The Pete Quiñones Show - Reading Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together' w/ Dr. Matthew Raphael Johnson - Part 38
Episode Date: May 28, 202556 MinutesPG-13Dr. Matthew Raphael Johnson is a researcher, writer, and former professor of history and political science, specializing in Russian history and political ideology.Pete and Dr. Johnson c...ontinue a project in which Pete reads Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together," and Dr' Johnson provides commentary.Dr Johnson's PatreonRusJournal.orgTHE ORTHODOX NATIONALISTDr. Johnson's Radio Albion PageDr. Johnson's Books on AmazonDr. Johnson's Pogroms ArticlePete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
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Thank you.
I want to welcome everyone back to our reading of 200 years together by Alexander Solshinison.
Dr. Johnson, how are you doing today?
I had something funny to say, but, you know, I'm working on a paper on what's left of the Ukrainian Air Force.
And there's nothing funny about that.
The pilot survival rate in the new F-16s is zero.
They never come back.
This is so tragic.
This is so twisted.
Lindsay Graham went so far as to say, let's get retired American pilots to go over there.
I mean, retired Polish Air Force pilots.
anything to you know there's no chance of a victory here they just want to kill as many russians
as possible there is nothing funny it's a very depressing topic how you doing i'm doing good but
you know i mean hey this is all belatomy of putin's fault right i mean one day he woke up and he
went i hate ukraine ukrain is supposed to belong to me i'm going to invade right now
and i'm taking it all because i won it all personally
Yeah.
Of course it's personal.
It's so, so ridiculous.
The level of Judeo-Hosburgh propaganda that we have to deal with isn't, doesn't even, it's
not even good anymore.
It used to be a time when it was entertaining.
You know, it was like, oh, okay, I mean, I could read through this, but at least, you know,
it's pretty good.
Now it's just so ham-handed.
It's really ham-handed.
No insults.
Well, I know what you mean.
When, when, when, when, when, when, when, when, when, when, when, when, when, when, when,
the gate came out, I realized they're not trying anymore. That was almost deliberately stupid.
So it's, I'm not sure who they're appealing to here. It's almost like they're seeing how far
they can go. Like when ISIS suddenly came out, which I knew from the second I saw them was a fake.
It was so deliberately ridiculous. But of course, people bought it right away. They're seeing how
far they can go. Of course, they can afford better recordings and better video, but they won't do it.
It's just that that's what the propaganda is.
But you know, if you ever feel stupid, just remember, trillions of dollars of propaganda has not worked on you for me.
That's that that might be a bit of an ego boost.
Yeah.
Awesome.
Awesome.
All right.
Today, we may, it looks like we're going to cross over the one third mark of the book.
If we're at, if we're at 656 pages.
and this is page 216.
Yeah, we're one-third of the way.
It's like a part of life now.
I'm not going to know what to do with myself
and this is over.
We're not going to have to go to another book.
We're going to have to go to another book.
All right, let's start this.
You know, what am I going to do?
All right.
All right.
At the time, a particularly effective maneuver
had already been devised.
The funerals of the victims who fell for the revolution
constituted one of the most effective means of propaganda
capable of inflating the masses.
which had for consequence that the fighters that were aware that their death would be used for the profit of the revolution,
that it would arouse a desire for vengeance among the thousands of people who were going to attend their funeral,
and that on these occasions it was relatively easier to organize manifestations.
The liberal circles considered it their duty to ensure that the police did not intervene during a funeral.
Thus, the funeral became one of the,
the components of revolutionary propaganda in 1905.
It is something easily overlooked.
Some state funerals on the official side have been a source of propaganda for a long time.
But these kind of funerals, too, the communists in South Korea, the few that have been killed
over the many, many years of rioting, these funerals are nothing more than political events.
They don't care about the person in the casket.
they just, you know, that they're able to use it.
And of course, the speeches are all about, you know, these kids, you know, some kid was killed for no reason.
You know, and, and because of the emotional side of it, the inherent emotional side of this,
it's very easy to manipulate people out of you.
I should know, you know, it brings out the worst in everybody.
And that's a time of tremendous suggestibility to anyone who is fanatical enough to actually go to one of these things.
I remember when Chundu Huan died, the second military leader of South Korea.
He wasn't nearly as significant as General Park, who of course turned a third world country into a first world country in like five years.
But I remember at his funeral, the left tried to start a riot during the funeral procession.
Now, they're aware of how important even a...
in South Korea, they're aware of how important funerals are. And this became a regular thing.
And that's why they were worried about police interference, because even they were finally
getting the memo that funerals are a tremendous source of suggestibility, and hence propaganda
becomes very effective. In the summer of that year, the police terror was massive, but there were
also many acts of vengeance on the part of the workers who threw bombs on patrols of soldiers or
Cossacks, murdered policemen, whether officers or not. These cases were far from being isolated
because it was a step backwards or forwards for the revolution in the Jewish sector.
