The Pete Quiñones Show - Reading Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together' w/ Dr Matthew Raphael Johnson - Part 45

Episode Date: June 18, 2025

56 MinutesPG-13Dr. Matthew Raphael Johnson is a researcher, writer, and former professor of history and political science, specializing in Russian history and political ideology.Pete and Dr. Johnson continue a project in which Pete reads Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together," and Dr' Johnson provides commentary.Dr Johnson's PatreonRusJournal.orgTHE ORTHODOX NATIONALISTDr. Johnson's Radio Albion PageDr. Johnson's Books on AmazonDr. Johnson's Pogroms ArticlePete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.

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The Pekingona Show.com. Everything's there. I want to welcome everyone back to part 45 of our reading of 200 years together with Dr. Matthew Raphael Johnson. How you doing, Dr. J? Have you seen this this 500 pound behemoth that the Navy promoted to E9? It's a have you have you seen her? I have not seen the picture now. It's you know I took a look.

I mean, it's all over the place in certain circles anyway. And there was a few, you know, militarists I follow. And you know, this is all over Russia. This is all over China. This is all over Iran. This is what they're promoting. I don't know how she ever fit on a submarine. But she's at now the top of the enlisted ranks for something.

I don't even remember. I don't get everyone so distracted by her size. Purely DEI promotion. They're still doing it. And is there anything more off-putting than a female drill instructor? is there anything more off-putting than that? You don't anything more but there's a little Muppet. It's 5-1.

With girls, I guess it's, it makes sense. But is there anything that's very off-putting is the word. It's bizarre. It's twisted. It doesn't make any sense. But there's something wrong with the world where they can act like a. And these aren't usually like the real tough girls, like biker girls. They're little, little tiny things.

things. I don't know. How you doing? So she's a master chief, Patty. Yeah, top of the top of the heap. That's just crazy. You should see. You can find the pictures.

She could barely fit into the lens. It's, but it's, you know, he, you can't, all of these purges in the military have it totally unstable, as purges tend to do. And it's, it's really hard to,

um, to undo all of that. that there's purges every few years i mean it's a it's a terrible u.s military is a disaster as it is and now with this kind of thing you can't just get rid of the DEI mentality overnight no all right starting a new chapter here chapter 10 ready go i mean i i can go i can complain about this stuff all day too it's just it's ridiculous i know i know we have we have a country with no military. And not only that, I mean, China makes parts for our most important weapons and our most

important platforms. The U.S. isn't an industrialized country anymore. No. It's a post-modern post-industrialist society dependent on outside country for everything. It doesn't have to be that way. It was made that way. And as Lutwok, Edward Lutwok said in Kudatah, he said, if you're a country that relies on other countries for your defense, for your equipment.

You're not a sovereign nation. Yeah, you're not. And the Russian defense procurement, all state-owned, high-end scientific and factory institutions. They're way ahead of the U.S. China's the same way. You know, they aren't going to the lowest bidder. Anyway, we've got to get going. All right.

All right. Chapter 10, the period of the Duma. The manifesto of the 17th of October marked the beginning of a qualitatively new period in Russian history, which was later consolidated by a year of Stoliopin's government, the period of the Duma or of limited autocracy during which to previous principles of government, the absolute power of the czar, the opacity of the ministries, the immutability of the hierarchy, were rapidly and sensibly restricted. This period was very difficult for all the higher spheres and only men with a solid character and an active temperament could enroll with dignity in the new era. But public opinion also found

it difficult to get accustomed to the new electoral practices, to the publicity of the debates in the Duma, and even more to the responsibility of the latter, and in its left wing, the enraged Leninists, as well as the enraged of the Bund, simply boycotted the elections to the first Duma. We have nothing to do with your parliaments. We will achieve our ends by bombs, blood, convulsions. And so the attitude of the Bhutan towards Jewish deputies of the Duma was violently hostile. Well, he's right. This is a qualitatively different time.

The Duma never did anything constructive. It didn't pass any, you know, landmark legislation or anything like that. You know, the Russian monarchy. sometimes what was limited the power that they had was often based on personality rather than laws you know the

freeing of the nobility from state service charter on the nobility by Catherine the second that automatically limited the monarchy there was no real functional monarchy throughout after Peter's death up until

you know it was very weak in that sense Alexander the third though very different story. So they left, they left Nicholas with just enough power so they could blame him

for everything that went wrong. But the Duma just ended up becoming, in and of itself, a political party, at least the first two versions of it. That, and he eventually was going to abolish it,

that just became the opposition, heavily financed by the British. But it did nothing positive at all in its existence. It was a, source for revolutionary thought. And the only reason the Leninists would ever boycott it is because they knew that they had like four people, like a hundred Jews that were involved.

