The Pete Quiñones Show - Reading Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together' w/ Dr Matthew Raphael Johnson - Part 40
Episode Date: May 31, 202558 MinutesPG-13Dr. Matthew Raphael Johnson is a researcher, writer, and former professor of history and political science, specializing in Russian history and political ideology.Pete and Dr. Johnson c...ontinue a project in which Pete reads Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together," and Dr' Johnson provides commentary.Dr Johnson's PatreonRusJournal.orgTHE ORTHODOX NATIONALISTDr. Johnson's Radio Albion PageDr. Johnson's Books on AmazonDr. Johnson's Pogroms ArticlePete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
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Thank you.
I want to welcome everyone back to part 40 of our reading of 200 years together by Alexander
Silschenison.
How are you doing today, Dr. John?
I was up till three this morning putting together my latest daily nationalist, which should be posted by now, on what's left of the tragedy, the force of the Ukrainian Air Force.
It took me hours. It took me days to get all this together.
Drago Bosnich, who knows more about the technical aspects of the various, you know, why the Russians are so superior.
to the West in so many, you know, weaponry and the planes themselves are reading him a lot.
And I put together, I'm going to publish it soon on my Patreon.
It's probably the best thing I've ever done.
The best lecture I ever put out there for some reason.
There's a couple of them that I'm really, really proud of.
And that's people underestimate how long it takes to put one of these lectures together for an hour.
Now, usually I go for an hour and a half or more on the Orthodox Nationalist, the Delhi Nationalist,
supposed to be a half hour. I end up going like usually at least an hour because I can't do
anything in under an hour. But this one was done in about 50 minutes. Very proud of it. It's so
tragic. They're sending these boys up in death traps. They have no idea what they're doing.
They're only trained. It's so, I don't know what they tell these guys,
but their survival rate is almost zero.
They can't even get off the ground without being.
It's really, it's a tragedy.
And it's a soviet of the nature of the regime, the nature of the ruling class,
and what they really think of Ukrainians in this absolutely, at this point,
absolutely ridiculous war.
Yeah.
Yeah, we know who's behind it.
So let's talk a little bit about them.
How about that?
Yeah, yeah.
This is nothing compared to that, I'm telling you.
All right, here we go.
Picking up from where we left off last time.
So the pogrom against the Jews began in the evening of the 18th of October.
At its initial stage, the Pogrom undoubtedly assumed the character of retaliation against
the offense to national sentiment.
The assaults against the Jews passed in the street.
The destruction of shops and the merchandise they contained were accompanied by words such
as, here it is, your liberty, here it is, your constitution and your revolution.
This, this is for the portrait.
of the Tsar and the crown.
The next morning, October 19th,
a large crowd came from Duma
to the Cathedral of St. Sophia,
bearing the empty frames
of the Tsar's portraits
and the broken emblems of the imperial power.
It stopped at the university
to have the damaged portraits restored.
A mass was celebrated,
and the Metropolitan Flavian
exhorted the people
not to indulge in excesses
and return home.
But while the people who formed
the heart of the patriotic demonstration,
maintained an exemplary order, individuals who joined them along the way allowed themselves to be subjected to all kinds of violence against the Jewish passers-by, as well as high school pupils or students in uniform.
They were then joined by the workers, the homeless of the flea market, the bums.
Groups of rioters sacked the houses and shops of the Jews, threw into the street their goods and merchandise, which were partly destroyed on the spot, partly plundered.
The servants, the guardians of the building, the little shopkeepers apparently saw nothing wrong with.
taking advantage of the property of others.
Others, on the contrary, remained isolated to all interested goals until the day of the disorders.
They tore from the hands of their companions to objects that they had stolen, and, without paying
attention to their value, destroyed them on the spot.
The rioters did not touch the shops of the car rights, nor the houses where they were presented
portraits of the emperor.
But on the whole—
Let me interrupt right there.
Sure.
Let me interrupt right there.
I've said this before, but I think it's very important that he points out that the Karaites weren't touched.
The Karaits, of course, there's not that many of them.
The Talmudists tried to slaughter them all many years ago.
There's a few of them still around.
And this means that even for the mob, the word Jew was identical with Talmudist.
That's what the Karaiter are known for.
They have no, they reject the Talmud and they reject the rabbinical system.
They would reject the Kahal, all that.
They're, they're, you know, you call them Jews, but I don't even think that fits.
And I think it's very important.
He makes that distinction.
And I don't know how many of the homeless would know not to touch the Karaitu.
So that means someone must have told them, you know, these are not, these are not the problem.
It's the Talmudists that are the problem.
Anyway, go ahead.
But, on the whole, only a few hours after it had begun, the pogrom took the form of a pitiless rampage.
On the 18th, it continued long into the night, then stopped on its own to resume on the morning of the 19th, and to cease only on the evening of the 20th.
There were no fires except one in the Padal district.
On the 19th, luxury shops belonged to Jews were sacked as far as the city center on the Kretchich.
