The Pete Quiñones Show - Reading Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together' w/ Dr Matthew Raphael Johnson - Part 61
Episode Date: August 13, 202559 MinutesPG-13Dr. Matthew Raphael Johnson is a researcher, writer, and former professor of history and political science, specializing in Russian history and political ideology.Pete and Dr. Johnson c...ontinue a project in which Pete reads Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together," and Dr' Johnson provides commentary.Dr Johnson's PatreonDr Johnson's CashApp - $Raphael71RusJournal.orgTHE ORTHODOX NATIONALISTDr. Johnson's Radio Albion PageDr. Johnson's Books on AmazonDr. Johnson's Pogroms ArticleThe Orthodox Nationalist: Karl Marx “On the Jewish Question” (1844)Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
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I want to welcome everyone back to Part 61.
of our reading of 200 years together by Alexander Solzhenysohn.
Dr. Johnson, how are you doing today?
I forgot to take the garbage out, you know, on garbage day, and it's full.
So now I don't want to throw anything away.
I'm living in paranoia here.
Oh, and besides that, I'm doing my daily nationalist Radio Albion on the president of Mexico.
It's shocking how little there is about her for more people out there.
but it's her her biography and her family's biography it's like if i it's like i wrote it's so
cliche yeah i mind's well you know i almost didn't believe it she's like half ashenazi half
sephartic right something like that yeah an uncle or something but her family
was involved in some of these events um there was an article on her
on Jacques,
um,
awful,
this romanticizing her and her,
um,
grandparents was going back and forth,
back and forth.
Parents,
no,
grandparents were going back and forth from the U.S.
to the Russian Empire and they gave no explanation as to why.
And we've already discussed that.
They have been going back and forth for financing,
bringing men over and everything.
So she,
her family is actually involved in some of this stuff.
Oh, I mean, I'm so shocked that she just, you know, didn't come out of nowhere, you know, the family came over here, worked 24 hours a day for five years and then bought a city.
You know, like Hartford, like Hartford, Connecticut, you know, the story in Hartford, Connecticut.
Two brothers came over here. For five years, they worked without fail and without rest.
And then they bought Hartford, Connecticut.
while
Americans were off fighting World War II.
Yeah, well, I know you're shocked,
but I just want you to take a deep breath.
Don't let us get to you.
You know, we've been at this a long time.
Just be cool.
All right, all right.
Flood pressure meant, okay, I'm good, I'm good.
All right.
Yeah, all right.
If you say so.
Pick it up where we left off last time.
As early as in the beginning of March,
the Prudent Venever had warned,
in the Jewish public.
Quote, apart from love for freedom, self-control is needed.
It is better for us to avoid highly visible and prominent posts.
Do not hurry to practice our rights.
End quote.
We know that Venever and also Dan, Lieber, and Branson, at different times, have been offered
minister positions, but all of them refused, believing that Jews should not be present
in Russian government.
The attorney Venever could not, of course, reject a sensational appointment to the Senate.
where he became one of four Jewish senators,
together with G. Blumenfeld, O. Rosenberg, and I. Gurevich.
There were no Jews among the ministers,
but four influential Jews occupied posts as deputy ministers.
V. Gurevich was a deputy of Avkentiev,
the minister of internal affairs.
S. Lurie was in the Ministry of Trade and Industry,
S. Schwartz, and A. Ginsburg, Nalmav.
in the Ministry of Labor, and P. Rutenberg should be mentioned here too. From July, A. Galpern became the
chief of the administration of the provisional government after Vianavikov. The director of first department
in the Ministry of Affairs was A. Mendelstam. The assistance of the head of the Moscow
military district was second lieutenant sure. From May, the head of foreign supply department
at General Staff was A. Mickelson. The commissar of the provisional government in the field construction
office was Nam Glozberg. Several Jews were incorporated by Chernoff into the Central Land Committee
responsible for everything related to allotting land to peasants. Of course, most of those were not
key posts. Having negligibly small influence when compared to the principal role of the executive
Committee, whose ethnic competition would, ethnic composition would soon become a hotly debated
public worry.
Well, in this first section here, they're worried about being exposed.
And this happens all the time.
One of my favorite papers I've written was on the Soviet People's Republic of Hungary
right after World War I.
And it was 100% Jewish.
Stalin said, can you at least get, you know, have a meaningless like presidency that has no power,
but the media focuses on and get a non-Jew in there.