They didn't want to expose their weakness that way. But the Jews of Russia, led by the Union for the Integrality of Rights, were not mistaken and expressing their sympathy for the new institution, participated very actively in the elections, voting most often for the representatives of the cadet party. who had placed the equality of rights for the Jews on its agenda. Some revolutionaries who had regained their spirits shared the same dispositions. Thus, Isaac Gourvich, who had emigrated in 1889, an active supporter of the Marxist left, was the co-founder of the American Social Democrat Party, returned to Russia in 1905,

where he was elected to the Duma Electoral College. There were no limitations on the Jews in the elections, and 12 of them sat in the first Duma. It was true that most of them came from the Pala settlement, while the Jewish leaders of the capital, who did not have the property qualifications, could not be elected. Only Winiver L. Bramson and the converted Jew M. Herzenstein, to whom Prince P. Dolgurikov had given his place. As the number of Jews in the Duma was significant, the Zionist deputy, proposed forming an independent Jewish group, abiding by the discipline of a real political party, but the non-Zionist deputies rejected this idea, contenting itself to meet from time to time to

discuss matters of direct concern to Jewish interests, agreeing, however, to comply already to a genuine discipline in the sense of strictly abiding by the decisions of a college composed of members of the Duma and those of the Committee for the Integrality of Rights. Bureau. Yeah, the cadets were the, were like Yabloka today in Russia. They were your general basic liberals. I don't know, their electoral platforms couldn't have gone as far as they would like to have gone

because they needed popular support and the monarchy was popular. They ultimately wanted to abolish it. but you know and it got more conservative as the as the there's only four of them elected um so um that that's that's that's that's the concept the cadet party is your basic they were not marxists um they often defended the marxas like you know they were like the the idiot fellow travelers um types I don't know if they were, they were something like what would take over in 1917 and the provisional government. And they were, so it comes up, but it has nothing to do with the military.

They're not military cadets. It's just an abbreviation of their name. And they dominated for a while. The monarchists really didn't form a political party at all. The Octoberists were the only thing, the closest thing, you know, they supported a constitutional monarchy. they're called Octoberist for this very manifesto. They think this proves the brilliance of the monarchy that he's capable of doing this.

At the stroke of a pen, another country you need to fight a war for this, that he was willing to give in. This is, I guess, the one victory that they had in the 1905 revolution. There was a property qualification. The electoral rules changed as the years went on.

In my very first book, the third Rome, I go into a strange amount of detail on it. I can't remember if it's up in my head about how complicated the last two Dumas were elected from or through. But you had to equalize peasants,

townsmen. The peasants were so overwhelming in numbers, not to mention regions. So it was a fairly complex system. And as it says, no limitations on the Jews, but the left, because they were already organized. They were already fighting. They were able to get candidates into the Duma.

I'm sure telling all kinds of stories, what they believed, not what they really believed. And so you have a good chunk of this legislature wishing that the man who created it, the monarch would go away. You catch them in the corner of your eye. Distinctive, by design. They move you, even before you drive. The new Cooper plugin hybrid range. For Mentor, Leon, and Terramar.

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trading as Cooper Financial Services is regulated by the Central Bank of Ireland. Ready for huge savings? We'll mark your calendars from November 28 to 30th because the Liddle Newbridge Warehouse sale is back. We're talking thousands of your favourite Liddle items all reduced to clear. From home essentials to seasonal must-habs. When the doors open, the deals go fast.

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Your five-star getaway, where every detail is designed with you in mind. Give the gift of a unique experience this Christmas, with vouchers from Trump Dunebeg. Search Trump-Ireland gift vouchers. Trump on Dunebiog, Kush Faragea. At the same time, a solid alliance was formed between the Jews and the cadet party. It was not uncommon for the local chapters of the union

for the Integrality of Rights and the Constitutional Democrat Party to be composed of the same people. Some teased Winnever by calling him the Mosaic Cadet. In the pale of settlement, the overwhelming majority of the cadet party members were Jews in the interior provinces that were represented in number of the second nationality. As Vito wrote, almost all Jews who graduated from higher education joined the party of the

people's freedom, that is, the cadets, which promised them immediate access to equal rights. The party owes much of its influence on the Jews who provided it with both intellectual and material support. The Jews introduced coherence and rigor into the Russian liberation movement of 190. five. It's important to note that what liberalism was in Russia, I mean, even today in Russia, you'll hear the word cadet being used to refer to a liberal, which throws a lot of people off who don't know the history of it. The two issues that they had were, they couldn't say this openly, but the overthrowing of the monarchy or the tight limiting of the monarchy and the support

of Jewish supremacy. Their total liberation, everything else, condemning anti-Semitism, wanted to pass all kinds of laws like that. That was the two things that made you a liberal at the time. However, A. Tercova, an important figure in the cadet party, notes in his memoirs that the chief founders and leaders of the cadet party were not Jews. There were not, among the latter, any personality sufficiently prominent to drive the Russian liberals behind it, as a Jew Israeli had done for the English conservatives in the middle of the 19th century. The people that mattered most within the cadet party were Russians. This does not mean that I deny the influence of these Jews who have joined our masses.