Crachatik. The heavy metal curtains and locks were forced after half an hour of hard work.
Expensive textiles, velvet clots were thrown into the street and spread out in the mud,
in the rain, like rags of no value. In front of the shop of the jeweler Markish on the
crechatik, the pavement was littered with precious objects, and the same for fashion shops,
the dry goods stores. The pavement was fraught with account books, invoices. In Lipka, the chic neighbor,
the private mansions of the Jews were sacked, that of Baron Ginsburg of Halperin, of Alexander,
and Leon Brodsky of Landau, and many more.
All the luxurious decoration of those houses was destroyed.
The furniture broken and thrown into the street.
Likewise, a model secondary school for the Jews of the Brodsky School was ravaged.
There was nothing left of the marble staircases and the wrought iron ramps.
In all, it was nearly 1,500 apartments and commercial premise.
belonging to Jews were plundered, starting from the fact that nearly two-thirds of the city's trade
was in the hands of the Jews to so assess losses, including the richest mansions, to several
million rubles. It had been planned to ransack not only Jewish houses, but also those of the
prominent liberal personalities. On the 19th, Bishop Leto led a procession through the streets of
Padol, where the pogrom had been particularly violent, urging the people to put an end to the
abuses, imploring the crowd to spare the lives and property of the Jews. The bishop knelt several
times before it. A broken man came out of the crowd and shouted threatening. You too, you're for the
Jews? I think the issue, of course, they're worried about innocent people like children.
When these things get out of control. Yesterday, we read a paragraph, you know, just a bit before
this one, where the Jews were doing the exact same thing.
if you go to the Jewish encyclopedia or even just a history text,
this Kiev program,
they'll describe these outbursts, but with no context.
Somehow for these people, context is the enemy.
It's like they're kryptonite.
No one wants innocent people being hurt,
but if the state wasn't going to do anything,
the people took matters into their own hands.
It is impossible to,
condemn this kind of thing, especially under these circumstances.
These Jews, and the very fact that they were well, that they were educated enough not to touch
the Karite homes.
And it's a miracle that the Talmudist would even let them live.
You know, usually, I thought they would just be wiped out on the spot, but like it used
to be in Spain.
But this is something that I've been coming for a very long time.
the state was, at least in Kiev, of course, a heavily Jewish area, very wealthy city,
you know, Jews have been particularly obnoxious.
We've been reading about the abuses of the Jews.
What do they expect?
And when they write about this, they'll say that this was just, you know,
mindless hatred for no reason except maybe for jealousy.
So Bishop Playton, you know, he's, he realized that these things can get very much out of control
and that there needs to be organization, you know, which is where the black hundreds came in.
It can't just be a mob.
A mob can't do it.
They could destroy things.
That's pretty much about it.
They go home afterwards.
If it's organized, it's, but it was organized enough, again, to make sure that the homes of the, of the,
of certain people weren't touched,
where there was a portrait of the emperor,
Jews who didn't follow the Talmud.
This was an anti-Talmudic outburst
against the abuses of the Jews
that have been going on for decades.
And it's not a pogrom at all.
I mean, I guess you could call it that,
but it's a simple matter of a very crude form of justice
because the state, you know,
wasn't doing much about this.
was favoring them in a lot of different ways.
No one likes these outbursts.
No one likes violence.
No one likes to hurt anybody.
But under the circumstances.
And we also see how the Jews responded to weakness.
The minute the Tsar gave in,
instituted the so-called constitution and the Duma,
they went crazy.
This program was in response to them sacking the doom,
and and just absolutely acting like lunatic children after the, after the
Duma was granted.
This doesn't show this, you know, this, this at least is a response.
Okay, we have to be, we have to be more careful here in the future.
Of course, they weren't.
But you would think that that would be their, their response.
It's very crude.
No one likes it.
I don't believe in this kind of violence.
But of course, I also wasn't there.
I wasn't there when the Jews were on a rampage.
And we know what the Jews were going to do to a lot of these same people in just a few years.
There's a certain very crude justice to this.
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We have already seen the carelessness that prevailed among the authorities.
General Drake did not take appropriate measures to ensure the proper organization of security.
The troops should not have been scattered in small detachments.
There were too many patrols, and the men often stayed idle.
And here we are.
What struck everyone during the pogrom was the obvious inaction close to complacency,
which was shown by both the army and the police.
The latter was virtually absent, and the troops moved slowly,
merely replying to the shots fired from certain houses,
while on either side of the street, the shops and apartments of the Jews were sacked with impunity.
A prosecutor asked a patrol of Cossacks to intervene to protect stores that were looted nearby.
The Cossacks replied that they would not go, that it was not their sector.
I don't know how you don't laugh when you read that.
I remember the first time I read it, I did, I smiled.
Cossacks, their whole world was protecting Christians from the Jews to now ask them to protect
these exploiters from the mob.
Of course you're going to say, you know,
they're being very nice about it.
It's not our sector.
We're on coffee break.
I don't know.
I lost my sword.
You know, my horse is sick.