And it took a while, but they found one guy.
I forget his name.
It starts with an S.
And they kind of Sandals or something like that.
And they stuck them there.
My God, even what we've been talking about in,
and Seinbaum's family
and, you know,
from the old Russian Empire where they came
at Cuba and
Mexico, their communist parties were heavily
Jewish at the beginning.
I can't even conceive of that,
but it's absolutely true.
Lithuania is a different story.
Of course, there's was.
Was totally Jewish.
But they come out here and say it.
We don't want to be present
in Russian government. We don't want people to notice us.
I guess enough people were worried.
Well, enough people knew their real names.
They didn't like this idea.
But it's often been said that, you know,
the provisional state was kind of a Masonic state,
and the Bolshevik one was Jewish.
No, they both were.
But if they had to refuse posts,
because this is a huge concern,
they know, you know, it's still,
a fairly healthy society, especially at the workers and peasants, and anything can happen to them if they push too hard.
So, yeah, so they put them in lower level positions, but given the fact of their cohesiveness and over-organization, they ran the place.
You know, they keep saying, you know, Lenin was a tiny minority in his own party, and he was aware of that.
to some extent,
Kerensky was too.
And of course, they couldn't admit it,
but there was a lot of pressure on them.
And then this concept of the central land committee,
these people know zero.
How many times,
how many hours have we spent on the land
trying to make them farmers?
And now they're in charge of agriculture.
And it gets worse with the Bolsheviks.
People who know nothing about farming,
hate farming, hate farmers,
now are normally in charge of it,
but are claiming to be the representatives
of the soldiers, workers, and peasants,
Republic.
But among Jews, that's why it says
this is a hotly debated public worry.
Well, not anymore, but at the time, it certainly was.
You know, this was a, as much of a Jewish cultist
state as
anything else.
But the Freemasonic
lodges
were also very
heavily involved.
They were
kind of irrelevant
as far as the Bolsheviks
were concerned
because they had gone
beyond it.
They weren't even necessary.
Although I think
Trotsky had joined a lodge.
But joining
the lower level
staff,
that makes a lot of sense
for them,
from their point of view.
And at the time,
well,
in 1900, this is 1917, but in 1900, the Jewish population, the Jewish male population
of the Russian Empire was 1.1% of the total. So you add women, it's, it's, you know, roughly double
that. So around 2%. So clearly, this isn't a coincidence. They are the revolutionary group,
their other revolutionary sect. And it's a shame that the Tsar didn't get rid of him when he could
of, but as we said many times in the past, he was stuck, you know, he was in a terrible
position as far as the Jews were concerned, getting bad advice from a lot of people, also
people who were in Masonic lodges. Nicholas hated the lodges and everything about them.
But that's where we are here. This is a very Jewish government despite, and it's very Jewish
government, even though they were trying to hide that fact, that they were aware, they were
subjectively aware that we have to hide
the Jewish nature
of this government.
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At the August government conference dedicated to the disturbing situation in the country,
apart from the representatives of Soviets, parties, and guilds, a separate representation
was granted to the ethnic groups of Russia, with Jews represented by eight delegates, including
G. Sliusburg, M. Lieber, M. Friedman, G. Landau, and O. Grusenberg.
The favorite slogan of 1917 was, expand the revolution. All socialist parties worked to
implement it. I. O. Levin writes, quote, there is no doubt that Jewish representation in the
Bolshevik and other parties which facilitated expanding the revolution, Mensheviks, socialist
revolutioners, etc. With great respects to both general Jewish membership and Jewish presence among
the leaders greatly exceeds the Jewish share in the population of Russia. This is an indisputable fact.
While its reasons should be debated, its factual veracity is unchallengable and its denial is
pointless. End quote. And, quote, a certainly convincing explanation of this phenomenon by
Jewish inequality before the March Revolution is still not sufficiently exhaustive, end quote.
members of central committees of the socialist parties are known.
Interestingly, Jewish representation in the leadership of Menshevik,
the right and the left socialist revolutionaries and the anarchists,
was much greater than among the Bolshevik leaders.
At the Socialist Revolutionary Congress,
which took place in the end of May and beginning of June 1917,
39 out of 318 delegates were Jewish,
and out of 20 members of the Central Committee of the Party elected during the Congress,
seven were Jewish.