They could not fail to act upon us if only by their inexhaustible energy. Their very presence, their activity did not allow us to forget them, to forget their situation, to forget that they had to be helped. and further on, reflecting on all the networks of the influence of the Jews within the cadet party, one cannot overlook the case of Milayakov. From the beginning, he became their favorite, surrounded by a circle of admirers, more precisely feminine admirers, who cradled him in muted melodies, cajoled him, covered him with restraint of praise so excessive that they were comical.

And he was one of these guys, by the way, who wrote on Russian history, That's still being quoted in the in the West as if it's as if it's true. But yeah, I think if Jews never existed in Russia at all, the cadet party would be your opposition. You know, they were very nihilistic. You know, they were positivists. They were nominalists. You know, they believed in an empirical science, or so they say. You know, some version of Darwinism.

there were individualists you know monarchy church and Jews those were the three things but that but if there were no Jews that would have been as far as any kind of opposition would have come a limitation on the monarchy or something like that you're always going to have radical weirdos

in every society maybe some anarchists I don't know but that's that's how far I would go the Jews of course brought it to a whole different place VA Obelensky, also a member of the party, describes a cadet club during the time of the first Duma at the corner of Serviskaya and Potemkin Skaia streets. The elite of the secularized Jewish society and the elite of the Russian politicized intelligentsia were mingled. There were always a lot of people and the public composed mostly of wealthy Jewish Petersburgers, was very elegant. The ladies wore silk robes, shiny brown.

roaches and rings. The gentleman had the heirs of well-nourished and self-satisfied bourgeois. Despite our democratic convictions, we were somewhat shocked by the atmosphere that prevailed in this cadet club. One can imagine the embarrassment experienced by the peasants who came to attend the meetings of our parliamentary group. A party of gentlemen. That is what they said to each other when they ceased to attend our meetings. Yeah, I should also mention that As this reminds me, the cadets were by far the party of the wealthy. You know, sometimes I think Rasputin was brought in as a way to remind Russians where they came from. These people, whether Jews or not, were not speaking Russian.

They were completely alienated from the countryside. But as far as, as close to Jacobin Buzois liberals, this is their party. And so you had a lot of wealth, a lot of people in the professions like lawyers, and the peasants were just, you know, we'll pretend to like you, but just stay away. At the local level, cooperation between the Union for the Integrality of Rights and the Cadet Party was manifested not only in the presence of as many Jewish candidates as possible, but also in the fact that the local factions of the Union was instructed to support non-Jews who promised to contribute to the emancipation of the Jews. as explained in 1907, the cadet newspaper, Retch, in reply to questions repeatedly asked by other newspapers, Wretch has, in its time, formulated very precisely the condition of the agreement with the Jewish group. The latter has the right to challenge the electoral college and to oppose nominations to the Duma. Yeah, this group were financed.

You had all kinds of leftist groups there, including some non-party people. but they were also very, very, I mean, Anglophile isn't the word. Anglomaniac. They saw, you know, Russians were just, um, British people just waiting to be set free. That was their, that was their mentality as well. A lot of money came from London to support them. And of course, those much farther to the left of them.

During the parliamentary debates, the Duma following the logic of the Imperial manifesto, raised the question of equal rights for Jews within the general framework of granting the same rights to all citizens. The state Duma has promised to prepare a law on the full equalization of the rights of all citizens and the abrogation of any limitations or privileges associated with membership to a social class, nationality, religion, or sex. After adopting the main guidelines of this law, the Duma lost itself in debates for another month, multiplying thunderous declarations followed by no effect to be utterly dissolved, and so to be ultimately dissolved. and the law on civil equality, especially for the Jews, remained pending.

The comment about Milukov with his female admirers, I think that has something to do with why sex was just added to the end. Gender was added to the end of that. But as far as, you know, the marriage wasn't the institution anymore. Remember, there was a lot of masons in that party. It was a deeply Masonic party, deeply wealthy, a cosmopolitan, party. I think there's a connection there because there's some small rumbling.

I mean, you didn't have a version of this. I have a paper out on it. I think he Michael Jones published it on the sexual revolution of the upper, upper, upper classes of St. Petersburg prior to the revolution. So when you start talking about when you put gender in there,

there's there's definitely a, a, another another, another it's a double entendre in essence. However, we've also seen how democracy, the people, have operated. If given the choice, they will burn down Jewish doors. If you ever saw any, you know, if that's spontaneous democracy, well, we've seen it already, especially if you're a non-Jew living in the pale of settlement. So these limitations on right, they're not, you know, they're well aware that this is a tiny minority position. They, they,

bought these seats with with money, with English money, with their own money, and with Jewish money. But, you know, they know what democracy would really be. I mean, complete participatory democracy would be the Jews to be gone. So we've got to keep that in mind when they start talking about the people. You catch them in the corner of your eye. Distinctive by design. They move you. Even before you drive.

