The Pete Quiñones Show - Reading Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together' w/ Dr Matthew Raphael Johnson - Part 39
Episode Date: May 28, 202562 MinutesPG-13Dr. Matthew Raphael Johnson is a researcher, writer, and former professor of history and political science, specializing in Russian history and political ideology.Pete and Dr. Johnson c...ontinue a project in which Pete reads Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together," and Dr' Johnson provides commentary.Dr Johnson's PatreonRusJournal.orgTHE ORTHODOX NATIONALISTDr. Johnson's Radio Albion PageDr. Johnson's Books on AmazonDr. Johnson's Pogroms ArticlePete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
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back to part 39 of our reading of 200 years together by Alexander Solzhenyson.
How you doing, Dr. Johnson?
You know, the infamous Stanley, the Manley, my 10-year-old orange cat, big, big boy who used to be MI6, but, you know, just got too lazy, terrible student.
He's just been, he comes in, he meows to go out.
He's out, he meows to come in.
It's been five times now.
And since I'm incapable of saying no to him, you know, he's driving me crazy.
So far, though, he's out and I haven't heard him yet.
He really, he has me in the palm of his hand.
He's a very powerful feline.
And so if you hear any meowing in the background, that's it.
They're much more wily than canines.
Canines just hypnotize you with their love and devotion for you.
Cats are constantly plotting, and it's amazing to watch.
Well, cats are completely self-sufficient.
Yeah, they're social, but they hunt by themselves.
They have everything they need just in their being.
Dogs form packs and different members of the pack to have different jobs.
Cats have to do everything.
And so that means, you know, that's where their intelligence comes from compared to canines.
All righty.
Moving on, page 219.
Here we go.
In Kiev, in October, the revolutionary movement was gaining momentum.
Alexander Schlichter, future Bolshevik leader, specialist in flower requisitions and agriculture
commissioner in Ukraine just before the great organized famine, fomented a southwestern rail strike
paralyzing the trains to Potova, Kersk, Vorenich, and Moscow.
Threats were made to force the workers of the Kiev Mechanical Construction Factory to go on strike on
the 12th of October.
At the university, exceptional collections for armaments took place.
The participants drew gold coins, banknotes, silverware.
A lady even offered her earrings.
Flying detachments were formed with the mission of interrupting by force the work in high schools to factories to transports to commerce
and to prepare the armed resistance to the forces of order.
The whole movement had to take to the street.
On the 14th of October, the newspapers ceased to appear,
with the exception of the Kievan, aligned on the right.
Only the telegrams relating to the liberation movement were allowed to pass.
The flying detachments prevented the trams from rolling, breaking their windows.
Some passengers were wounded.
At the first appearance of the agitators, everything was closed, everything stopped.
The post office closed its doors after a bomb threat.
Streams of students and pupils were converging towards the university at the call of Schlichter,
as well as young Jews of various professions.
Well, I'd rather keep talking about cats, to be honest, this paragraph summarizes the left revolutionary movement of any location.
As I've said 100 times before, the economy was doing fairly well, so they had to invent problems.
The very act of a strike would create economic problems, which they can blame on someone else.
this is not the first certainly not the only time that they had to threaten workers to go on strike
um jews were so embedded in some of these corporations and they were connected to the revolutionary
movement because they knew they were going to even do better with them what we talked about when
the lena goldfields had excellent positions in the bolshevik state somehow they became
proletarians in their mentality um but um forcing the workers to strike
bomb threats
disrupting everything
and then they dare
claim that they're speaking in the name
of the people.
They create the situation
that creates as much confusion
and chaos as possible
which itself creates
a circumstance of suggestibility
that gives the impression
that there's something wrong
when in fact there really wasn't.
This is as much psychological
as it is physical
and this is how
the Soviet Union was going to function when it came into existence, especially in the first
30, 40 years, the entire thing was manipulative. This had nothing to do with labor. This had nothing
to do with unions. It had nothing to do with strengths. These were just means of gaining power.
Because when you have a centrally planned economy, which is necessary, if you're not going to
have a market, that's pretty much your only other option between the two systems. There are other
options, of course. But they don't believe in guilds or anything. So central planning was part of
the Leninist agenda and Trotsky's agenda. That automatically implies that the party owns everything.
If you could plan how they function, you must either own or control it, which means these are
incredibly wealthy men. The party did own everything of any value in the USSR. That was really
at the point of the revolution.
Alexander Schlickler,
you know, it seems funny
to be this flower requisitions,
but you know Dan well how important that is.
But flower requisitions
in creation of bread,
agricultural commissioner in Ukraine,
I don't think he ever saw a farm.
One of the worst aspects,
and there are so many,
but one of the more obnoxious aspects
of Jewish Bolivism is that
they were taking over agricultural regions
planning things.
They didn't know the, as we know just from reading this book,
they didn't know the first thing about farming
and that they're setting policy
and killing farmers for not going along with it.
And then, you know, they knew this was going to create famine.
They knew the West was going to feed them.
They knew that they had plenty of money.
That wasn't the issue.
Famine actually served their interests.
Woodrow Wilson only stopped food aid
coming to the early USSR when they,
when they seem to behave like czars.
That's a direct quote from him.
I'll say that a few more times too because it blows me away.
That was the only time you saw anti-Bolshevism.
And keep in mind, too, I guarantee you the number of people in the Western world
who knew what Bolivism was, maybe not at this point, within a few years, is very few.