Example, the Cossacks killed the Bund militant in Gommel. 8,000 people attend his funeral.
Revolutionary speeches are given, and the revolution advances, always advances.
and when the time came to protest against the convening of the Bulligan consultative Duma,
the campaign moved from the stock exchange in the Jewish quarter to the synagogues,
where speakers of the party intervened during the service,
under the protection of armed attachments that sealed off the exits.
During these assemblies, it was frequent that resolutions prepared in advance were adopted without discussion.
The unfortunate faithfuls come to.
to pray. But did they have a choice? Go and talk to these fellows. There is no question of stopping
the revolutionary process at this stage. You know, the Tsar Nicholas was forced to create some kind of a
duma or a parliament in the process of the 1905 revolution. He eventually liquidated it. It just became,
at least the first three, just became a source of the, you know, it was a, it was a founding.
of the provisional government later on.
So many of the monarchists
thought it beneath them to run for office.
But I need to make it clear here that
you have armed detachments.
You have, this is so ethnically Jewish
already. You have the
these detachments where the germ, I guess,
the original cells of what would become the Red Army
since the Jews at this point,
were extremely well armed more so than before and um there wasn't much that the the state can do
about it uh most of what you read here was a quote this isn't solzhenitsyn talking because he would
never refer to police terror the police didn't have that capacity and this is also before any kind of
normal riot control so you know swords and and rifles were really the only way that they could
control a crowd and the left knew that
And that means what they got in Western Europe was, of course, an even more disastrous level of propaganda than they had in Russia.
And by the time all this was translated into English, God knows what they were saying.
I've read some of it.
It's terrible.
But it was almost purely an ethnic movement at the time.
The project of convocation of this consultative Duma, which was not followed up on due to the events of 1905, started from the
assumption that they did not possess it for the designation of municipal self-government bodies.
It had been originally planned to not grant the Jews the right to vote. But the revolutionary
momentum was growing. The Jewish municipal counselors appointed by the provincial authorities resigned
demonstratively here and there, and the Dumas Election Act of August 1905 already provided for the
granting of voting rights for the Jews. But the revolution continued its course and public opinion
rejected this consultative Duma, which was therefore not united. Why would you extend the
franchise to a group of people who at this point, almost to a man, were saying that Russia
wasn't their country? You know, Zionists would only vote. I mean, you know, it's like giving
voting rights to non-citizens. They never.
thought of Russia as their country. So there was nothing unreasonable in denying them.
It's the original idea to deny them voting rights. But there was no doubt about that.
We all know where their votes were going for anyway. So it was just an automatic plus to the
to the left. But maybe if they have another commission, they could figure this all out.
And that would be what, the 27th, 28th? I don't know. I don't even know.
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And now this is over
the next to the hamster.
It's leargoal gilor gaihe and not art
Gereina in Aondon
and leant of Gala to give a timelphada
Gawattie Gawrne.
In Ergird,
we're dig tour
in one-wunah with funif in oneah.
There's oathed o'clock
lecturers
onus that could feel
with all the tallyich, gnaw, and people
tariffa, o'anthewan.
There's a cooctawagin,
full of Nisemot,
the Ergaret, Pongaii.
The tension remained high
throughout this unhappy year in 1905.
The government was overtaken by the events.
In the fall,
strikes, notably in the railways,
were being prepared everywhere in Russia.
And of course, the pale of settlement
was not spared.
In the region of the northwest,
during early October,
was seen a rapid rise
of the revolutionary energy of the mass,
A new campaign of meetings takes place in the synagogues, always in the same way, with men posted
at exits to intimidate the faithful.
We prepare ourselves feverishly for the general strike.
In Vilnius, during a meeting authorized by the governor, some shot the immense portrait of
the emperor that was there, and some smashed it with chairs.
An hour later, it was on the governor in person that one drew.
Here it was, the frenzy of 1905.
But in Gamal, for example, the social Democrats could not agree with the Bund and they acted in disorder.
As for the social revolutionists, they joined the Zionist socialists and then bombs are thrown at the Cossacks who retaliate by shooting and knocking on all those who fall under their hand without distinction of nationality.
A very pretty revolutionary outburst.
They were rubbing their hands.
it was pretty clear that what the Jewish left was doing
was trying to speed up
a full
militant confrontation
between themselves and the state
I'm glad we're mentioning Cossacks here because they really were
the at least in a few places
a few big cities they were the
riot police so to speak usually on horseback
and they never had any trouble in taking action against Jews.
That's part of the reason they exist at all.
And that's why, you know, when the Revolution 1917 broke out,
they were some of the most vehement against the Reds
and really was part of the backbone of the White Army.
