.
You know, you didn't have anything.
You didn't have tear gas.
You didn't have any of that.
But that's what happened.
There weren't that many who were killed or injured.
but this was a deliberate setup by the left and by the Jewish left in particular.
George Gippon was essentially used for this,
but you read, I could still picture how it's written in textbooks.
You know, this loyalist, the workers were loyalists.
They were Orthodox.
Marching to a peaceful procession, they thought they were,
but that's not really what happened.
You'll hear a textbook tell you,
that the soldiers just opened fire because of capitalism or something stupid.
But in fact, they were provoked beyond belief.
They suffered casualties as well.
There were acts of terror throughout.
But that had nothing to do with the actual workers.
As always, they hijacked a protest.
They hijacked the movement that may have had legitimacy otherwise and turned it into their interests.
And that's how they operate.
Now, they had another thing.
they killed us for no reason in Petersburg, something else that they could propagandize.
And the Western press went crazy after Bloody Sunday.
And that just solidified Western opinion against the monarchy in Russia.
We know that the Russian revolutionaries who immigrated to Europe welcomed the news of the shooting
of Petersburg with a mixture of indignation and enthusiasm.
It's about time. Now it's going to blow.
As for the propagation of this enthusiasm and of the insubstations,
and of the insurrection. In the paleless settlement, it was the tireless boon to harness itself,
whose him, Anski said of it, that it was the Marseille of the Jewish workers,
included the following words. Enough of loving our enemies. We want to hate them. It is ready the
pyre. We will find enough logs for its holy flames to engulf the planet. Let us note in passing
that the international was translated into Russian by Arkadi Kotz as early as 1912.
Several generations were religiously imbued with his words.
Stand up, the damned of the earth, and of the past let us make a clean slate.
The Bund immediately issued a proclamation about 200,000 copies.
The revolution has begun.
It burned in the capital.
Its flames cover in the whole country.
To arms.
Storm the armories and seize all the weapons.
let all the streets become battlefields.
According to the Red Chronicle of the Soviet regime's beginnings,
the events of the 9th January in St. Petersburg echoed a great deal in the Jewish
Workers' movement.
They were followed by mass demonstrations of the Jewish proletariat throughout the
pail of settlement.
At their head was the boon.
To ensure the massive nature of the demonstrations,
detachments of the boon went to workshops, factories, and even to workers' homes
to call for the cessation of work.
They employed force to empty the boilers of their steam to tear off the transmission belts.
They threatened the owners of companies here and there where shots were fired.
At Babetsk, one of them received a jet of sulfuric acid.
It was not a spontaneous mass demonstration, but an action carefully prepared and organized.
And Bookbinder regret, however, that almost everywhere the strikes were followed only by the Jewish workers.
In a whole series of towns, the Russian workers put up a strong resistance to the attempts to stop the factories and plants.
There were week-long strikes in Vilnius, Minsk, Gomel, Riga, and two weeks in Labava.
The police had to intervene naturally, and in several cities, the Bun constituted armed attachments to combat police terror.
In Crinky, the province of Grodno, the strikers gun the police, interrupted telegraphic communications,
and for two days all the power was in the hands of the strike committee.
The fact that workers, and among them a majority of Jews, had thus been able to hold power from the beginning of 1905,
was very significant of what this revolution was and gave rise to many hopes.
It is no less true that the Bun's important participation in these actions might lead one to believe
that discontent was above all the results of the Jews, while the other nationalities were not that revolutionary.
And the Jews had zero connection.
with labor.
They were not in the factories.
There was a lot of hostility to the Jews.
They were seen as a privileged group of people, a wealthy group of people.
You know, but they were involved through their media.
They spread rumors.
They were able to mobilize.
You know, they, you know, like eight-hour workday, which, of course, didn't exist anywhere.
It wasn't forced in much of Russia, by the way, at the time.
and a few other legitimate things,
and then they kept adding to it
without telling the workers about this.
The workers movement was Jews in his office
writing out these demands
that no one could ever possibly accept.
Keep in mind, too,
that labor unrest was endemic in the West,
Western Europe at the time.
And I think labor there had a far more difficult time
because, relatively speaking,
their wages were lower.
Because in Russia, the cost of living was very low.