It was really only when the Russians went into exile that Russian culture and Orthodoxy
and this kind of understanding was exported and brought to the West.
I mean, I am who I am because of the exiled Russians
who created this outreach to non-Russians,
with the Russian Orthodox Church in exile,
Russian Orthodox Church abroad, etc.
So it seems funny, you know, agricultural minister or a commissioner,
and he's only one of many.
None of these Jews had any idea what a farm was
or what to do on it.
They may have owned one.
They may have controlled one,
but they had no connection
with farming whatsoever.
And this is why they were starving.
But this, they weren't starving,
but everyone else, the William were.
This paragraph,
really, it sets the tone
for how revolutionaries function everywhere.
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It was then the authorities took the first steps.
It was forbidden to meet in the streets and in public squares
and the cordoning off by the army of the university in the polytechnic took place in order for only the students to be allowed in.
Arrest of a few individuals for contempt of the police and the army of some SR and Social Democrats, of the lawyer Ratner,
who had actively participated in popular meetings, Schlichter, him, had taken off.
The trams began to circulate again.
The shops reopened their doors, and in Kiev, the days of the 16th and 17th of October, went by peacefully.
It was in this context, which was that of many other places in Russia, that the emperor, relying on the gratitude of the population, launched on October 17th, the manifesto establishing the liberties and a parliamentary system of government.
The news reached Kiev by telegram on the night of the 18th, and in the morning of the text of the manifesto was sold or distributed in the streets of the city.
As for the newspaper, the Kievian, Jewish student youth rushed to buy it and immediately.
tear it ostensibly into pieces.
The authorities ordered ipso facto the release of both those who had been arrested in the last
days and those who had previously been charged with assault on the security of the state,
with the exception, however, of those who had used explosives.
Both the police and the army had deserted the streets.
Important rallies were formed, at first calmly.
In the vicinity of the university, there was a large crowd of students, high school pupils,
and a significant number of young Jews of both sexes.
Giving way to their demand,
the rector had the portal of the main building opened.
Immediately, the Great Hall was invaded by a part of the crowd,
which destroyed the portraits of the emperor,
tore up the red hangings to make flags and banners,
and some noisely invited the public to kneel before Schlichter
by virtue of victim of arbitrariness.
If those who were near him actually fell on their knees,
another part of the public considered that all that had just taken place was offensive to their national sentiments.
Then the crowd went to the municipal Duma, and at its head, Schlichter pranced around on a horse,
displaying a red band, and at every halt, harangued the crowd, claiming that the struggle against the government was not over.
Meanwhile, in the Nicholas Park, the Jews had thrown a rope around the statue of Emperor Nicholas I,
first and tried to overthrow it from its pedestal.
At another place, Jews wearing red bands began to insult four soldiers who passed by,
spitting on them.
The crowd threw stones on a patrol of soldiers, wounding six, and two demonstrators were hit
by the firing of a repost...
Is that ripo...
How do you pronounce that word?
Do you know?
Raposta, I guess, yeah.
Raposta.
Raposta.
However, the interim mayor was visited by a group of peaceful citizens who,
asked for the opening of the meeting room of the municipal council so that the grateful protesters
could express their feelings about the manifesto. Their request was met, and a peaceful rally was held
under the presidency of the municipal councilor Scheftel. But a new wave, many thousands of people
wearing red badges and ribbons flocked in. It was made up of students, people of different social
classes, age, sex and condition, but the Jews were especially noted for it. One party burst into the
meeting room. The others occupied the square in front of the Duma. In a moment, all the national flags
which had decorated the Duma on the occasion of the manifesto were torn out and replaced by red and black
banners. At that time, a new procession approached, carrying at arm's length the lawyer Ratner, who had
just gotten out of prison. He called the crowd to release all the other prisoners. On the balcony of the
Duma, Schlichter publicly embraced him. For his part, the latter exhorted the population to go on a
general strike and pronounced insulting words addressed to the person of the sovereign.
In the meantime, the crowd had torn the emperor's portraits hung in the assembly hall of the
Duma and broken the emblems of imperial power which had been placed on the balcony for the
festivities. There was no doubt that these acts were perpetrated by both Russians and Jews.
A Russian worker had even begun to break the crown. Some demanded that it should be put back
in its place, but a few moments later it was again thrown to the ground, this time by a Jew
who then broke it in half of,
broke it, then broke in half of the letter N.
Another young man, Jewish in appearance,
then attacked the jewels of the deodum.
All the furniture of the Duma was shattered,
the administrative documents torn.
Schlichter directed the operations.
In the corridors, money was collected for unknown purposes.
Excitement in front of the Duma, however, only increased,
perched on the roof of stationary trains,
orators delivered fiery speeches,
but it was Ratner and Schlichter who were the most successful from the balcony of the Duma.
An apprentice of the Jewish nationality began shouting from the balcony, down with the autocracy.
Another Jew, properly dressed, same to the swine.
Another Jew who had cut the Tsar's head from the picture, reproducing him, introduced his own by the orifice thus formed,
and began to yell at the balcony, I am the Tsar.
The building of the Duma passed completely into the hands of the revolutionary socialist extremists,
as well as the Jewish youth who had sympathized with them, losing all control of itself.
These are the people who are going to save the Russians and serve the interests of the proletariat.
Labor was the last thing that they ever cared about.