But these groups, Zionist socialists, the Social Democrats,
you know, they, in the main, they were very similar in terms of ideology.
They were all very Jewish.
They differed on some issues, but not fundamental ones.
The only thing, or the main thing, I should say, that unified them at this point was their hatred of the czar.
Who was a popular man?
But the Russo-Japanese War wasn't severe enough to the Japanese.
the Japanese didn't get what they wanted, despite the media manipulation.
And some of these strikes were promoted with all kinds of disinformation, including about the war.
Railway workers, for some reason, were very susceptible to this because I guess it was so important to how things, to, you know, to the economic health of the empire.
And, of course, they were Jewish-owned before they were taken by the state.
So these aren't really that different in terms of organizations.
They were very Jewish.
Gommel's a Jewish city, or a city, I should say, has a huge Jewish population, Vilnius and Lithuania.
These things occurred where you had large concentrations of Jews.
In the countryside, none of this was really going on.
But if there was one group that the Reds hated, it was the Cossack forces.
It is not surprising that in many places,
we could observe well-to-do and religious Jews actively fighting the revolution.
They worked with the police to track down Jewish revolutionaries to break up demonstrations, strikes, and so on.
Not that it was pleasing to them to find themselves on the side of power, but not having detached themselves from God, they refused to witness the destruction of life.
Still less did they accept the revolutionary law. They venerated their law.
while in Bialistock and other places, the young revolutionaries assimilated the union of Jews to the black hundreds because of its religious orientation.
Yeah, that probably happened.
But remember, Jews of that proclivity were very few.
They realized that even if it was, you know, it may not be in their interest for this particular group of Jews to take over.
they weren't sure if they could take over
and all that would mean for them
is more hatred and more attention,
negative attention,
that spotlight shining on them all the time.
So regardless whether these Jews like the monarchy or not,
they realize that these revolutionaries,
at least as of 1905,
had no chance of victory.
And yet their terrorism was such that it's going to create
so much heat on them
that, yeah, this isn't working out.
Of course, that all changed when World War I broke out.
According to Diemannstein, the situation after the general strike in October could be summarized as follows.
The Bund, the ZS, and other Jewish workers' parties called for insurrection, but there a certain weariness could be perceived.
Later, like the Bolsheviks, the Bund boycotted early in the 1906, the elections,
to the first Duma, still caressing the hopes of a revolutionary explosion.
This expectation, having been disappointed, it resigned itself to bring its position closer
to those of the Mensheviks. In 1907, at the first Congress of the RSDLP, of the 305 deputies,
55 were members of the Bund, and it even became a supporter of extreme Yiddishism.
It is this amped up atmosphere, very uncertain for the power in place,
that Vita persuaded Nicholas II to promulgate the manifesto of October 17, 1905.
More exactly, Vita wanted to publish it in the form of a simple government press release,
but it is Nicholas II himself who insisted that the promulgation of the manifesto
made in the name of the Tsar should assume a solemn character.
He thought he would thus touch the hearts of his subjects.
Adi Obelensky, who drew up the initial draft,
reported that among the three points of the manifesto, there was a special one devoted to the rights and freedoms of the Jews.
But Vita, doubtlessly at the pressing request of the emperor, modified its formulation by addressing in a general way the respect for individuals and the liberty of conscience, expression, and assembly.
The question of the equal rights of the Jews was therefore no longer mentioned.
It was only in the speech published at the time, at the same time that the manifesto, that the,
that Vita spoke of the need to equalize all Russian subjects before the law,
irrespective of their confession and nationality.
Let's be clear, the RSDLP is the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party.
The Bolsheviks came directly out of that.
So at this point, again, it was a completely ethnic organization.
Vita was more of an economist
in his general proclivity of things
so he's thinking in numbers
Nicholas I second who knew the Jewish question extremely well
knew what that meant in terms of Jewish power
so he tried to
while he respected Vita of course
and he was either a very strong character
contrary to the myth mythology
he was able to take from various advisors and come up with a synthesis,
which worked most of the time, including on this,
the Duma was a complete disaster.
It had all of the worst aspects of democracy.
But as we've said 100 times before, equalizing the subjects, irrespective of anything,
that just means the increasing financial domination of the Jews
and hence more money to the revolutionary movement.
people have to get it out of their heads that capitalism and Marxism are fundamentally different.
They're not.
It just depends on the role of the state, the role of the party, the use of physical versus psychological violence.
They're very similar ideologies.
They both came out of the Enlightenment.
They're both materialistic, and Jewish capitalists were the same ones who were financing the Bolshevik revolution.
the Bolsheviks were never about equality, they were about power.
But we must make concessions only at the right time and in a position of strength,
and this was no longer the case.