I'm sure they came up with all of these to avoid it.
Now, if things went too far,
that would be a different story.
But so long as it was confined to, you know,
a couple of punches or someone or their stuff being thrown out into the street,
they didn't have a whole lot of incentive to chop off arms in the protection of a group of people
that they were sworn as Cossacks to do battle with.
More serious still, a whole series of witnesses had the impression that the police in the army
had been dispatched not to disperse the breakers, but to protect them.
Here the soldiers declared that they had been ordered to ensure that there were no clashes
and the Russians were not attacked.
elsewhere they said that if they had taken an oath to God into the Tsar, it was not to protect those who had lacerated and jeered at the portraits of the Tsar.
As for the officers, they considered themselves powerless to prevent disorders and felt themselves entitled to use force only in cases where the violence was directed against their men.
Example.
Of a house, ran out a Jew covered with blood pursued by the crowd.
An infantry company was right there, but it paid no attention to what was going on,
and quietly went up the street.
Elsewhere, the plunderers were massacring two Jews with table legs,
a detachment of cavalry station ten paces awake,
contemplated placidly the scene.
It is not surprising that the man in the street could have understood things like this.
The Tsar graciously granted us the right to beat the kikes for six days,
and the soldiers.
You see, is all this conceivable without the approval of the authorities?
For their part, the police officers,
when they were demanded to put an end to the disorders,
objected that they could do nothing to the extent
that the full powers had been transferred to the military command.
But there was also a large crowd of thugs that took flight
due to a police commissioner who brandished his revolver,
assisted by only one peacekeeper,
and police officer Ostromensky,
with three patrolmen and some soldiers succeeded
in preventing acts of looting in his neighborhood
without even resorting to force.
The concept of a riot has always,
interested me, you know, as a scholar. I got into it with, you know, Northern Ireland and it's
definitely South Korea. Le Bonn's the crowd. There's a whole sociology of this here. You know,
a riot is a very crude response. Sometimes you could fully understand it. But who are the
people who are taking part? And what's their mentality? When I see a riot, I remember
the riots against the um there was some austerity in britain a few years ago and there was a riot in
london i see these punks with mohawks i guarantee you if you ask them what specifically you're
writing about they they couldn't explain the cuts to social security or whatever it was
that's not what they're there for they're there because that's that's who they are
so you have people who uh took action on principle and just sheer anger
And thugs.
People who just do this, they're looking for any excuse.
It's really hard to tell the difference.
But now the problems between the Cossack command, military command, and local police in Kiev, that was a legitimate issue.
No one was quite sure who had the right to do what.
This had nothing to do, you know, with, the state had nothing to do with this.
this wasn't permitted
but
a Russian policeman is not going to put his life on the line
when he probably is very much on the side of
the rioters
so long as people aren't being killed and innocent people aren't being hurt
you know but how do you avoid that at some point
innocent people will be hurt
you know
but they specifically seem to go to places that there was a lot of
money, not just because they could take things, but they were the exploiters.
So this was something of a principled riot, but the minute you start talking about the thugs,
or the homeless, as we've already mentioned, the minute they get or someone who's drunk,
then it's not legitimate anymore.
It's not crude justice anymore.
Now it's just antisocial people.
Oh, we finally have an excuse to show how antisocial we are to take out our anger on other things
on this, pretending that we have these principles.
So there was a legitimate problem in terms of law enforcement,
not something that the Russians particularly good at at the time.
But again, as everyone who's been following this knows,
if there was ever a riot that was provoked by its victims, it's this one.
The looters did not have firearms, while the young Jews, they had some.
However, unlike what happened in
Amel, here the Jews had not organized their self-defense, even though shots were fired from many
houses by members of self-defense groups who included in their ranks, both Jews and Russians,
who had taken their part. It is undeniable that in some cases these shots were directed against
troops and constituted acts of retaliation for the shots fired on the crowd during the demonstrations
of the previous days. Sometimes Jews fired on the patriotic parades organized in response to the
revolutionary demonstrations that had taken place before. But these shots had deplorable consequences,
without producing any effects on the rioters, they gave the troops a pretext to apply their
instructions to the letter. As soon as shots came from a house to troops who were there,
without even inquiring whether they were directed against them or against the rioters, sent a salvo
into its windows, after which the crowd rushed in and ransacked it. We saw cases where we were
firing at a house solely because someone had claimed the shots had gone.
It also happened that the looters claimed the stairs of a house and fired shots
toward the street to provoke the troops, retaliation, and then engaged in plundering.
But we've spoken about this before, too. The Jews were armed.
The Jews did have self-defense groups. Now, you see that first couple of sentences.
unlike in Gommel, the Jews hadn't organized their self-defense in Kiev,
even though shots were fired from many homes by members of self-defense groups.
And then they say by members of who included in their ranks, both Jews and Russians,
who had taken their part.
I think I know what they're talking about there.
There had to have been something, given the hyper-organization of Jews everywhere,
especially in Russia at the time.
There certainly were militias here.