I'm sure they can get Russian workers, whoever that might have been, to mess around like this.
I guarantee you there was no ideological reason for it.
It was just fun.
But, you know, this is why even the moderate left, such as they are, to this day, still supports this kind of thing.
You go to a university campus and declare you're a Leninist.
That's fine.
Become a professor.
You get promoted.
No one says a word to you.
Or a Maoist.
And the reason is stuff like this.
This is why they love these guys.
Murder is not a problem for the left.
You know, if you have an.
understanding of humanity where there is no soul, there is no mind, there's only a brain where
nothing more than evolved nerve endings, then who cares if there's 100,000 in the world or
50,000 in the world? Ultimately, it's just pure utilitarianism. That's why killing is not really a big
deal. It would be for us. For anyone to say, you know, and this kind of Jewish behavior,
you saw this during the Vietnam War. You see it.
everywhere. For anyone to say that the revolutionary movement in general, of course we're talking
about specific Russian variant of it, you have a little bit more than 10 years to go before
1917, anyone who says that is being completely dishonest. Because at the time, everyone was
aware of it. Liberals, I mean, you had plenty of Russian liberals and how they how they
conceived liberalism is probably very different than how it's conceived today.
Academia has this issue.
There's a book out called Three Russian Liberals.
And I've read it.
And they're all very, very conservative writers, except that they were opposed to the monarchy as it stood.
That to them was liberalism.
So they'd have simply attached that name to everyone who had a problem with the monarchy or
Nicholas II, even a policy here and there.
I've actually talked about this at some length elsewhere.
But this kind of childish, mindless behavior from a privileged group of people, none of these people were poor.
This proves, you know, in my book, the Soviet experiment, one of the feces that I set out to prove is that labor workers, that's, you know, they're an excuse.
They're a pretext for power.
Not the reason.
And they didn't care.
They were exploited mercilessly from the minute the USSR was founded until the very end.
far worse than any kind of capitalist society until they were very similar to each other.
It's also interesting that Schlichter sounds like someone who should be talked about more.
And other than this book and a handful of others, he doesn't get mentioned.
But this is typical of the Jewish mentality, then and now, this deep hatred that they had of a country that, as we know,
has been nothing but wonderful to them, whether we're talking about America or Russia.
We've been through all these crazy commissions and the money that they've received, everything.
And they had to invent the story of these pogroms somehow with zero evidence, implicate the government in it.
I mean, they just made up evidence, and people over time believed it because they heard it so many times.
That's how you created a unified Jewish revolutionary movement.
The only opposition was some, as we talked about last time,
some religious Jews and some Jews who didn't like the fact that it's going to bring down
a lot of heat on them, but otherwise, they were good with it.
They did function as not just like a mafia cult within society.
It's like in the 1990s in Russia, the difference between the Russian mafia, your typical,
I'm sorry, the Jewish mafia, Jewish oligarchs, Jewish politicians, there was no real difference.
they were all one and the same there.
That's how they always functioned.
You had a Jewish revolution in 1917
and another Jewish revolution in 1991,
from 1991 to 2000.
It didn't matter what the pretext was.
They all did the same kind of thing.
And the one consistent aspect of it
is that they hated the concept of Russia,
certainly the third Rome,
any kind of a monarch,
any kind of a nationalism except their own.
but this was very typical.
They did the same thing in the French Revolution.
Well, of course, the context was very different there.
Jews weren't nearly as heavily involved in that revolution as they were in the Russian one.
But, you know, going into the, in Petersburg, smearing excrement on paintings,
that this was, this was a, you know, unfortunately a typical Jewish behavior,
I've been going on for some time.
And this was all because the emperor listened to the liberals,
issued a manifesto for certain liberties that already existed anyway
and a elected parliament
that privileged only the very wealthy of course
that in giving in and issuing that
they just hated him all the more
he even released some of these people from prison thinking that he's dealing with rational people
I've used the phrase you know normal people they're not normal people
at least not when they're in not just a
this is the ultimate Gentile society
is the Russian one especially with the monarchy
the third Rome
Germany and Russia those are the two
ultimate
you know worst Gentiles as far as the
as far as the Jews were concerned
something as large and powerful as Russia
it had to get out of the way
this is why there was this intense ritual
when Tsar Nicholas was
murdered and does it surprise you that they murdered him?
And what they did with this kind of behavior, is it a big shock?
These are the people who are going to bring Russia into enlightenment by doing things like this?
They were telling the world what they really were.
And of course, the czar is going to respond.
And that response will be condemned by liberals locally as well as in Britain and America.
with no context, of course.
What Solzhenitsyn is saying here,
you know how rare it is to find this stuff in English?
These issues, the Russian Revolution is not depicted this way
in mainstream history textbooks, not even close to it.
That the nonsense about the Russian economy being garbage,
about, you know, the oppression, everything.
This is straight out of their propaganda,
which they took many years ago as fact,
And to this day is not being challenged except by me and people like me.
So this bizarre behavior came precisely because Nicholas did something that the liberals wanted.
But because he appeared weak in so doing, this was their reaction.
And it's very, you know, Nicholas was in a tough position.
He was getting all kinds of conflicting advice.
but he thought he could reason with them
and this isn't about rationality.
These people weren't telling the world in detail
what the planned economy is going to be
and the gulags and everything else.
They probably knew what was going to happen
at some level.