Liberal and revolutionary opinion laughed at the manifesto,
seeing it only as capitulation and rejected it.
The emperor, like Vita, was deeply affected,
but also certain representatives of the Jewish intelligentsia,
for what the best of the Russians had been waiting for,
for decades was finally realized. In fact, the emperor willingly surrendered the autocratic regime
and pledged to hand over the legislative power to the representatives of the people.
One would have thought that this change would fill everyone with joy. But the news was
welcomed with the same revolutionary intransigence. The struggle continues. In the streets, the national
flag, the portraits of the emperor, and the coat of arms of the state were torn off.
The Duma, again, was a complete disaster.
It just became the locus of the opposition.
This is when the media in the Russian Empire went into overdrive.
Any right-wing candidate was thrashed beyond belief, no different than, you know, Trump in, say, in 2016, that kind of treatment.
It was very hard to go after the emperor personally.
So, you know, they did other things.
People around him.
Eventually, Rasputin was one of the, all the myths.
about him.
But it's very important here.
And Pope de Honesty and so many others said this earlier
that these minor capitulations
are not seen as acts of good faith.
These are revolutionary.
They're seen as weakness.
And that means that they're going to redouble their efforts now
because we're actually getting somewhere.
So even tactically, it was a bad idea.
But he thought, and eventually this revolution failed to a great extent, except for the Duma, it eventually petered out.
And it took quite a while for it to gather steam again.
In the meantime, they were getting money from Britain, from their own tremendous wealth.
So it's very important to remember this.
And it's hard to blame him.
We know a lot more about the situation about revolutionaries in the left today.
and they did at the time.
They really only had the French Revolution to compare it to.
But these kind of concessions were seen as expressions of weakness,
and therefore they will then redouble efforts and get more violent
because now the emperor seems to be retreating.
And that's why this was an error, among many other reasons.
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The account of Vitsa's interview at the Petersburg Press on 18th of October,
following the promulgation of the manifesto, is rich in information.
Vita obviously expected manifestations of gratitude and relied on the friendly support of the press to calm the spirits.
He even openly solicited it.
He obtained only scathing replies, first from the director of the stock exchange news, SM proper,
then from Notovitch, Kodzky, Arabojian, and Ananski, all demanded with one voice,
proclaim immediately political amnesty.
This requirement is categorical.
General Trepov must be dismissed from his post as Governor General of St. Petersburg.
This is the unanimous decision of the press.
The unanimous decision of the press.
And to withdraw the Cossacks and the army from the capital,
we shall not publish any more newspapers as long as the troops are there.
The army is the cause of...
Oh, no!
Don't threaten me.
The army is the cause of the disaster.
The security of the city must be entrusted to the popular militia.
That is to say, to the detachments of revolutionaries,
which meant creating in Petersburg the conditions for a butchery,
as it would soon be in Odessa or in the future,
to set up in Petersburg the conditions favorable to the future revolution of February.
And Vitsa implored, let me breathe a little. Help me, give me a few weeks. He even passed among them,
shaking hands with each one. For his part, he will remember later. Properer's demands meant for me
that the press had lost its head. Despite this, the government had intelligence and courage to refuse
the establishment of anarchy, and nothing serious happened in the capital.
You know, one phrase, I really have come to hate because it doesn't mean anything.
It's always contextual, and that is the phrase, the people.
To have these upper-class Jews, most of them, you know, barely speaking Russian, claiming to speak for the people, or even worse, the masses.
You know, when you refer to the population as masses, it's complete dehumanization.
It's a mass. It's like a blob of nothing.
They're indistinguishable.
They're just a big machine, which is exactly how the left viewed them.
But, you know, none of this should be shocking at this point.
This depressed, then, as I've always been, is just a pillar, maybe the pillar of leftist activism.
That's what they were.
You had specialty newspapers, you know, that were more right-wing, certainly more and with more circulation than you have.
in America today.
But as I've said 100 times before,
monarchists didn't get propaganda.
The nationals didn't get propaganda very,
or at least they were very late to the,
they were very late to the party.
The Bolstitch were always better.
And this was even the case during the Civil War.
Or the whites just didn't get it.
They didn't understand how ideology is so important.
And especially, you know,
the most ideological war of all time.
And yet the leadership didn't,
under most of the leadership didn't understand.
And here you have Vita even trying to promote more concessions.
And, you know, these Jews are wondering, geez, why is there this popular reaction against us?
I wonder why. We have no idea they're making demands like this.
So when, like when you read Mao, he uses the phrase the people all the time.
Well, he slaughtered what, 20 to 50 million, depending on
who you read, either directly or indirectly. So clearly, they were in part of the people. So it comes
down to when they use that phrase, they're either referring to a class or they're referring really to
just their own movement. We all know what the Talmud says about us in terms of not being human.