I think this whole thing took them by surprise.
And especially since you had three law enforcement organizations,
Cossacks, you know, this is Kiev, this is Ukraine,
Cossacks, soldiers, and local police.
Again, these police forces were not very large
and not trained for crowd control.
And they were quite confused.
Because of all of that,
you know, they didn't expect anything like this to happen.
So, but minute shots rang out.
It's pretty certain that these were Jewish groups because as far as anyone can tell,
this is quoting, by the way, this isn't Solzhenitin writing most of this.
This is from the report after the event, translated by him.
You know, these soldiers were largely defending themselves.
It was pretty certain that the Jews were the armed ones.
and it really depends on where these bullets were landing.
You know, and it clearly had no effect on the rioters, which is interesting.
But, yeah, the soldiers will defend themselves here regardless of who's shooting,
but there were no firearms, as this says, on the Russian side.
It's also interesting to note that from here on in, although this happened before anyway,
but especially in this era, any pro-Russian pro-royalist demonstration, and there were many, you know, again, black hundreds were mostly Ukrainian organization.
It was the Jews who provoked the riot. It was the Jews who shot them, was Jews who attacked them.
Those very same attacks then today are called pogroms against the Jews, because their fight broke out, obviously.
to the extent of my knowledge,
the black hundreds were not armed
with firearms in any of their demonstrations.
That was a leftist thing to do at the time.
But like everything else that's happened up until this point,
the Jewish media, the media in the West
created this fantasy story
of the government organizing these programs
against the Jews for no reason.
And that means that Russians,
or animals. They have no right to exist. They have no right to rule anything. And they need to be
disciplined. And it was so, it was obsessive when during the Russian Civil War, there was one offer
made to Danikin, I think, where we may think about giving you assistance if you purge any
anti-Semite from your organization, which meant there would be like three.
guys left. They would do this all the time. They wouldn't have given a mate anyway. They never
got a penny from the West. But this obsession with Jews, London and Washington is one of the
reasons that they backed the Bolsheviks and the Reds during the Civil War and invested heavily
in the USSR from its foundation almost to its very end. So clearly this is a
how the Jews behaves before this.
What we talked about, they're childish, jeering and attacking,
physical violence and ripping up pictures of the Tsar,
although the Tsar had done nothing to them.
It just shows the level of contempt
that these same Jews are going to show when they take over in late 1917.
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And things got worse.
Some of the policemen and soldiers did not disdain the goods thrown into the street by the vandals,
pick them up, and hid them in their pockets or under their hoods.
And although these cases were exceptional and punctual,
one still saw a police officer dismantling the door of a shop himself
and a corporal imitating him.
The false rumors of looting by the army began to circulate when General Everett
ordered in his area to confiscate goods taken by the looters and stolen goods
and to transport them to warehouses of the army for subsequent restitution to their owners
on presentation of a receipt, thus saving property worth several tens of thousands of rubles.
It is hardly surprising that this scoundrel of Sikotky, seeing his career broken, not only did not
take any action concerning the action of the police, having learned at the beginning of the
program on the evening of the 18th, he did not communicate by telegram any information to the
neighborhood police stations before late in the evening of the 19th.
Not only did he not transmit any information to generals and military security, but he himself,
passing through the city, had considered what was going on with calm and indifference,
contenting himself to say to the plunderers, move along, gentlemen, and those few encouraged
one another, don't be afraid he's joking.
And when, from the balcony of the Duma, they began to shout, pound the kikes, plunder, break.
and the crowd then carried the chief of police in triumph.
The latter addressed greetings in response to the cheering of the demonstrators.
It was not until the 20th after General Karras had sent him a severe warning as to the director of the governor's general Chancery.
He declared that Sikotsky would not escape the penal colony,
that he ordered the police to take all measures to put an end to the program.
Senator Turo effectively had to bring him to justice.
In a sense, I could understand.
I mean, this is kind of like they were,
they were dousing him with Gatorade after a winning game.
You know, that's what the first thing I thought of when I, you know,
they were carrying him like, like, uh, like a hero because he wasn't going to do anything.
Um, but although it's understandable, the violence is understandable.
The targets were clearly picked out, which is saying,
something, if it's left unchecked, innocent people are going to be hurt or killed.
So at some point, there does have to be action taken.
But, and that's why these people were getting very upset with him.
Now, I don't know why he did this.
Clearly, he didn't want his career destroyed.
I think he simply didn't understand the severity of the problem, or that this is not
really that big of a deal, or it's going to be over soon, or, you know, he convinced himself
of something. But the Jews to this day will say that this proves the government was in on this
program. And it's not true. You had confusion at the top. That's true in Kiev, very far from
St. Petersburg. You had a lot of confusion, but that doesn't prove it doesn't prove anything. This was
not in the interest of the state. But it shows that at some point Russians were,
they had had enough.
They were sick of this, and if the state wasn't going to take action, they had no choice.
But unfortunately, it was this, it was crude, it was unwieldy, and eventually it has to be stopped.