They weren't going to say it.
But this was an intentionally symbolic
statement to Russian and world society.
This is who we are and this is what we're going to do.
And when World War I broke out,
unfortunately,
something that Rasputin had predicted, that if you enter this war, you're never coming out of it.
And they needed that war to create enough chaos, even though the economy did well during World War I.
Actually, it grew. But with the death and the trauma, they were able to use that to their advantage
and take over the country essentially in a coup d'etat in Petersburg. But of course, they had this
kind of behavior. They had no support.
You had mentally ill. There's a reason
that revolutionaries always empty the prisons
when they take over. There's a very
good reason for that. They tried to do that
during COVID too, if you remember.
The French revolutionaries did it too.
The mentally ill
and these Jews,
Leftyke Medev talks about when he was
one of the few Gentiles as part of
the people's will organization
who became a royalist.
Ivan Elyne talks about the mentality of these people all the time
and just
but this this was a this was a communication
based on not something terrible that happened
he didn't go shoot a Jew somewhere
no he gave in
in a pretty major way
and this was their response
and they represented what less than 1% of the population
they didn't even represent all Jews necessarily
But this is a bunch that took over in 1917,
and the Western history textbooks have sanitized it
and censored the reality such that it is an absolute hallucination
of the make-believe history concerning this.
This is one of the first times a major writer.
Now it's been translated. He didn't write it in English,
but a major writer now in English with mainstream credentials,
more than mainstream credentials,
finally put this stuff out.
And that's why they were,
terrified of this book and they tried to ban it.
They tried to do everything. God knows
what the official translation is going to be.
We talked about that before.
So,
so this, the last couple paragraphs,
this is really summarizing everything
about what was going to happen, especially in the
early USSR.
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Reading ahead and looking at the next paragraph,
he basically is making the point I want to make is that
their children, they act like children, they act like maniacs, they act like monsters, they mock,
they do what children do. And then when, you know, right-wing forces, whether it be the Black
Hundreds, whether it be the National Socialists fighting the communists in the streets in
Germany, in the interwar period, whether it be the Catholics and the Nationalists in Spain,
whenever they fight back, they're referred to as revolutionaries. And it's like, no, they're not
revolutionaries. They're just stopping this. They're stopping this mockery of order. They're stopping
this mockery of civilization. They're stopping this mockery of a culture that brings about order.
They seek chaos. And when I hear people go, oh, well, you know, World War II was just, you know, one
authoritarian side fighting another authoritarian side for control over who could be the authoritarian.
Well, fuck you.
Really, go fuck yourself.
You are, you know, anybody, yeah, go ahead.
You are a, you, if that's your argument, you're low, you're low IQ, you're beneath me.
I don't want to talk to you.
Unfortunately, you know, I had to talk to them.
Any scholar who actually would say that seriously either simply doesn't know.
because he doesn't have access to the information,
or he realizes that the price is too high to know.
Yeah, like you're talking,
national socialism, international socialism, or Leninism,
they don't have much in common.
Postmodern capitalism and Leninism,
they do have quite a bit in common.
And of course, national socialism is very specific to a time period and everything,
although it did have generalized principles.
you usually have these amateur historians,
the people who watch the history channel,
and that's where they get this nonsense.
So one totalitarian system fighting another totalitarian system.
And yet it's strange that in popular culture in the U.S.,
well, in Europe you go to jail for supporting national socialism,
international socialism, they took over the universities.
And of course, Judaism was a huge part of that too.
Yeah, they're beneath you.
They have a cushy gig.
They have the easiest job in the world.
The only thing they really have to do is conform.
I used to say, excuse me, I used to say to these guys, especially on the way out,
said, you did all the work to get a doctoral degree.
You took your doctoral exams.
You were years in school.
You struggled on the job market, especially if there was a man.
Women don't have to worry.
You struggled on the job market.
you taught here, you know, six years and got tenure, and you did it all for what?
To repeat the same things that everyone else is saying?
Is it a coincidence that your point of view on this stuff is the point of view of every other academic,
every think tank, every government agency?
Is that just a wild coincidence?
And, of course, you know, what are they going to say to that?
So that's my version of what you said.
And it is an outrage.
It's lazy thinking.
It's not really, it's short-circuited thinking.
And to this day, you know, the Western media would take their press releases as if it was fact.
And a scholar who's supposed to tear that stuff apart also takes it as fact, or the academic in the West.
Oh, they want to support labor.
Oh, they must have a lot of support in labor unions.
No, they didn't.
And this sort of nonsense proves it.
This was a demented, almost a demonic expression of hatred.
And that's why this stuff is kept out of the press.
You imagine how people would react if these things were even mentioned in a university classroom.
I would have no clue how people would react to that.
I would have no idea whatsoever.
But if someone did do that, I mean, I'm not talking about it.
me at all. But if someone did do that, you know, you would get a tremendous reaction.
Students loved it. And it changes them. Not as a, you know, you're not, you're not editorializing.
You're simply pointing out the facts. You're describing it as Shulton Eatson did. But of course,
everyone else has this huge, huge problem with it. Even mentioning this stuff in Europe gets you a
prison sentence or even less than that.
The very fact that you can be a Stalinist or, you know, maybe, only because he was allegedly anti-Semitic, which he was not.
But you can go, you know, support Stalin's policies, support Mao's policies, be a part of a Maoist organization on campus and get promoted and you're called a community activist.