A. Gautz was one of the leaders of the right-wing faction, and M. Natinson was among the leaders of the left socialist revolutionaries.
What a despicable role awaited Nathanson, the wise mark, one of the founders of Russian Naradnichdov. Populism.
During the war, living abroad, he was receiving financial aid from Germany. In May 1917, he returned to Russia in one of the extraterritorial trains across Germany in Russia. He had immediately
endorsed Lenin and through his weight in support of the latter's goals at dissolving the
constituent assembly. Actually, it was he who had voiced the idea first, though Lenin, of course,
needed no such nudge. Well, it should be pointed out that between, let's say, March of 19,
summer of 1917 and 1921, those numbers will increase.
Now, it's normally said that the Civil War ended in 1921.
The White Armies had been defeated.
However, there was an endless and very violent uprisings of the peasants everywhere and constantly all over Russia.
And I think that should be included as a Russian Civil War.
Some of these same people are welcome the Germans in 1941.
So going back and forth, we talked about this last time, from Britain to the Russian Empire, the U.S. Russian Empire, they're bringing more Jews over.
There's only so many of them. Now, I think what this guy means, yeah, it's denial is pointless, meaning you can't deny that these were, and to say that it greatly exceeds a dual share in the population.
That's a bit of an understatement.
But what he means by the trying to say what the reason is,
well, they're trying to justify it.
This happens all the time.
But whatever Jews were there were because the Tsar, you know,
created the pogromes or something like that.
That's still being said today.
Yeah, all the names are known.
You know, it's not like this is some.
And I think I've said this before,
but, you know, you debate this stuff with people.
and you say, okay, listen, if you don't think that this is true,
if you don't think that the Bolsheviks and the Mensviks were a overwhelmingly Jewish organization,
I'll send you all their names.
And when you see that, you know, from Jewish sources, I mean, from their own, there's no denying it,
you'll change your mind, right?
And of course, they never will, because it has nothing to do with the truth of the matter.
Oh, and I should note that the right-wing faction, that's relative to Marxism.
So the left-wing faction wanted to slaughter, let's say a thousand priests a day, the right-wing
wanted to slaughter 25 priests today.
Local government elections took place in the summer.
Overall, socialist parties were victorious, end quote, Jews actively participated in the local
and municipal work in a number of cities and towns outside of the former Pala settlement, end quote.
For instance, socialist revolutionary O minor became head of the Moscow City Duma,
member of the Central Committee of the Bund, A. Vanstein, Rachmiel, of the Minsk Duma,
Menshevik I. Polonsky of the Akaterinislavduma, Bundes de Kirtkoff of the Saratov Duma,
G. Schrader had become the mayor of Petrograd, and A. Ginsburgnamov was elected a deputy
mayor of Kiev.
Now, I want to point out that these elections, no right-wing party was allowed to compete.
That goes for the Assembly itself.
And these elections were known for a very low turnout, partially for that reason.
You had just a handful of people loading these people in.
And, of course, the fraud, the intimidation factor was everywhere.
I know for the Constituent Assembly lecture, the one that they had, it was in the low 40s.
You know, 40%. I could be wrong. It's something like that. I've written on that before, too. So these weren't normal elections. No one was elected here.
And anyone who wanted to vote had a choice among different shades of Jewish socialism.
but most of these persons were gone with the October coup and it was not they who shaped the
subsequent developments in Russia. It would become the lot of those who now occupied much lower
posts, mostly in the Soviets. They were numerous and spread all over the country. Take for instance
Kinchuk, head of the Moscow Soviet of workers' deputies, or Nassimovitch and M. Trilisser
of the Urquist Soviet. The latter would later
serve in the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets to Siberia and become a famous Czechist.
All over the provinces, quote, Jewish socialist parties enjoyed large representation in the Soviets
of workers and soldiers' deputies, end quote. They were also prominently presented at all Russian
Democratic conferences in September 1917, which annoyed Lenin so much that he had even demanded
surrounding the Alessandrinsky Theater with troops and arresting the entire Assembly.
the theater superintendent comrade nashitir would have to act on the order but trotsky had dissuaded lennon
and even after the october coup the moscow soviet of soldiers deputies had among its members according to
bucharan dentists pharmacists etc representative of trades as close to the soldiers profession as to that of the
chinese emperor and that's the key fact these people knew nothing about the life of the laborer and certainly
knew nothing about the life of the peasant.