The people may, you know, in an esoteric way, just refer to Jews as such. But it certainly doesn't
refer to everybody.
They were well aware
of the contempt that was growing
in Russia
against them and that if they
took over, no matter what group
took over and the monarchy falls
that they're going to have to wipe out a huge
portion of the population.
The Russian, again, Russian society
was doing quite
well. So with these kind
of strikes,
they were artificially creating, you know, shortages.
Shortages in the Capitol were artificially engendered.
You know, you break down the railroad tracks and the railroad workers.
Well, nothing's getting to the Capitol.
And they're claiming, this shows you how awful the system is.
We can't even find food to eat.
You know, that's how their propaganda worked, how simplistic it was.
So at this point, it was only a matter of time.
But I still say that if,
War I didn't happen.
With that level of trauma, there would have been no revolution.
And because they really needed this mass trauma to create a society that might, you know,
be so exhausted as to not really oppose them, although that wasn't the case either.
But revolutionaries usually need a major war and massive losses for them to take over in the confusion.
because no matter how you slice it,
the reds represented
anywhere from 2 to 6% of the population
and that's just in the cities.
They were well aware of that.
And therefore, they had to take action.
They had to always compensate,
like Jews in general, always have to compensate
for their lack of numbers.
And they compensate it for it with, you know,
propaganda, inventing stories,
creating a cohesion base on lies.
this entire thing was such a psychological operation
on the side of the left
it was diabolically brilliant
and the response from the state was
given the ideology at the time
is understandable
but even despite their tiny numbers
they had the entire Western world
they had a huge amount of money
they had tremendous propaganda so many people in
in journalism.
But eventually,
you know,
Zor Nicholas is going to shut down the Duma.
He knows how even a small percentage
with enough money and enough weapons
can do a lot of damage.
But how, you know, no one could predict how nasty
World War I was going to be the massive level of casualties
that were never seen before.
And the trauma that creates
where, you know, three
major monarchies fell
and which was a complete disaster
that may have been the point of it
but again as I said earlier
they're they're trying to speed this up
they need to create as much misery and anarchy as possible
in the hopes that whoever it takes over when they take over
they're going to say we're finally we're going to bring
peace and quiet to the society
but even after October of 19th
17, there was no show.
There was uprisings all over the country against them, especially in rural areas.
They knew that they didn't speak for the people or the masses whatsoever.
If you read some of the campaign literature, especially leftists running for Dumasites,
they were lying through their teeth as to what they believed in.
the leftists, you know, they were, they were very careful depending on their audience,
just, you know, to not, not offend people.
They weren't going to say, we're going to, you know, shoot all these people and we're
going to get rid of the czar.
Depending on their audience, they lied about, even the reds never said anything about how
we're going to, you know, take everyone's property.
We're going to create the gulag, which Lennon himself created.
They weren't saying this.
They couldn't say this in public.
They were very circumspect about how their future agenda was going to be.
So people had no idea what they were voting on.
And their funds came from everything from bank robberies to foreign funding.
And the state, again, didn't think it was in a position to do much about it.
In his memoirs, Vitzer relates that proper had arrived in Russia from abroad, a penniless Jew at no mastery of the Russian language.
He had made his mark in the press and had become the head of the Stock Exchange news,
running through the answer chambers of influential figures.
When I was Minister of Finance,
proper begged for official announcements, various advantages,
and eventually obtained for me the title of Commercial Advisor.
However, at this meeting, he formulated,
not without a certain insolence,
demands even declarations like this one.
We have no confidence in the government.
Wait a minute. Wait, out.
He arrives penniless,
and yet he becomes,
the head of the stock exchange news?
This is a very common story.
A lot of the,
somebody was telling a story to my friend about Hartford
and how Hartford, Connecticut,
how some of the best property in Hartford, Connecticut,
came into the hands of a group of five Jews
who moved here in 19, who came to the country in 1941,
and then apparently worked 24 hours a day
for the next five years,
never sleeping, saving every penny they made,
and then they started buying up all of the property in Hartford,
Hartford, Connecticut.
So that sounds reasonable, right?
I did my bachelor's degree at the University of Hartford,
which is in West Hartford, which is even wealthier.
It's the wealthiest city in the wealthiest state in America.
And the fact that there are Jews everywhere,
And it is, it's disproportionately Jewish.
It's no surprise.
Of course, a private school.
But, yeah, he obviously just plugged into the Jewish network.
I'm sure he wasn't penniless.
And Vita's Judeophilia turned out to be an absolute scourge for the country.
I think he was very, he was very naive about the whole thing.
But again, he's thinking as an economist.
He's thinking in terms of money and therefore the Jews are important because of the money
that they're making.