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Volkswagen Financial Services Ireland Limited. Trading as Cooper Financial Services is regulated by the Central Bank of Ireland. Ready for huge savings? We'll mark your calendars from November 28 to 30th because the Liddle Newbridge Warehouse Sale is back. We're talking thousands of your favourite Liddle items, all reduced to clear. From home essentials to seasonal must-habs,

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Relax in our exquisite accommodations. Step outside and be captivated by the wild Atlantic surrounds. Your five-star getaway, where every detail is designed with you in mind. Give the gift of a unique experience this Christmas with vouchers from Trump Dune-Beg. Search Trump-Ireland gift vouchers. Trump on Dunbiog, Kosh Farage. Like most cadets, the Jewish deputies of the first Duma signed Vyborg's appeal, which meant that it was now impossible for them to stand for elections.

Winner's career particularly suffered from it. In the first Duma, he had made violent remarks, although he would later advise the Jews not to put themselves too much in the spotlight to prevent a recurrence of what had happened in the revolution of 1905. The participation of the Jews in the elections of the second Duma was the, was, was even more marked than during the first election campaign. The Jewish populations of the Palis Settlement showed the strongest interest in this election. The political debate reached all levels of society.

Nevertheless, as the Jewish Encyclopedia published before the Revolution indicates, there was also an important anti-Jewish propaganda carried out by right-wing monarchist circles, particularly active in the western provinces. Quote, the peasants were persuaded that all progressive parties were fighting for the equal rights of the Jews to the detriment of the interests of the ethnic population. That behind the masquerade of the popular representation, the country was governed by a Judeo-Masonic union of spoliators of the people and traders to the fatherland, that the peasant should be alarmed at the unprecedented number of new masters unknown to the elders of the village

and whom he henceforth had to nourish with his labor. That the Constitution promised to replace the Tartar yoke by that, by that, injurious of the international cahal. And a list of the existing rights to be abrogated was drawn up. Not only were Jews not to be elected to the Duma, but they all had to be relegated to the palest settlement, prohibiting them from selling wheat, grain and timber, working in banks or commercial establishments, confiscating their properties, prohibiting them from changing their names, to serve as publisher or editor of news organization, to reduce the palest settlement itself by excluding the fertile regions, to not grant land to Jews within the province of Yakutsk, in general, to regard them as foreigners,

to substitute for them military service by attacks, etc. The results of this anti-Semitic propaganda spread both orally and in writing was the collapse of progressive candidates in the Second Duma throughout the Pala settlement. There were only four Jewish deputies in the Second Duma, including three cadets. Well, everything I've seen here is true. what the Jewish encyclopedia wrote. Most of this was a quote from that. By the way, this isn't Schultzhenitsyn writing here for 90% of it.

And the anti-Jewish propaganda was absolutely correct. They were well aware, and the peasants were aware in a very strong sense that, yeah, there were all of these new masters that they didn't know existed because they aren't out in the open. You still had a healthy society, especially in the country. countryside. They still had plenty of white blood cells who were going to go fight the, the infestation. And so you did finally, finally have some, you know, right-wing propaganda coming out. Finally, they started publishing, and it worked. They didn't really have to do much. People kind of knew something was wrong, but only in a general sense. Propaganda had been in the hands mostly of

the left almost exclusively, but now the Duma is changing, primarily because of some of their work. Now, Viborg's appeal, we've come across Viborg's appeal already. That was a group of exiled Russians, mostly Jews, Viborgas in Finland. I forget which Duma it was, I guess it was the first Duma that was dissolved. I can't remember off the top of my head now, which is strange, because I usually know all this. they called for the overthrow of the monarchy. And which was, you know, you got some people in the Duma saying that, but not too many. Freemasonry was coming out in all of its demonic glory at the time.

And of course, these people couldn't function politically anymore, at least legally, if you sign something like that. They talked about a violent revolution. They talked about creating the French revolution in Russia. the Duma had the mentality what Nicholas thought I guess was this was going to be a virtuous civic and nationalist institution

that is not going to be allowed to go too far because the monarchy still maintained a tremendous amount of power it's not just going to be a debating society either but of course that's not how these people think you have the the factions or the factors of wealth freemasonry

Judaism and liberalism in general not to mention the money coming in from Western Europe especially Britain that encouraged this kind of thing so the Finland Viborg appeal was

I guess it was kind of what what people in the first or second duma thought the first Duma thought but couldn't really say legally. So they had to be out of the country. Or they started to say, and that's why they got kicked out of the country. And they wrote this manifesto.