Another security official disgruntled with his career, General Bezanov, was in the midst of the crowd of rioters and was peacefully parlaying with them.
We have the right to demolish, but it is not the right to steal.
The crowd shouted, hooray, at another moment he behaved as an indifferent witness to the plunder.
And when one of the breakers shouted, slammed the kikes, Bezinoff reacted with an approving laugh.
He reportedly told the doctor that if he had wanted to, he could have put an end to the pogrom in half an hour,
but the Jews' participation in the revolutionary movement had been too great.
They had to pay the price.
after the pogrom summoned by the military authorities to explain himself, he denied having spoken favorably of the pogrom and declared, on the contrary, to have exhorted people to return to calm.
Quoting, have mercy on us, do not force the troops to use their weapons to shed Russian blood, our own blood.
If I was General Bisonoff, would I have done any differently?
You know, he's not seeing innocent people being killed.
He's seeing a very crude justice by the, by the, a huge portion of the Russian population.
Revolutionaries, as far as he knew, were the ones paying the price here.
And if that, so far as that's true, there was no way he was going to stop it.
And, of course, it eventually petered out.
But as far as Basanov and all these other people were concerned, innocent people were not being hurt.
These people lived on plunder.
These people lived on exploitation.
and usury and manipulation.
They were essentially a mafia clan in Russia
and a huge portion of the Kievan population.
It's really hard to blame the guy.
And people like Pisanov had dealt with
how many of his friends were murdered
by the revolutionary movement?
The assassinations were constant at this point.
Policemen, low-level bureaucrats, pencil pushers,
were shot on a regular basis by the revolutionary movements.
How many corpses do you have to see before you say,
well, you know, I'm not going to do anything here.
They've made their bed, and as far as I'm concerned,
no innocent people are being harmed.
Delegations went one after the other to General Karras,
some requesting that some of them take troops out of the city,
others for the use of force,
and others for taking measure to protect their property.
However, throughout the day of the 19th,
the police did nothing in the military executed orders badly.
On the 20th of October, Karras ordered to encircle and apprehend the hooligans.
Many arrests were made once the army opened fire on the rioters, killing five and wounding several others.
By the evening of the 20th, the pogrom was definitely over, but late in the evening,
the rumor that the Jews murdered Russians sowed dismay among the population.
Retaliation was feared.
During the pogrom, according to police estimates, but in the program,
number of victims were taken by the crowd. There were a total of 47 deaths, including 12 Jews and
205 wounded. One third of them, Jews. Okay, that last sentence completely destroys the Jewish
view of things. This was a program against Jews. So far, what we've read says that's exactly
what it is. Legitimate or illegitimate, it doesn't matter. 47 people allegedly were killed as a
of this and 12 of them were Jews? That means the rest of them were Russians. That means the Jews
were shooting Russians. That means they were armed. This was more of a battle then, if that's
true, than a riot. And we see in almost all of these pogroms, or so-called pogroms, both Russians
and Jews were killed. These were battles. These were battles. These were battles. These were battles.
They were pitched battles in the streets, kind of like late Weimar, Germany.
Something had to be done.
But of the 47, and I, you know, I don't know how they know that all the 47 were killed as a direct result of the riot, although I'm going to believe them here.
47, only 12 were Jews.
That means the majority of them were Russians.
Now, the police may have at some point been responsible for shooting near the end of the riot.
here again you know the army their job isn't isn't law enforcement they're not trained for this
you know today would be a different story but back then they're not they're not law enforcers
but this set this last sentence tells you everything you need to know and the jews being
as neurotic as they are only will tell you that only jews were were killed and it was done for no
reason and here we see that the majority of those killed were Russians.
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Jeroke concludes this report by explaining that the root cause of the Kiev program
lies in the traditional enmity between the population of Little Russia and the Jewish population,
motivated by differences of opinion.
Are you kidding me?
That's what he said.
Differences of opinion?
That's what he...
Okay. Keep going.
differences of opinion
all right
let me give a
Russians were sent to gulag
because there was a difference of opinion
as for its immediate cause
it resides in the outrage
of national sentiment
caused by the revolutionary manifestations
to which the Jewish youth
had taken an active part
the working class imputed to the Jews
only the responsibility
for the blasphemies uttered
against what was most sacred to them
they could not understand
after the grace granted by the emperor
the very existence of the revolutionary movement,
and explained it by the desire of the Jews to obtain their own liberties.
The flip side of the war in which Jewish youth had always openly expressed as deepest satisfaction,
its refusal to fulfill its military obligations,
its participation in the revolutionary movement, acts of violence and killings of agents of the state,
its insulting attitude towards the armed forces,
all this incontestably provoked exasperation toward the Jews among the work.
class. And this is why in Kiev, there have been several cases where many Russians gave open
shelter to unfortunate Jews who fled from the violence but categorically refused Jewish youth.
That's very important. It shows that Russians in the cities were aware of the distinction
between Jews who were kind of normal and young revolutionaries. They're clearly making a
distinction. I've read a lot about that too.
and I would have done the same thing.