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In the course of the same month of October, the Kievan, the Kievian,
published an account of an officer returning to Moscow just at that moment
after a year and a half of captivity in Japan,
who was initially moved to tears by the generosity of the Emperor's Manifesto,
which opened up favorable prospects for the country.
At the mere sight of this officer in battle dress, the welcome which the Muscovite crowd received from him was expressed in these terms.
Spook, suck up, the Tsar's lackey.
During a large meeting in the theater plaza, the orator called for struggle and destruction.
Another speaker began his speech by shouting, down with the autocracy.
His accent betrayed his Jewish origins, but the Russian public listened to him, and no one found anything to reply to him.
Nods of agreement met the insults uttered against the Tsar and his family,
Cossacks, policemen, and soldiers, all without exception.
No mercy.
And all the Muscovite newspapers called for armed struggle.
In Petersburg, as is well known, a Soviet of the workers' deputies was formed on the 13th of October,
headed by the incomparable Parvus and Trotsky, and with the straw man,
Kruis-Lave,
Nassarov as a bonus.
That's a
that names a lot.
That's a lot.
This Soviet aimed for the complete annihilation of the government.
The events of October had even greater
and more tragic consequences in Kiev and Odessa.
Two great pogroms against the Jews,
which must now be examined.
They were the subject of detailed reports
of Senate committees of inquiry.
These were the most rigorous
investigative procedures in Imperial Russia, the Senate representing the highest and most authoritative
judicial institution and of the greatest independence. So these programs were popular revolts.
The arrogance, the tremendous arrogance of the Jews here and the fact that leftist revolutionary
activity and Judaism were one and the same, that was very well known. And, you know, these were,
this is really all they can do with the state is not going to do.
it, if the state's going to give in over and over again, or if Vita is going to convince people
to give in, then we have to do something. And the Union of the Russian people is really the first
time that you had, and, you know, so many, St. John of Kronstadt was blessed its founding, was a member
of this. So many of the church were on board. They knew what this was all about. They knew the
Jewish question very well. The Optina Monastery was completely on board with the founding of the
Union of the Russian people. And essentially it was a self-defense organization. And they were
fighting back. And well, how dare you fight back against the march of history and against God's
people? You know, the self-chosen, the natural rulers of the world. And so it became a
program, not a matter of self-defense. Whenever Lenin spoke of,
liquidating the church, he always used the phrase, black hundred clergy. In other words,
he was terrified of the idea that Russians were fighting back. Again, they knew that they didn't
speak for any more than two or three percent of the population. These, these demonstrations
and stuff were very artificial. You know, you did have, as I said before, you had legitimate
demands. You already pretty much had an eight-hour working day.
You had the most advanced factory legislation in the world.
But, you know, the, there were also, there were some legitimate issues.
And what the Marxists would do was simply add to it in, you know, nasty things.
You know, we're not going to go back to work until you abolish the monarchy or something stupid like that.
That, that were not agreed to beforehand.
We saw this in the, in the gold, gold mining strike and the violence there, bloody Sunday.
this is a common propaganda trope with them, adding things.
And so you have an overreaction of certain elements of the state sometimes,
but with tremendous provocation.
But that's not how the press is going to record it.
And so you have a lot of confusion.
And the Union of the Russian people were finally, you know,
it had half a million members at its height,
mostly in Ukraine and parts of Belarus,
really wherever Jews were congregated,
And it was the first time you had a militant, Russian Orthodox, nationalist response to the Jewish left revolutionaries.
And that's why to this day, you know, that's one of the reasons that the anti-Semitic law, you know, deaths to anti-Semites came in because of clergy and everybody.
They were all black hundred clergymen.
The truth of the matter, that's not entirely false because many of the clergy supported the black.
black hundreds, they knew exactly what was going on. Again, natural law states that if the state
is either unable or unwilling to stop this kind of disorder, then it's up to the population,
the best of the population, the best armed members of the population. And that's what we're going
to talk about here, the so-called pilgrims, which were really pitched battles between
revolutionaries, Jews and the one side and Russians on the other.
It is Senator Turo who drafted the report on the Kiev program.
He writes that the causes of this are related to the troubles that have won the whole of Russia in recent years,
and he supports this assertion by a detailed description of what preceded it and the course of the facts themselves.
Let us remind that after the events of January 9th in St. Petersburg, after months of social unrest, after the infamous defeat against Japan, the imperial government found nothing better to do
nothing better to do to calm the minds and to proclaim on the 27th of August the complete
administrative autonomy of the higher education institutions and the territory on which they
were located. This measure had no other results than to turn up the revolutionary heat.
I want to repeat, it was not a defeat. It's a very common misconception. The most brilliant
people think I wrote an article on it that wasn't a victory.