But if you say one thing, one thing positive to for out of Hitler or even Francisco Franco or Salazar or someone like that, you're in serious trouble.
And especially if you're a white male professor, you have nowhere to go.
And you're right.
You're right to react that way.
It's ignorance.
It's an enforced ignorance.
But there might be some of them who actually know it's true, but hate the fact that they know it's true because they know they can't say it.
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All right. Onward. Yeah. I dare say that something stupid and evil has revealed itself in this
frantic jubilation. The inability to remain within certain limits. What then prompted these Jews in the
midst of the delirious plebs to trample so brutally what the people still venerated? Aware of the precarious
situation of their people and their families on October 18th and 19th, they could not, in dozens of cities,
refrain from embarking in such events with such passion to the point of becoming its soul and sometimes
its main actors? Let us continue reading the Turo report. Quote, respect for the national sentiment and
the symbols venerated by the people was forgotten, as if a part of the population did not shy away from
any means of expressing its contempt. The indignities carried out to the portraits of the emperor
excited an immense popular emotion. Cries came from the crowd gathered in front of the Duma.
Who has dethrone the czar? Others wept. Without being a prophet, one
could foresee that such offenses would not be forgiven to the Jews. Voices rose to express astonishment
at the inaction of the authorities here, of the authorities, here and there, in the crowd,
they began to shout, we must break some kikes. Near the Duma, the police and infantry company stood
idly by. At that moment, a squadron of dragoons appeared briefly, greeted by shots from the windows
in the balcony of the Duma. They began to bombard the infantry company.
with stones and bottles to blast it from all sides. The Duma, the stock exchange for the crowd of
demonstrators. Several soldiers were wounded. The captain gave orders to open fire. There were seven dead
and 130 wounded. The crowd dispersed, but on the evening of the 18th of October, the news of the
degradation committed on the emperor's portraits of the crown, the emblems of the monarchy, the national
flag circled the city and spread into the suburbs, small groups of passers by, mostly workers,
craftsmen, merchants, who commented on the event with animation, put the full responsibility for them
on the Jews, who always stood out clearly from the other demonstrators. In the Padole district,
the workers' crowd decided to seize all the Democrats, who had fomented the disturbances and
placed them in a state of arrest pending the orders of His Majesty the Emperor. In the evening,
a first group of demonstrators gathered in the Alexander Plaza, brandishing,
the portrait of the emperor and singing the national anthem. The crowd grew rapidly,
and as many Jews returned from the Kretjotik with red insignia in the buttonhole,
they were taken for the perpetrators of the disorders, perpetrated in the Duma, and became
the target of aggression. Some were beaten. This was already the beginning of the pogrom against
the Jews. Well, really, at this point, can you blame them?
This is going to be, they had every reason, you know, they knew it was a Jews.
Many of them saw this.
This shows you how popular Nicholas was.
This explains a lot of the policies of Lenin afterwards, Lenin and Trotsky,
that they knew that they were unpopular.
They knew that this behavior would typify them.
They knew how Jewish their movement was.
And therefore, they had to do everything in their power to crush any people.
possible form of opposition, which the war made a lot easier. And of course, they lied about their
agenda on top of it. And when anyone disagrees, especially if they're trying to be nice about it,
you know, there's a million sites where we had the list of the names of the first Soviet.
I forget the exact numbers. It was like three out of 350, 317 were Jews. You give them the list of names,
and you say, okay, you change your mind now?
And of course, you're going to say no.
Okay, so facts don't matter.
I've only been able to do this one time.
Sure, I'll send you the list of names,
but I guarantee you it's not going to change your mind
because it's not about reason or about facts or about logic.
It's about who has power.
So this is this book, and what we're talking about here
is as much to do with what happened then
as about what we have to deal with now
because we're the only ones talking like this.
the house someone like Schultz and Eason
on our side about this kind of thing
having these
descriptions
that don't exist
unfortunately the Russian exiles
didn't do English very well
and they lived in their own little
worlds I was able to penetrate it
I know a few people who have
once they come to trust you it's okay
this is a long time ago
that generation is largely gone
but, you know, unlike the Jews who were able to take over entire areas through the media.
So, you know, that shows you how the whole thing shows you that the system was supported,
that the common people, especially the common workers, support it, Zar Nicholas.
Of course, you're always going to have a problem with the government here and there.
I mean, that's the nature of life.
But when you have a specific group of people who are clearly involved with these
kind of outrages, you're going to take action against them when no one else is.
And this was a huge, it's so frustrating to read this stuff.
So now the security forces, such as they were, now they have, there's a three-sided war.
It's like Northern Ireland sometimes.
It's a three-sided war.
Security forces have problems with both signs now.
And the manifesto, again, that's the cause of all this, at least at this time.
breaking some kikes
well you know that's what they're that's what the kites are saying about you
so i suppose it's a rational response this is a matter of self-defense this is like the white
blood cells in the human body going after a pathogen because they had shown themselves to be a
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Now, to understand both the unpardonable inaction of the authorities during the
sacking of the Duma and the destruction of the national emblems, but also there are even
more unpardonable inaction during the program itself, one.
has to take a look at what was happening within the organs of power. At first glance, one might
think it was a result of a combination of circumstances. But their accumulation has been such in Kiev,
as well as in other places, that one cannot fail to discern the mismanagement of the imperial
administration of the last years, the consequences of which were fatal. As for the governor of Kiev,
he was simply absent. Vice-Governor Rafalski had just taken office, had not had time to find his
bearings and lacked confidence in the exercise of temporary responsibilities. Above him, Governor
General Klegel's, who had authority over a vast region, had from the beginning of October,
taken steps to be released from his duties for health reasons. His real motivations remain unknown
and is not excluded that his decision was dictated by the bubbling Revolution of September,
which he did not know how to control. In any case, he, too, considered himself as temporary.
while in October the directives of the Ministry of the Interior continued to rain on him.