If you have someone who's not involved, a decent one, decent Jew, you don't want them to be hurt.
But these young people who are involved, and that was a very specific way that they dressed, they loved the sunglasses that had that purple tint to them.
That was like the revolutionary fashion at the time.
They were very easy to pick out.
You know, they're clearly making a distinction.
And this paragraph here, other than a difference of opinion thing, you know, what's laid out after it shows you that it's not a difference of opinion.
This is about stopping a violent and yet pampered revolutionary group, especially from young people, who want Russians dead, who want the Tsar dead.
It shows you how popular the monarchy was.
The economy was doing well.
Other than the Jews, society was fairly healthy.
trade was very brisk in Kiev at the time
money was being made
it's only the Jewish neurosis that led to any
revolutionary movement whatsoever
and this is after Tsar Nicholas granted
the Duma
but they took that as a sign of weakness
and they created their own riot
they created a riot because
the monarchy gave them sort of what they wanted
you know who are these people
you know that's that's that's what what causes is is exasperation and frustration we've been talking about it since we started this
no one can blame them so here you have situations where they're making the distance we've seen a making distinction between carrites and entomites
and tamadus which is very important um targeting specific places rather than others and now giving shelter to those who were not involved
maybe old people, maybe younger, but youth, people in the 20s or 30s, maybe they were recognized
as violent agitators, they're making definite distinctions here. This isn't typical of a riot.
This is very different. Riders don't seem to care. But in this case, this was a very specific
directed battle against Jewish communists, and all of these Jewish communists wanted these Russians
dead, including the Russians who gave shelter to the innocent ones.
As for the newspaper, the Kievan, it wrote, poor Jews, where is the faults of these thousands
of families? For their misfortune, these poor Jews could not control their brainless youngsters.
But brainless youngsters are also among us, the Russians, and we could not control them either.
The revolutionary youth scoured the countryside, but it was the peaceful adult Jews who had
to pay the piper. Thus, on both sides, we have dug a bottom-le-law.
abyss. As for the Odessa program, we have a similar and equally detailed report, that of
Senator Kuzminski. In Odessa, where a lively revolutionary sentiment had always existed, the tremors
had started since January. The blast took place on the 13th of June, independently thereof,
the arrival of the Potemkin battleship in the harbor of Odessa on the 14th. The entire day of
the 14th of June passed in turmoil, especially amongst a young, but this time also among the
workers whose numerous crowds began to impose by force the cessation of work in plants and factories.
A crowd of about 300 people attempted to break into a tea parlor. Several shots were fired at the
head of the local police station, who was preventing the crowd from entering, but the latter was
dispersed by a salvo shot by a detachment of policemen. However, the crowd soon reformed and proceeded
to the police station. Some shots were fired from the Ducks House. From the windows and the balcony,
Several shots were fired at the police officers.
Another group erected a barricade with building material in the street and then began shooting at a police detachment.
In another street, a crowd of the same kind overturned several tramway wagons and horses.
A fairly large group of Jews broke into a tin factory through tobacco in the eyes of a police officer,
scattered at the appearance of a police detachment while opening fire with revolvers.
Among them four Jews were arrested on the spot.
At a crossroads, a gathering of Jews formed.
Two of them fired revolver shots and a mounted guard.
In general, throughout the day of June 14th, almost all the streets of the city were the scenes of clashes between Jews and the security forces,
during which they used firearms and projectiles, wounding several police officers.
A dozen Jews were also wounded, which the crowd took to hide them, as he tried to escape a certain sipkin through a bomb,
causing his own death as well as that of the police officer Pavlovsky.
Well, I should note Odessa then and up until fairly recently,
Odessa is the capital of Ukrainian Jewry.
It's the largest percentage.
I think it may even be half.
Maybe it's a little less of the population were Jews.
It was a, you know, they took over everything.
It was difficult for a Russian to live there.
The red flag went up over there.
The mayor was a revolutionary.
And before the civil war even started,
the red flag was hoisted above their capital.
They were violent revolutionaries.
There could be no such thing as a pogrom where you have armed detachments of Jewish revolutionaries,
a fairly small police force.
And this is a one time, you know, where's the mob?
There has to be popular participation here.
The cops can't do everything.
There weren't that many of them.
And the Jews would stop at nothing to kill as many of these goyum as they can.
This is a little different, not much a little different from Kiev.
Odessa was the Jewish capital of Ukraine.
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It was at this time that the Potemkin entered the Odessa Harbor.
A crowd of nearly 5,000 people assembled.
Many men and women gave speeches calling the people for an uprising against the government.
Among the students who got aboard the battleship were Constantine Feldman,
who urged to support the movement in town by canoning it, but the majority of the crew opposed it.
And the authorities in all this, the governor of Odessa in unisoned.
other words, the head of the police, Nudhart, was already completely distraught on the day of the
arrival of the Potemkin. He felt, as in Kiev, that the civil authorities were unable to restore
order, and that is why he handed over all subsequent decisions aimed at the cessation of
disorder to the military command. That is to say, the commander of the Odessa Garrison,
General Kakhanov. Did there exist a superior authority to that one in Odessa?