But it certainly wasn't a defeat.
Japanese did not get what they wanted.
In Japan, it was perceived as Japanese defeat.
It was probably a draw.
More casualties than they had expected.
But the Russians were so far from their home base,
and the Japanese were, of course, artificially built up by the British
and to a lesser extent, the Americans.
The Japanese did not get what they wanted out of this war,
which was provoked largely by the British and by the, you know, they needed this.
The press then went into overdrive saying that, you know, they exaggerated the casualties.
Russia's humiliated.
This government can't win a war.
It has no legitimacy anymore.
And of course, this would repeat itself in World War I, but it was not a defeat.
It was a draw.
It is thus, right, Senator Turo, that individuals having nothing to do with the specific,
with the scientific activity of these institutions were free to access them, and they did so
for the purpose of political propaganda. At the University and Polytechnic of Kiev, a series of
meetings were organized by the students to which participated an external audience, and they
were called popular meetings. A more numerous day-to-day public went there, at the end of
September, up to several thousand people. During these meetings, red flags were displayed,
aid. Passionate speeches were given about the deficiencies of the political regime in place on the
necessity of fighting the government. Funds were raised for the purchase of weapons. Leaflets were
distributed and brochures on revolutionary propaganda were sold. In mid-October, the university,
as well as the Polytechnic Institute, had gradually been transformed into arenas for open and unbridled
anti-government propaganda. Revolutionary militants who were, until recently, prosecuted by the authorities for
organizing clandestine meetings in private places now felt invulnerable.
They hatched and discussed plans to bring down the existing political system.
But even this did not seem sufficient, and the revolutionary action begins its expansion,
by attracting the pupils of secondary schools, in other words, high school pupils,
and by moving the field of revolutionary activity.
A Jewish student takes the floor to denounce the Kishinaev program.
immediately leaflets are spread out in the room and cries are heard down with the police down
with the autocracy in some cases at a meeting of the Society of Art and Literature windows are
broken we break chairs and staircase ramps to throw them to throw them on peacekeepers and there was
no authority to prevent this the universities autonomous now had their own law I'm going to talk
about a blunder what a tremendously stupid thing to do the universities
you know, there's something about the nature of the university that just attracts the left.
Every weirdo gets to be subsidized, you know, gets to have a captive audience.
But part of the problem, we talked about this last month maybe, that Jews were going to the university, not for an education, but they were going there to promote leftist ideology.
That was the case in the 1960s and 70s in America.
nothing has changed. It doesn't matter what the society is, doesn't matter how healthy or unhealthy the society is. Universities do the same thing. It's a place where lives can be given an authority of alleged scholarship. There's a big difference between being an academia and being a scholar. I'm a scholar, but God knows I'm not an academic. And they require subsidies to function. We've talked about this before. You know, I have a following. I have a following. I,
I am funded by my listeners, readers, whoever, these guys in the university, they couldn't survive without their subsidies if they, you know, they couldn't survive at all.
They couldn't function at all.
They need this.
They don't speak for anybody.
And that goes today.
Most of the professors in universities could not do what I do.
So making them autonomous, it gave them a sense of invulnerability.
This was a key victory for the revolutionaries that came directly from the state.
And I don't think they knew, these probably comes from Vita, people around him.
Duma was involved.
But people who knew, especially the Jewish essentially invasion of the universities,
that schools, for one reason,
or another are always a huge pillar in the leftist movement.
Universities or the academics and the press and propaganda, this is how they were forming
themselves.
And I think because it's a controlled environment where they don't have to be affected by
the real world.
And so their theories somehow come to life and take on a life of their own and could be
believed by often very impressionable young people.
Right-wing students were harmed and hurt.
The Jews, the Zionists were all over the place.
This is what comes from Vita's belief that all groups need to be treated equally.
This is what comes from it.
This is what comes from eliminating the quotas and everything else.
Quotas had nothing to do with some blind hatred of the Jews.
It was to keep the universe.
is a place of learning and not, as they had become, a source of revolutionary violence.
I think I'm going to read this last paragraph, and it looks like we have a place to stop after this paragraph.
Okay.
The description of these events, supported by the statements of more than 500 witnesses,
alternates throughout the report with remarks on the Jews who stand out in the background of this
revolutionary crowd. During the years of the Russian Revolution in 1905 to 1907, the
revolutionary activity of the Jews increased considerably. No doubt the novelty of the thing made it seem
obvious. The Jewish youth, the report says, dominated by numbers both at the September 9th meeting at the
Polytechnic Institute and during the occupation of the premises of the Arts and Literary Society.
And also, on September 23rd in the university hall, where up to 5,000 students and persons outside
the university were gathered with more than 500 women among them. On October 3rd,
at the Polytechnic Institute, nearly 5,000 people gathered with a Jewish majority of women.