And it showed the cadet party for what it really was and what liberalism for what it really was. And the things were already heating up then. And as that became better known, the Dumas became more conservative as time went on. But even before these elections, the government addressed the issue of equal rights for Jews. six months after taking office as prime minister in December 1906,

Stalupin had the government adopt a resolution, the so-called Journal of the Council of Ministers, on the continuation of the lifting of restrictions imposed on Jews, and this in essential areas, thus orienting itself toward integral equality. They considered to eliminate the prohibition of Jews from residing in rural areas within the Pala settlement, the prohibition of residing in rural areas

throughout the empire for persons enjoying the right of universal residence, the prohibition of including Jews and the directory of joint stock companies holding land. But the emperor replied in a letter dated 10th of December, despite the most convincing arguments in favor of adopting these measures, an inner voice dictates with increasing insistence not to take this decision upon myself. As if he did not understand or rather forgot that the resolution proposed in the journal was a direct and inescapable consequence of the manifesto he had signed himself a year earlier. Even in the most closed bureaucratic world, there are always officials with eyes and hands,

and if the rumor of a decision taken by the Council of Ministers had already spread to the public opinion, and here we are, we will know that the ministers want to emancipate the Jews while the sovereign he stood in its way. And this is why Nicholas was, you know, I said this a hundred times, but the state was always in a very awkward position. He knew that prohibitions on Jewish well everything that we've heard

you know, joint stock companies, land ownership, all this, that these were absolutely necessary for the health of the society. But he knew what could happen if these were just associated with him, including his own death. So it was a popular move. But those within

the upper breaches of the Masonic bureaucracy in Petersburg, they often had business dealing with the Jews. These are very wealthy men, landowners in certain places, and they always had something. Many of them were in debt to Jews, both Russian and Western. And so many of them weren't exactly operating from a place of freedom. So everything that they're talking about here sounds good. It's necessary. The prohibition of including Jews and the directory of joint stock companies,

that makes a lot of sense with the land ownership. Residing in rural areas. Well, we know what that means. If you've been following this, we know exactly what that means. Because wherever they go, they act as a crime syndicate. They act as a regardless of what it might be, everything from smuggling weapons to alcohol, to prostitution, to usury, both public and kind of private.

always the same complaints, always the same problems. To some extent, these limitations were for the Jews' own protection because they don't know when to stop. They cause half their own troubles. They don't know when to pull back. And it was often promoted that way. This is for the Jews' own safety. People hate them, and there's good reason for them to hate them. That's why you had pogroms to the extent that they existed in the way that you say they did.

you certainly had you know burning down of Jewish shops and all that stuff you had that you had that all the time so us limiting you means that you can't do the things that are obnoxious and sick to everybody else so we're really doing you a favor which is true unfortunately air grid operator of ireland's electricity grid is powering up the northwest we're planning to upgrade the electricity grid in your area and your input and local knowledge are vital in shaping these plans. Our consultation closes on the 25th of November. Have your say, online or in person.

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On the same day, December 10th, Stalepin hastened to write to the emperor a letter full of anxiety, repeating all his arguments one by one, and especially, the dismissal of the journal is for the moment not known to anyone. It is therefore still possible to conceal the equivocations of the monarch. Your Majesty, we have no right to put you in this position and shelter ourselves behind you. Stalepin would have liked the advantages according to the Jews to appear as a favor granted by the Tsar. But since this was not the case, he now proposed to adopt another resolution.

The emperor made no objections on the merits, but did not. want the law to be promulgated over the head of the Duma. It must be done by the Duma. Secretary of State S. E. Krizanovsky said that the emperor then adopted a resolution which went along in this direction, that the representatives of the people take responsibility both for raising the issue as well as resolving it. But no one knows why. This resolution received little publicity and on the side of the Duma, absolutely nothing happened. I think the idea is knowing the power of the Jews both domestically and outside of the country, it wasn't one person. I mean, whether it be destroying the limitations or increasing the

limitations, you didn't just want one person to be able to point the finger. This has to be a collective decision. This has to sound like it's a popular thing. Now, most of the Second Duma wanted the restrictions lifted, but Nicholas II was very much like us. He knew the Jewish issue completely. But remember Stolipin's position. He's the one who had to go to the Rothschilds to raise money because you couldn't go anywhere else.

No one had that kind of cash to fight the Russo-Japanese War. He eventually found somebody else. But he was rejected by the Rothschild. And he said, you know, if something happens again, we have to do something to placate these people. And, of course, it never worked. Any kind of this placating is seen as placating and not as a sign of strength at all. Russell was prosperous enough to finance its own war fighting. It could be completely altarctic, completely self-sufficient.

Sulepian didn't see it that way. But he was also, he was always put in this. terrible position too. And he was more phylo-Semitic, certainly far more so than Nicholas. But whichever direction the decision would be, they would like it to be a collective one rather than a personal one. Widely to the left, penetrated by progressive ideas and so vehement towards the government, the second Duma was free.