Yes, of course, and it was Governor General Karangazov, who, as the reader will have guessed,
was acting on a temporary basis and felt hardly at ease.
General Kazanov found nothing better than to have the port sealed by the army
and to enclose the thousands of unsafe elements who had gathered there to cut them off,
not yet contaminated, from the city.
On June 15th, the uprising in Odessa and the Potemkin Mutiny collapsed in
to one movement, the inhabitants of the city, among whom many students and workers boarded the
battleship, exhorting the crew to common actions. The crowd in the harbor rushed to plunder
the goods that were stored there, beginning with boxes of wine, then stormed the warehouses
to which it set fire, more than 8 million rubles of losses. The fire threatened the quarantine port
where foreign vessels were anchored and import goods were stored. Kockanov still could not resolve
to put an end to the disorder by force, fearing that the Potemkin would reply by bombarding the city.
The situation remained equally explosive on the 15th. The next day, the Potemkin drew five salvos on the town,
three of them blank, and called them the commander of the armed forces to board the ship to demand
the withdrawal of the troops from the city and to release all the political prisoners.
On the same day, June 16th, at the funeral of the only sailor killed, scarcely had the procession
entered the town, then it was joined by all kinds of individuals who soon formed a crowd
of several thousand persons, principally young Jews, and on the grave an orator, after shouting,
down with the autocracy, called on his comrades to act with determination without fear of the police.
You know how bad a riot has to be? You know how out of control civic unrest has to be for you to ask
battleship to fire on the city.
Odessa being the kind of city it was,
these were armed,
trained, semi-trained,
young revolutionaries,
ideologically motivated, extremely violent.
The police were overwhelmed from day one.
The only way you could do anything is by shooting them.
But, you know,
And there were no political prisoners in Zaris, Russia.
There were violent revolutionaries, very sick people who were imprisoned and those who helped them.
They weren't political prisoners.
That only happens in the EU and the Soviet Union.
You didn't have that in Russia in 1905.
By that very day, and for a long time, the state of siege was proclaimed in the city.
the Potemkin had to take off to escape the squadron that had come to capture it.
And although the four days it had been anchored in the port Odessa,
and to many contacts which had been established between the people and it substantially raised a morale of revolutionaries,
and gave rise to the hope of a possible future support of the armed forces,
despite of that summer was going to end calmly, perhaps even no upset which had occurred in Odessa,
if, on the 27th of August, had been promulgated the incomparable law on the autonomy of higher education
institutions.
Immediately, a Soviet coalition was formed by the students, which, by the determination and audacity,
succeeded in bringing under its influence not only the student community, but also the
teaching force.
Professors feared unpleasant confrontations with the students, such as the boycotted classes,
the expulsion of such and such professor from the amphi, etc.
Large gatherings took place at the university, fundraising to arm the workers and the proletariat for the military insurrection for the purchase of weapons with a view to forming militias and self-defense groups.
Discussions were held about the course of actions to be taken at the time of the interruption.
At these meetings, the faculty of professors took an active part, sometimes with the director, Zanzhevsky, at its head,
who promised to make available to the students all the means at their disposal to facilitate their participation in the liberation movement.
You imagine this complete perversion of the university.
The only reason that they were demanding autonomies so that they could take them over,
these were no longer places of learning.
These became armed camps of the Revolutionaries.
They were able to take over a battleship.
which suggests and implies that there are huge numbers, very well-armed,
revolutionaries, overwhelmingly Jews, because this is the Jewish city in Kiev.
This is the Jewish city of the Russian Empire.
These aren't self-defense groups.
That's propaganda.
They were the aggressors.
They were the attackers.
And that's, you know, the Jews, this is why they were.
were Jews were kept away from higher education.
Because they were Jews, because they would do this, immediately taking them over and making
them into a force and a pillar for the revolution. And if you were against them, and there
were plenty of that were, you were in a lot of trouble. You simply couldn't teach there anymore.
You couldn't go there anymore.
And notice throughout our history since then, especially in the United States, whenever any kind
university revolutionary action happens, it's Jews leading it until they start protesting
against Israel.
That's when Jewish elites all of a sudden become right wing like they have now since October
7th and said that these universities have to be stopped and defunded and we have to take
away their endowments.
And, you know, yeah.
That's the big neocons.
Neocons want that.
I mean, you have a lot of fake protests against Israel from Jews who never seemed to notice
Israel's, you know, this is really nothing special.
Israel's been doing this since 1948.
It's only now because it's in the press, which they were not expecting.
It became mainstream to attack, at least attack Netanyahu.
and they're trying to localize it just to him,
there were a lot of what I think are completely fake Jewish organizations.
Oh, we were against this all along.
They don't want to be implicated in it.
Your neocon Jews, again, another Jewish movement,
they're not right wing by any means,
but they become right wing only when they're seeing their sacred cows gourd on campus.