October 10th.
Take the most energetic measures to prevent disorder in the street and put an end to it by all means in case they occur.
12th. Repressed street demonstrations do not hesitate to use armed force.
13. Do not tolerate any rally or gatherings in the street and if necessary, disperse them by force.
On October 14th, as we have seen, the unrest in Kiev had crossed a dangerous limit.
Cleggles brought together his close collaborators, including the chief of police,
Colonel Sikotsky, and the deputy head of security.
Again, the leader was absent, Kuljabika.
A man as agitated as he was ineffective, the very one who, by stupidity, was about to expose
to the blows of his assassin.
From the panicked report of the latter stemmed the possibility not only of
demonstrations of armed police in the streets of Kiev, but also an armed insurrection.
Klegels, therefore, renounced reliance on the police, put in place to provisions for
recourse to the armed forces to assist the civil authorities, and on October 14th,
handed over his full powers to the military command.
more precisely to the commander on a temporary basis once again.
The commander himself is absent, but it must be said that the situation is anything but worrying.
From the Kiev military region, the General Keras.
The responsibility for security in the city was entrusted to General Drake.
Is it not comical enough?
Which of the surnames that have just been enumerated make it possible to suppose that the action is taking place in Russia?
General Krauss found himself in a particularly difficult situation,
insofar as he did not know the data of the situation nor of the staff of the administration of the police.
By giving him his powers, General Klegels did not consider it necessary to facilitate the work of his successor.
He can find himself to respecting forms and at once ceased to deal with anything.
The most important thing to reiterate, and I've said,
this before for people who are, you know, just kind of tuning in or forgotten,
Russia didn't have your typical well-developed urban police force at this point.
You had something of a prison system, but nothing like you had in the West.
You know, this was an empire.
This was an empire based on medievalist and still nationalist terms.
And, you know, this sort of thing.
weren't prepared for. The police forces were, you know, the bureaucracy itself was fairly small
compared with the West. So it's very easy to overwhelm them, especially when, you know, at a time
you don't really have modern crowd control. And, you know, the Jews here like to, what we call
entryism. If there's a legitimate grievance, they like to insert themselves into it and then
slowly take it over and direct it. And so people think that it's, you know, the original,
but, but, you know, that's what happened on Bloody Sunday. It's what happened in the gold mines.
This kind of hijacking is something they did very well. So they made it seem like they were more
powerful or more popular than they, than they really were. They had tremendous powers of
persuasion. Unfortunately, the state didn't. And so that's why they call the military in.
and when you have relatively small ministries or bureaus like you had at this point
with some confusion at the top and you have this hit you know this isn't something that
they're used to the the program you know and the state can't be neutral here the state has friends
and it has enemies those in the street who are their friends you should treat them as friends
And that's really, you know, and that's something that I don't think they thought they could do.
I remember when I was at Charlottesville, I said to a state trooper, there was a few others too.
I said, you know, we're the only ones here that don't want to kill you.
The left wants you dead.
We don't.
In other words, figure out who your friends are.
You know, and again, the lack of propaganda, the left blew them away in terms of propaganda in terms of organization.
and this goes down in the history books now as a program against Jews without any context.
I know exactly how this is described.
And when I came across this book and other Russian texts saying the same kind of thing,
my mind was blown entirely.
This changes everything.
The entire history, mainstream history of this era has to be completely rewritten.
It is now time to talk about the chief of police, Sikotsky.
As early as 1902, an administrative inspection had revealed that he concealed the practice of extortion of the Jews in exchange for the right of residence.
It was also discovered that he lived above his means, that he had bought, as well as for his son-in-law, properties worth 100,000 rubles.
It was considered that he be brought to justice when Cleggles was appointed Governor General, very quickly, and of course not without having received a large bribe.
The latter intervened so that Sokotsky was kept at his post and even obtained a promotion in the title of general.
Regarding the promotion, it did not work, but there were no penalties either, although General Trepoff had been working towards this end from Petersburg.
Sikotky was informed at the beginning of October that Klegels had asked to leave his post at the end of the month.
His morale fell even lower.
He saw himself already condemned.
And on the night of the 18th of October, at the same time as the Imperial Manifesto, the official confirmation of the retirement of Klegels came from St. Petersburg.
Skoski now had nothing to lose.
Another detail, even though the situation was so troubled, Cleggles left his post even before the arrival of his successor, who was none other than the pearl of the imperial administration, General Sukomlenov.
The future minister of defense, who scuttled the preparations for war against Germany,
As for the functions of Governor General, they were temporarily assumed by aforesaid General Karras.
And it was thus that there was no rapid termination of the confusion that had settled within the police after the handing over a power to the army,
but that it only increased to manifest itself with the greatest acuity during the disorders.