The preponderant role of the Jews is mentioned again and again. At the meetings of October 5th through
9th at the university meeting on October 12th, in which participated employees of the railway
administration, students, individuals of indeterminate professions, as well as masses of Jews of both
sexes. On October 13th, at the university, where nearly 10,000 people from diverse backgrounds,
gathered, and speeches were delivered by S.R. and Bund militants. The Jewish Encyclopedia confirms
the fact that even beyond Kiev, during demonstration celebrating new freedoms, most of the protesters
in the Paleo Settlement were Jews. However, it calls lies the information according to which,
in Akaterinislav, they were collecting silver for the emperor's coffin in the street, and in Kiev,
they lacerated the portraits of the emperor and the premises of the municipal Duma. Yet this last
last fact is precisely confirmed by the Toro report.
I think this is the first time we're hearing about women.
Women have always been a huge part of leftist revolutionary thinking.
They know how to manipulate men very easily.
And I've seen this with my own eyes.
We've seen the pro-immigrant protest in Europe.
It's 80% female, white female.
I've faced Antifa in the street
half a dozen times
and it's between 60 and 70% female
and so for the first time
now we're seeing the Jewish women or women in general
who always love to go with fashion
they love fashion
their conformists almost by nature
are now a part of this
and we may get to
you know Alexander Columtai
and her imposing the sexual revolution on Russia in the very early parts of the USSR under Lenin.
It was eventually abolished because it was such a disaster.
Colantai is someone, I'm pretty sure it's going to be mentioned here soon.
But Jewish women love the idea of destroying or taking out their anger in terms of family life, especially their own, onto the society at large.
So Jewish women were a huge part of this as well.
And this is the first time we see this being mentioned.
When you look at our history and you see violence on campuses, and then you look at this, are you seeing any parallels?
Am I seeing any parallels?
I had to do that so straight face too.
It was amazing.
Wow.
Yeah.
a very good straight man uh yeah yeah they're parallels and this is what evidence it's the same
group of people it's the same mentality um you know i've there's nothing i haven't done in in the
nationalist movement at one time or another the last what since 1990 uh i've gotten in all kinds of
trouble even as a student um there was always like a professor or two who really liked me that that
that would step in.
But they were in a process of expelling right-wing students all over the place.
Any kind of retaliatory violence was seen as a mini program, and hence they had to go.
Universities were not, as like to say, 1969, 1970 in the U.S.
Yeah, universities always attracted this element.
They always attracted the Jewish element.
You know, professors, especially today, don't really work very much, at least in my field.
I don't know about chemistry, things like that.
It's a perfect place for them.
You have a captive audience.
It's a great place to lecture, not lecture in a scholarly sense, but in an academic sense, to manipulate everybody here.
And leftist Jewish women are able to get plenty of men to all of a sudden discover that their leftists too.
you know, there's this, if I were, if I were a woman and a feminist, the last group of people that I would ever trust is male feminist.
Well, there's very few, very attractive feminists out there. So maybe this isn't a big issue. But, but for the handful of it are, there's a reason that these men come around. It's not just low testosterone. Well, that's part of it. But, you know, I understand now let's not let's sleep together. I mean, you are sexual revolutionaries, right? So this is, yeah, the, the,
This angle, the female angle, the Jewish angle, the university angle, nothing has changed.
It's the exact same playbook, especially when there's a war going on.
Yeah, that's, I'm just reading that, and it's just like, it's the same playbook over and over and over again, and people just keep falling for it.
Yeah, pattern recognition seems to be, there seems to some sort of retardation where people either because they can't or they want to.
don't see patterns.
Pattern, I'm surprised pattern recognition isn't banned in places.
You know, because any idiot can see a pattern here.
It's all the same thing.
But it would be okay if there was truth to some of this stuff.
But there's not, their whole world is based on fantasy.
All of this stuff, most of the stuff they're saying wasn't true.
They created it because universities are, you know, they're talking to each other.
they're isolated, sequestered by design from the outside world, their ideology becomes truth.
It doesn't matter if it's true or not. They're cut off. And the one thing that leftists are good at is censorship.
Universally life is tightly censored. They don't have to worry about right-wing opinions. They don't even hear them.
They have no idea what we say. I know what they say, but they have no idea what we say, except in terms of caricature.
that's also a weakness because they're pretty soft intellectually they're not used to hearing any any real opposition competent opposition the pattern is exactly the same all right until the next time everybody head on over to the show notes and head on over especially the videos i have hot links to uh like dr johnson said just a few minutes ago um he relies on listener support and i have links there where you can do that so
So yeah, thank you, Dr. Johnson.
Thank you, my friend.
I'll talk to you later.
Talk to you later.
Goodbye.