Taxes were low.
So they were simply, especially skilled labor, was far better off than anywhere else.
The Germans were, I think, a close second.
So again, what do you do?
How do you create a revolution in these circumstances?
You have to create something like Bloody Sunday and then tell everyone that, well, this is how the monarchy is going to respond to a peaceful,
religious protest
you know
and that's exactly how
what they said
and remember
during the Duma campaigns
for the four Duma's
the elections
the left never
was honest about their agenda
no one ever talked about
collectivization
no never talked about
you know nationalizing everything
they
they you know
they talk
about hating the landlords despite the fact that it was essentially a peasant-run countryside.
You know, it's just, you know, they used every bit of deceit imaginable.
But, you know, I've been through the numbers. I've been through the numbers that were admitted
by the provisional government, that being a skilled worker in Petersburg was a good life
relative to what it would be like in Britain or elsewhere, where taxes were much higher
and that's really the result of Alexander III's labor legislation.
So without severe problems, these Jews had to create them.
The strength of the revolutionaries men manifested itself through the actions carried out in broad daylight of armed detachments of self-defense,
which had been illustrated during the Gomel program, and which had since then grown considerably stronger.
self-defense was most often in close contact with the armed detachments of political organizations.
It can be said that the whole pale of settlement was covered by a whole network of armed self-defense
groups which played an important military role. Only a professional army could face them.
At the height of the revolution, they were joined by Zionist groups of various tendencies.
The particularly active participation of the Poile Zion, as well as the armed detachments of the Zs,
Zionist socialists, but also from Serp. So that in the armed operations that occurred during the
revolution, the socialists belonging to different currents of Zionism found themselves at our side,
remembers as Demonstein later a prominent Bolshevik leader. The Bund was to continue its military
operations throughout this changing and uncertain year of 1905. Special mention should be made to the
April events of Jitomir. According to the Jewish Encyclopedia,
it was a pogrom against the Jews, moreover, fomented by the police.
As for Diemannstein, who boasts of having actively participated in the 1905 Revolution
on the territory of the so-called Palo-Settlement, he wrote,
it was not a pogrom, but a fight against the troops of the counter-revolution.
The Jewish Encyclopedia indicates it up to 20 Jews were killed, the new one.
Almost 50, according to other sources, about 35.
According to the latter, disorders began after provocateurs.
had declared that Jews had fired shots on the portrait of the Tsar outside the city.
While the messenger of the government gives as a fact that two weeks before the program,
a crowd of nearly 300 people gathered outside the city to practice shooting with revolvers
by aiming for the portraits of His Majesty of the Emperor.
After this, several brawls broke out between the Jews and Christians within the city,
still according to the messenger of the government, the aggressors were mostly Jews.
According to the New Jewish Encyclopedia on the day of the event,
the Jewish detachments of self-defense
heroically resisted the rioters.
From a neighboring village, a group of
young armed Jews came to their rescue
when, on the way, they were
stopped by Ukrainian peasants
at Trojonovo.
They tried to take refuge among the Jewish
inhabitants of the village, but these did not
let them in, and
a characteristic fact
indicated to the peasants where two of them
had been hiding. Ten members of
the detachment were killed.
I think we should stop there, but this is a common pattern.
They created this.
They fired the first shots.
They were heavily armed.
They were very well organized.
They had a clear agenda.
It was definitely an ethnic.
The Red Army existed in these detachments in utero, so to speak, in very early stages, coming from the Jewish Bund.
this was a purely Jewish
militant movement
so anytime they talk about Jews being killed
it simply either was a lie or a wild exaggeration
Russians were killed far more
and they would deliberately provoke
processions and attack churches
and like it says here
shooting pictures of the emperor who was very popular
for a whole bunch of reasons
despite the manipulations of the press
and then they would shoot back,
they would start shooting at anyone who opposed them,
and we'll call that a program where Jews were murder for no reason.
That's the pattern here.
All right, we'll pick this up in a couple days.
And as always, please go to the show notes.
Please go to the description on the video.
Hit the hyperlinks there and donate to Dr. Johnson
and to keep him going in this research and in this study and in this teaching.
Thank you.
Thank you, Dr. Johnson.
Have a great day.
You too, my friend.