The fact that Klegals had renounced his full powers
and that these had been handed over for an indefinite period
to the military authorities of the city of Kiev
is mainly at the origin of the uncertain mutual relations
which later established themselves between civil authorities
and military authorities.
The extent and limits of the power of the army
were not known to anybody,
and this vagueness led to a general disorganization of services.
Don't forget, the revolution,
were at this point getting tremendous amounts of money from abroad, especially from Britain.
Revolutionary movement had offices in London. They have had that for a long time, to a lesser extent, in Switzerland.
Remember, I think it was maybe a week ago, one of these terrorists had fled to Italy, and they refused to hand him over.
He had already been convicted of terrorism, but because they despise the Russian government so much, or the monarchy so much, they refused to, you know,
he was one of theirs.
That has to be kept in mind.
The revolutionaries were small.
They were very ethnically based,
but they had media support,
not just locally,
but also especially in Great Britain.
It wasn't until World War I that they were getting,
you know, money from the German high command from,
from banks in New York City.
At least Lenin was.
Trotsky was not.
Trotsky had his own Jewish connection.
but that just increased it.
But they always had foreign money and foreign weapons throughout this period of time.
If there were no Jews, none of this would have been going on.
Let's do this last paragraph, and we'll start again at the very long paragraph after it.
Okay.
This manifested itself from the beginning of the pogrom against the Jews.
Many police officers were convinced that the power had been fully handed over to
military command and that only the army was competent to act and to repress the disorders.
That is why they did not feel concerned by the disorders which took place in their presence.
As for the Army, referring to an article of the provisions on the use of the armed forces to assist
to civil authorities, it was awaiting indications from the police, considering with reason
that it was not its responsibility to fulfill the missions of the latter.
These provisions stipulated precisely that the civil authorities present at the scene of the
disorders should guide the joint action of the police and the army with a view to their repression.
It was also up to civil authority to determine when to use force. Moreover, Klegelz had not considered
it useful to inform the military command about the situation in the city, nor had he told it what he
knew about the revolutionary movement in Kiev. And this is what made units of the army
begin to scour the city aimlessly. You start wondering if this is merely
incompetence. Yeah, this was kind of a new phenomenon in Russia. And certainly with the Jewish
angle, it was a very different phenomenon. It always reminds me of Northern Ireland when the
army was sent in. That connection, you know, Stormont on one hand in the army and the other,
they work well. But that kind of separation of powers, this was not something they had developed.
They never needed to develop it. So even when it came to
organized force, there was so much confusion.
And keep in mind that when World War I broke out, 1917 happened, one of the reasons
that Bolsheviks were so easily took over St. Petersburg is that there was no soldiers there.
They were elsewhere.
There was like a very small, Volkstrom type of a much older reservists there who didn't really
do much.
There was no military to stop that.
The white government was so, you know, the provisional,
government was so weak
that and so dependent on the entente for everything
that there was no law enforcement
that just allowed the Bolsheviks
to simply walk into an office and take it over
now of course that wasn't the case here
this is going to change in World War I
which is why it's so important to have a huge war
where everyone is focused elsewhere
especially when you lie
about how the war is going
You had the exact same problem in the US during Vietnam.
They made up stories.
The MyLy Masker was a myth.
I did a whole paper on it.
Kent State, complete myth.
I did a, you know, it was part of a much larger paper at the time.
I wrote in the 1960s, even though it was early 70s.
The media, foreign money, chaos, a war.
And the media is important because he could lie about the war.
And that's how this revolution took place.
And when they took over, the last thing they gave a damn about
were your workers and certainly your peasants,
who many of them were liquidated shortly thereafter.
And of course, every revolution has civil war after it,
which is part of an aspect of almost inherent to revolution
when it's successful.
Civil war breaks out.
And of course, it happened in Russia, too.
It never quite ended.
didn't end really until until the 30s and some of those same counter-revolutionaries
helped the Germans when they when they invaded which is really the only help the last hope
they had or Europe had for getting rid of this mentality the transfer agreement
Zionism should come in handy here but I'll still say it had some impressive
intellectuals behind it Zionist movement was very
small at this period of time. That would have been the right thing to do. It's easy to, again, to look
back and give instructions, but making some deal with the Turks and to expel the Jews there,
that would have possibly caused a war with Britain and France, though I frankly think it would have
been worth it. That was, I think, the only way they could have solved this problem. On the other hand,
that would have led to a huge amount of money and trade going abroad. Because by this,
they had monopolized a lot of that.
So as always, the state is in a terrible position.
And what Nicholas had going for him is he was popular.
He was popular not just as a man, but also his policies.
What he didn't have going for him was a media, especially after the 1905 manifesto,
that was now empowered to make up stories about him.
It's absolutely useless for when it comes to do information,
about him. This is where the whole Rasputin mythology came from.
Just a way to mock Nicholas. And some of that stuff is still repeated as fact today.
American academics will believe anything so long as it supports the leftistidiology.
Why they believe the left of cityology is a whole separate matter. But this wasn't a
program against the Jews. This was self-defense. And you've already said it yourself. And people
who don't understand that are idiots. They're either.
just ignorant, they can't put it together, or they don't want to know.
Yeah, the, um, one of the things I'm probably most excited for or just, you know,
you know, here, I assume a lot of people who are watching this and listening to this,
just see the parallels to today, you know, whether it be, you know, the, basically the hijacking
of the American government and, you know, the way they just plug people in who are just there to
do their bidding, whether they're being paid off or whether they're being blackmailed,
whether it be the 2020 riots, whatever it may be.