Yet in the second Duma, there was still less talk of the deprivation of rights suffered by the Jews than in the first. The law and equal rights for Jews was not even discussed, so what can be said about its adoption? Why then did the second doom not take advantage of the opportunities offered it? Why did it not seize them? It had three entire months to do it, and why did the debates the clashes, relate only to secondary tangential issues? The equality of the Jews, still partial but already well advanced, was abandoned. Why? Indeed, why?

As for the extra-parliamentary extraordinary commission, it did not even discuss the plan to repeal the restrictions imposed on the Jews, but circumvented the problem by focusing on integral equality as quickly as possible. Difficult to explain this other

than by a political calculation. The aim being to fight the autocracy. The interest was to raise money, was to raise more and more the pressure on the Jewish question and to certainly not resolve it. Ammunition was thus kept and reserve. These brave knights of liberty reasoned in their terms to avoid that the lifting

of restrictions imposed on the Jews would diminish their ardor in battle. For these knights without fear and without reproach, the most important was indeed the fight against the power. You know, this is somewhat equivalent to saying, we know that the Jews are almost exclusively on the left. We're non-Jewish leftists. So, um, If we want more power, we have to stage a program. We have to make things worse for the Jews, just for the sake of greater, greater power, greater cohesiveness, greater more money, more violence. That's what essentially is what's being said here to not resolve the issue at all, to leave

it in abeyance. That's precisely the idea, because if it was completely taken care of, you know, fully quality like Napoleon, you know, it would be disastrous for the country. And these people knew that. Even the masons knew that. But also it would maybe create, maybe create a patriotic class that's connected to the Russian state like it never had been before. That's very naive. But they didn't want anything good that the Jews can say, well, thank you for our freedom or something like that. I mean, that's very ridiculous to even think it that way. But that's how they thought it. That, you know, don't make sure that there's still limitations.

We need something to fight for. We need a cudgel to bang the zone over their head with. All this was beginning to be seen and understood. Bergiev, for example, addressed the whole spectrum of Russian radicalism with the following reproaches. You are very sensitive to the Jewish question. You are fighting for their rights. But do you feel the Jew?

Do you feel the soul of the Jewish people? No, your fight in favor for the Jews does not want to know the Jews. then in the third Duma, the cadets no longer had the majority. They did not take any more initiatives on the Jewish question, fearing that they would be defeated. This caused great discontent among the Jewish masses, and the Jewish press did not deprive itself of attacking the party of the people's freedom. Although the Jews had participated in the electoral campaign with the greatest ardor and the number of Jewish voters exceeded that of the Christians in all the cities of the palest settlement, they were beaten by the opposing.

party and in the third Duma, there were only two Jewish deputies, Nasselovich and Friedman. The latter succeeded to remain up to the fourth Duma. Beginning in 1915, the Council of State included almost among its members a Jew, G.E. Weinstein of Odessa. Just before the revolution, there was also Samuel Samolovich Kreme, a Karam. How do you, do you know what that is, the word? Karam? Is that a Karite, I think.

Is it a Karite? Okay. I think so. Yeah, I think that would just be a certain form of the plural. But you notice, this is very interesting. Talk about popular sovereignty and elections of leaders. Remember, all the cities of the palace settlement, the most Jews were one third of the population of Odessa.

That was the most in one spot. That means Christians weren't going to the polls. If there were the majority that were voting in all of these cities, that means either Christians just didn't want any part of it, didn't like it, didn't support it, they were being kept at home, or there was a lot of fraud going on. You know, at this time, voter fraud almost taken for granted. I don't know. It wasn't anything. There was no international observers or anything like that, like you have today. I think that's what's going on here.

The Christians just weren't going to the polls at all. And of course, when they would go, they would never vote for a cadet party or anything else, especially at this point. After the Vyborg Monifesto and everything else, they came out. They hated the monarchy. The Jews were right there with them.

They were very careful about what they said in public. And it shows you how much freedom the Finns had. even though technically was a part of Russia, it had its own foreign policy. I mean, it wasn't, it recognized the crown and that was it. They felt safe there. And they knew that if went in exile beyond that, they wouldn't be sent by. There was no extradition. Even violent terrorists, convicted terrorists, were never sent back.

Because Western Europe just apparently, with the exception of the Germans, supported them completely. But the less Jewish, the more conservative. That's the math of the Duma. As for the Octobras, whose party had become a majority in the third Duma, on the one hand they ceded, not without hesitation, to the pressure of public opinion which demanded equal rights for the Jews, which led to the criticism of Russian nationalist deputies. We thought that the Octobus remained attached to the defense of national interests, and now,

without warning, they had relegated to the background, both the question of the grant of equal rights to the Russians of Finland, which meant that this equality does not exist in the Russian colony and that of the annexation by Russia of the Kuln region in Poland with all Russians that inhabit it, but they have prepared a bill to abolish to pale a settlement. On the other hand, they were attributed statements of manifestly anti-Semitic character, thus the third Duma on the initiative of Gukov issued in 1906, the Wich. wish that Jewish doctors not be admitted to work in the Army Health Services. Likewise, it was proposed to replace the military service to the Jews by attacks.