All of a sudden now they want law and order.
You know, they have no principles.
and you really can't take them seriously when they don't believe in, you know, freedom of expression.
Well, when it comes to pornography, yes, they love freedom of expression, as if that's what the First Amendment was about.
But when we start talking, all of a sudden it doesn't matter anymore.
They have no principles. This is about power. This is about control.
The Jews created this whole notion of a revolutionary university.
Here, they turn them into armed camps.
And we must remember our history, too, that prior to 1967 and 1968, Jews work, Jews and blacks worked side by side.
Jews basically using blacks as a battering ram against white America until blacks decided that part of their revolutionary movement was going to be pro-Palestine.
And then they were immediately.
They were immediately cut off in 1968,
in 1968.
Savartzes.
No, it's true.
On the 17th September,
the first meeting at the university
took place in the presence of an outside public
so numerous that it had to be split into two groups.
The S.R. Tepper and two Jewish students
made speeches calling on the public to leave the struggle
to free the country from political oppression
and a deleterious autocracy.
On the 30th of October, the state of siege was lifted in Odessa and henceforth rushed to these meetings, students of all educational establishments, some of whom were not more than 14 years old.
The Jews were the principal orators calling for open insurrection and armed struggle.
I'm going to read.
What political oppression are they talking about?
What are they talking about?
There was no censorship.
There's always very far away.
He had no direct relevance to their lives.
Their movement, unless they got violent, occurred without interruption.
They were a wealthy group of people.
All of these kids came from the upper classes.
Jewish revolutionaries were almost all from the upper classes.
What oppression are they talking about?
We spent a lot of time talking about how difficult it is for St. Petersburg to enforce laws far away.
And it was an issue because all politics was local in the Russian Empire.
what political oppression are they talking about?
The only thing that they could be talking about
is that the Goyim are running the country
and the chief goys, our Nicholas, exists.
That's what has to be destroyed
so our friends can take over.
Their very existence is what oppression meant to them.
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I think we're going to end it right there and we'll pick up on the next episode.
I wanted to mention, have you ever watched the 1926 Soviet movie Battleship Potemkin?
I have not, but I have heard about it.
You must watch it.
I actually found it on Amazon Prime when I watched it like six, seven years ago.
It basically blames all of the Odessa, what happened in Odessa on,
the Tsar and the Cossacks.
And no mention of Jews except for one person who just randomly just screams,
kill the Jews.
And then that person is like, yeah, and that person is just like, that person shut down.
So the, he shouted down and beaten by the people.
And yeah, it's, it is an amazing piece of propaganda to watch.
If you get a chance to watch it,
definitely watch it. It's called, for everyone
listening, it's called Battleship Potemkin,
1926, directed by Sergei Eisenstein.
Oh, yeah. Yeah, he was a big name.
The last Soviet-made movie I watched was
Alexander Nyevsky, which actually wasn't bad,
because, of course, this is, you know, the Middle Ages,
except there was no, the Orthodox Church wasn't present,
which is absurd.
And what little Orthodox presence there was,
was negative, even though he was fighting for them.
It was kind of absurd to do that.
But otherwise, it wasn't a bad movie.
They didn't have, they had a pretty good, it was all propaganda and nonsense, but their
actors and actresses were very solid.
Now, the Battleship Potemkin is a famous movie.
It's been remade a million times.
And now that you mention it, I guess I have to watch it again or watch it for the first time.
I may have watched it before, but it must have been a million years.
ago. But Eisenstein was one of the biggest names in that in that universe.
Yeah, yeah. Very good, a very good piece of propaganda, good, it's one of those
ones that if you're studying, if you're in the process of studying Bernays, it's one
of those ones that you definitely want to watch because the, if you know what really
happened and then you watch this, you're like, oh, this just makes perfect sense when you
know who made it and when you know who's in charge in Russia at the time, you know, in the
Soviet Union at the time.
Right, of course.
And it's really more or less the same as far as movies today.
They just have a lot better special effects.
Yeah.
All right.
We'll pick up on episode 41 in a couple of days.
As always, go to the show notes, go to the notes in the videos,
and support Dr. Johnson's work.
Make sure that he can keep providing and studying and providing us with this
information because I have not heard a negative about this so far. As a matter of fact, everyone
who's listening to this and even people who, people are contacting me privately to say,
wow, this is something I, you're not going to find anywhere else. So I appreciate it. I think
this is special. And that's, I owe it all to you. Thank you, Dr. Johnson. Oh, I absolutely agree.
and you know
not everyone can do what we do
not everyone could be out in the streets
like I used to be
even though I did lead a normal life
but by supporting us
financially
that's how you now can get involved
that's your contribution
that's your statement
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not everyone could
you know
be a writer or analyst or an activist or an activist
Some people are just not in that position.
But by supporting those who can, you're just as much a part of it as we are.
100%.
Thank you.
Talk to you in a couple days.
All right, my friend.
Bye-bye.
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