It's the same thing over and over again, and we allow them to get away with it.
And so many people are either bought off or brainwashed into believing that these are just
normal white people who, you know, are just successful and you're jealous of their success.
Yeah.
They can't see it.
They can't see that this is, if you want to look at, you know, so much, I'm not going
to blame it all on them because I'm not a Zionist.
Of course.
Anyone who, anyone who blames, anyone who says the Jews are behind everything is a bigger
Zionist than Benjamin Netanyahu.
Yeah.
Yeah.
I mean, you, you really need to check your premises as far as, and really examine things.
But the fact that there are so many, you know, white Americans and Anglos who are willing to jump and, you know, dive in front of a bullet for these people, metaphorically or, you know, in reality.
Yeah, in reality, it just, once you see this, you cannot unsee it.
And if you, if you see it and your immediate reaction is to defend them, we don't really have.
anything in common and you're not on you're definitely not on my side well cognitive
dissonance um is it's a nasty thing to deal with because of my readers and listeners who support me
financially i don't have cognitive dissonance i do precisely what i want i believe precisely where the
truth leads me i don't have to worry about irritating this person or irritating that person
that's a wonderful feeling
that very few academics could
share.
You know,
but I'm hoping
that cognitive dissonance can become
such a problem that either they're going to drop out
or they're just going to come out and say it.
You know, Michael Jones and myself,
we've had very soon, he's much older than me,
but we've had very similar career trajectories.
We were good at what we did.
in the academy, but we obviously couldn't last there.
And for a very, you know, not like we preached to anything, they preached to their students,
we never did. But even asking questions. Now, a sociopath doesn't have to worry about
cognitive dissonance, because there is no truth or falsehood or good or evil. It's all just
self-interest. It doesn't bother them. But I say for the majority of the population,
cognitive dissonance is a problem, which is why censorship and having this stuff sanitized
is so important to the academic.
Maybe the old generation knew better, but these young guys coming in, I don't know if they know.
I don't know if they could really summarize our point of view, even if they're in this field
properly, because I don't think they know it.
And that gives us a certain advantage.
So, and then on top of it, now you have the behavior of Netanyahu.
You have the behavior of the Israelis.
It was, at least for a little while, mainstream, to condemn the Israeli government and even Zionism.
They did some damage control.
But, you know, if the comment sections on, like, say, YouTube weren't censored,
even what gets through is pretty good.
people like us there were growing people people are seeing it even just logically if not empirically
it's really hard the regime isn't really hiding much anymore but if you're a white male who
kind of knows this stuff and you're in the academy you you are going to suffer because cognitive
dissidence is a horrible affliction you you just feel this honest and dirty
Solzhen Easton talks about it
and really all his works
concerning the Soviet Union
because you had bureaucrats
who would spout some Leninist slogan
they knew was false
they either ended up in the gulag
or they just suffered
and that's
so don't forget the psychological aspect
of all of this
and that's why the centering of the web
was so extremely important
because we could give the list of names
to our opponents, and you know damn well, it's not going to change their mind.
Or very few people it would.
I mean, what are they going to do?
I've had too many times where someone has, you know, agreed with me on this stuff.
And then they go and they talk to somebody else and they repeat the same virtue signal that they did before.
Sometimes it's hard to blame them.
Not everyone can do what we do.
But, you know, truth isn't necessarily the one good.
that they seek. I do and I've suffered miserably for it. And I paid the price for it. But it's a
price I'm willing to pay. We can't ask that of everybody. But truth, for so many,
isn't the main category. It's not really the goal. What's useful, what works, what gets them
ahead, what makes them feel better. That's the goal. And that's what we're, but don't forget,
you know, if the Soviet Union can collapse overnight,
if the Warsaw Pact could collapse with no warfare,
with no war going on, nothing, just collapsed with its own weight overnight,
then anything could happen.
It doesn't take a majority.
It takes a determined, one thing we could learn from the Jews
is that numbers don't mean anything.
What matters is a well-spelled-out ideology,
cohesion, and the willingness to sacrifice.
doesn't have to be a massive army
because what we may lack in numbers
we don't have cohesion of course
but that's one thing the Bolsheviks had
one of the main reasons they won the Civil War
is that they were completely unified
and they would shoot anyone otherwise
the whites had no unifying ideology
but cohesion, cohesion, cohesion
that's what wins wars
that's what collapses empires
and the Jews more than anyone else are aware of that.
Numbers don't matter.
All right.
Good message there.
Yeah, and I do leave it open that people will change their minds in the future.
But right now, you're not useful at all.
You're a hindrance.
So I did want to make this request out there.
I know that we have some Russian speakers who are definitely friendlies.
If you've been following this along in a Russian version of 200 years together, reach out to me.
I know a couple of – I've already emailed with a couple of you, so you already got my email.
If you're following it along in a Russian edition of this, reach out to me.
I want to ask you a couple questions.
So I will end this the same way I always do.
Please, please, please, please.
Go to the show notes.
Go to the notes on the videos.
and go support Dr. Johnson and his work and keep him unemployed so he can keep us educated.
And Dr. Johnson, it is always a pleasure.
Thank you.
Right back at you, man.
I'll talk to you in a few days.
Talk to you.
Bye.
Goodbye.