In the years preceding the war, the project of dispensing the Jews from military service was still largely and seriously debated, and I.V. Heson published a book on this subject entitled The War and the Jews. Do you remember a couple of months ago? Apparently we've been on this book for years now. A couple months ago, we were talking about Jews in the draft. I think it was under Nicholas I, which was a stupid idea. Why give them an issue?

If they're not patriots, then why have them in the army at all? The Jews were just using it to get rid of their criminals. And so you had right-wingers at the time saying, well, no, no Jews in the military, but they should pay something extra if they're not going to be drafted. And I've always agreed with that. They shouldn't have been in, you know, they shouldn't have been in the, in the army at all. That whole draft issue was ridiculous. In short, neither the second, third, nor fourth Dumas took it upon themselves to pass the law on the integral equality of rights for the Jews. And every time it was necessary to ratify the law on the equal rights of peasants promulgated by Stollopin as of the 5th of October 1906, it was blocked by the same Dumas under the pressure. of the left on the grounds that the peasants could not be granted equal rights before they were granted to the Jews and the polls.

And thus the pressure exerted upon this execrated, execrated Tsarist government was not relieved, but doubled, quintupled. And not only did this pressure exerted on the government not be relieved, not only were these laws not voted upon by the Duma, but it would last until the February Revolution. When they use the phrase popular opinion, be very careful. When anyone, like the Marxists are notorious for this. They use words like workers and bourgeoisie and owners.

You know, these huge classes that can't possibly act like an individual acts. It's the absolute same thing here. Popular opinion meant elite opinion. The elite opinion of those with money in Petersburg and maybe a few other cities, Moscow, Kiev, a few other places like that. That's what popular opinion meant. It had nothing to do with the population of Russia. While Stalepin, after his unfortunate attempt in December 1906, quietly took administrative measures

to partially lift the restrictions imposed on the Jews, An editorialist from Nouvehremia, Menshikov, condemned this method. Under Stalepin, the palest settlement has become a fiction. The Jews are defeating the Russian power by gradually withdrawing all its capacity to intervene. The government behaves as if it were a Jew. Such is the fate of the Middle Way. The general outcry of the parties of the left against a policy of progressive measures, this tactical refusal for a smooth evolution toward equal.

rights was strongly supported by the Russian press. Since the end of 1905, it was no longer subject to prior censorship. But it was not only a press that had become free. It was a press that considered itself a full-fledged actor in the political arena, a press, as we have seen, that could formulate demands such as that of withdrawing the police from the streets of the city. Vitsa said it had lost its reason. Yeah, and he paid for it, unfortunately. you know, equal rights sounds very good, but in practice, not necessarily. The peasants were still the owners of Russia as far as land ownership was concerned. That got better after Stolipan.

But his freeing or equal rights to peasants just meant that they could own land as individuals, not just as members of a commune. That wasn't particularly popular. And I think that was the core of the Kulak class that the Soviets used later on. But the press rarely had to worry. There's only a few things they couldn't do. The consensorship of the American press is infinitely worse than anything that existed in Zaris, Russia, calling for the murder of the Tsar, any kind of, you know, pro-terrorist stuff, calling for the overthrow of the czar. That was pretty much it.

certain, you know, blasphemies couldn't be said. That was about it. Otherwise, they were left alone, especially the press that was outside of St. Petersburg. And yes, they're absolutely right. It was corrupt. It saw itself somehow as the voice of the people, meaning the voice of the left. I'm going to read the next two paragraphs and we'll finish right there. It looks like there's a natural break.

Okay. In the case of the Duma, the way in which Russia, even in its most remote provinces, was informed of what was going on there and what was said there depended entirely on journalists. The shorthand accounts of the debate appeared late and with very low circulation, so there was no other source of information than the Daily Press, and it was based on what they read that the people formed an opinion. However, the newspaper systematically distorted the debates in the Duma, largely opening their columns to the deputies of the left and showering them with praise, while the deputies of the right they allowed only a bare minimum.

A. Tarkova says that in the second Duma, the accredited journalist formed their own press office, which depended on the distribution of places among the correspondence. The members of this office refused to give his card of accreditation to the correspondent of the journal of the Kolokal, favorite newspaper of the priests of the countryside. Tchaova intervened, noting that these readers should not be deprived of the possibility of being informed about the debates in the Duma by newspaper in which they had more confidence than those of the opposition. But my colleagues, among whom the Jews were the most numerous, got carried away, began shouting, explaining that no one was reading the Colacol, that that newspaper was of no use. What a shock. That's,

you know, it was just wishful thinking on their part. It's such a shame, you know, of course, this is way before the web. I don't know how we function before the internet. I don't know how we function before the internet. I really, I remember it, but I feel like we must have been all idiots. I mean, I was just reading books like a fool. You know, you couldn't get instant information. You couldn't get instant updates. You know, prior to the web, everything moved a lot more slowly then. So anywhere else in Russia, they were getting the leftist-centered view what was going on in these four duma. Again, nothing was ever done of significance.

American academics make a big deal about this, this democratic world. They never did anything. It was nothing but contempt heaped on the czar, blaming the czar for things, fighting back and forth. It really was a joke of an era, showing that liberal democracy has no connection to sovereignty or freedom whatsoever. Typical peasant under czarism was quite free. It didn't mean he didn't have a lot of responsibility. responsibilities inherent in his class, but he was free as far as he was concerned, and he was a landowner, for the most part. He didn't have to worry. He was taken care of. But this is very typical. Oh, no one reads that, meaning that we don't know of anyone who reads that. Therefore, we should just forget about it. Now, I don't know whatever came of that debate. Again, Russian nationalists were a little bit behind the left an organization. The Duma was was leftist from the beginning because they were very ahead of the nationalist and royalists

and an organization. It took a while. They took the Duma back. But again, it didn't matter who ran it. It didn't matter what happened. There's no legislation of any value that ever came out of there whatsoever. And that's the key to this whole era. There's really nothing to say.

And it's just a way to flex their power and to show how weak or how strong Tsar Nicholas was. And there was only four of them. So, and to some extent, it did force the left to expose itself. But if it's the case that everyone's dependent on journalists for their summaries of things of what happened, well, there's nothing worse. Nothing worse than to be dependent on journalists for anything. Because, like all journalists, they're not there. They didn't go to Columbia Journalism School to say what they see and what they

here, any idiot could do that. They're there because they have an agenda. They usually have a liberal agenda. Not to mention they have to get readers and supporters. They have to create these social interests, these human interest stories, something to drag the reader in. That's their job. It has nothing to do with truth or reality. They have no obligation to educate you either then or now. So have a lot of very naive normies who talk about journalists. Like they're not doing their job. No, they are. In their twisted minds, they are doing their job. They know exactly what they're doing. They know how biased they are. They don't care. That's the whole reason they became journalists. And it's no different here. It's the exact same thing here.

The Jewish press was very well, tremendously well financed. And again, left Jew, it was really the same thing as far as anyone else was concerned. And the left was always veering into violence wanting to kill more bureaucrats, even murder the czar himself. And this is why no one really trusted it. But I don't care even if they had these journalists that were distorting everything, it was never quite accepted. Because the union of the Russian people, they had far more in terms of numbers than the cadet party ever had. than certainly the Bolsheviks ever had, and the Mensviks ever had,

any other party, even the Octopus ever had. They were the popular party in the Western Russian Empire. It didn't fool anybody at the time. When you have a healthy society, you don't have to worry about this so much. So all that meant was that, you know, peasantry, clergy, they just kind of sent all the press is worthless. I've come across this and, you know, various monasteries at the time, the press is just another agent of liberalism.

of the Jewish Kahal. They used the word even though it didn't exist, but they used it as like a nickname. Any Jewish organization was a Jewish khalm, you know. So Updina especially was like that.

Royalism, but you know the monarchy, especially was still leaping there. Monarchy didn't do itself any favors by not developing the white army too. The white army, which was supposed to be defending the provisional government, not the royal government. You had royalists in there, but, and they were the same way. They never developed a

firm ideology that would appeal to the peasantry, to the clergy, the soul of Russia, this nationalist and royalist and very religious concept. They never, they never developed it. The left, on the other hand, although they were often fractured, not during the Civil War, but they were fractured before then. They were obsessed with ideological uniformity. And the Jews talked, them that numbers don't matter. It's cohesiveness that matters. It's money that matters. Of course, the right wing in Russia had the people. It has the numbers by far. But when you're as well organized as the left was, as the Jews were, you know, I don't care how many people you have. It's not really going to matter. But at this point in time, Tsar Nicholas was an extremely popular

man. All right. End it there and pick up in a couple days. I'm going to say we're on episode 45. If you've been consuming this and you haven't at least donated once to Dr. Johnson, I call you a freeloader at this point. So go over to the show notes, go to the links in the videos, and donate anything. because you're getting a college course for free. We could probably put this behind a paywall and sell it, and people would pay for it. But we're not doing that.

This is all out in the public for free. So go donate to Dr. Johnson today. I thank you, my friend. Appreciate it. See in a couple days. Thank you. All right, man. Bye-bye.