And I kind of kicked myself, you know, in establishment history books, you know, say,
oh, well, Bolsheviks had support amongst the urban proletariat.
No, they didn't.
They never did.
We already discussed this.
Or in this particular case, they had no choice.
They had to go with one or the other.
And beyond all that, they weren't telling the truth.
They were going to, you know, campaigning is not quite the same as we have to.
today, but when they were looking for votes, they're not going to say that, you know, we're going to burn down all the churches.
I'm not going to say that openly.
So, so people didn't know really what they were voting on, and they were crafting their message to whoever, whatever group they were talking to.
So, you know, that's the situation that he had, you know, Chinese emperor that's, that's, that's,
exactly right. They didn't know the first thing. They were not soldiers. They were not workers.
They were not peasants. They were from the upper class of the merchant classes in Poland,
in New York, Ukraine, wherever else they were brought into the Russian Empire. They had no
connection to Russia, let alone any of these other professions. But above all of that, above all
of Russia, from the spring to the autumn of 1917, stood the power of one by,
body, and it was not the provisional government. It was the powerful and insular executive committee
of the Petrograd Soviet, and later, after June, the successor to its power, the all-Russian
central executive committee, it was they who had in fact ruled over Russia. While appearing
solid and determined from outside, in reality they were being torn apart by internal contradictions
and interfactional ideological confusion. Initially, the executive committee of the Petrograd
Soviet of workers and soldiers' deputies unanimously approved the order number one, but later
was doubtful about the war, whether to continue destroying army or to strengthen it. Quite unexpectedly,
they declared their support for the freedom loan, thus they had incensed the Bolsheviks,
but agreed with the public opinion on this issue, including the attitudes of liberal Jews.
The prosidium of the first all-Russian CEC of the Soviet workers and soldiers' deputies, the first governing
Soviet body consisted of nine men. Among them were the social revolutionaries, Agatz and
M. Gendelman, the Menshevik, F. Dan, and the member of the Bund, M. Lieber. In March at the
all-Russian conference of the Soviets, Gendelman and Steklov had demanded stricter conditions by
be imposed on the Tsar's family, which was under house arrest, and also insisted on the arrest of
all crowned princes. This is how confident they were in their power. The prominent Bolshe was,
Al-Kamenev was among the members of the Presidium. It also included the Georgian
the Armenian-Sakjan one Khrushinsky, most likely a pole, and Nikolski, likely a Russian,
quite an impudent ethnic composition for the governing organ of Russia in such a critical time.
Well, the conclusion is obvious. This had nothing to do with Russia.
but they had to put themselves out there.
This is a Russian, they keep,
they keep using the phrase,
or Russian assembly or Russian committee,
which they had to have known was,
you know,
was a get,
to them funny.
But as we get closer to the murder of,
of the royal family,
you know,
there was so much,
you know,
I have a book out on the topic,
um,
I did for the 100th anniversary.
And they didn't just kill them.
You know,
they sexually assault.
the girls.
They did all kinds of crazy things
that no one knows about.
And it's extremely upsetting.
And that he was handed over to them
by at some point by his own generals
who then found themselves in a situation
where they had to deal with order number one.
And the right wing was unorganized.
The Cossacks, I guess, were the closest thing you could find
at this point.
These elections were pure.
for leftists, you didn't have, you know, there was no attempt to, you know, get rid of these people.
Here is one time where a program would have been useful, but of course it was nowhere to be found.
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Apart from the CEC of the Soviet of Workers and Soldiers deputies,
there was also the All-Russian Executive Committee of the Soviet of Peasants' deputies.
elected in the end of May. Of its 30 members, there were only three actual peasants,
an already habitual sham of the pre-Bulshevik revolution. Of those 30, De-Pasmanic identified seven Jews,
quote, a sad thing it was, especially considering Jewish interests, and they had become an
eyesore to everybody, end quote. Then this peasant organ put forward a list of its candidates
for the future constituent assembly. Apart from Korenski, the list contained,
several Jews, such as the boisterous
Ilya Rubanovich,
who had just arrived from Paris,
the terrorist, Abram Gautz,
and the little-known Girovich.
In the same article, there was a report
on the arrest for desertion of
warrant officer M. Goldman,
the head of the Mogulov
Gubernaya, a peasant
Soviet.
I don't know off the top of my head
who these actual peasants were.
I don't know if he gets into it.
I should know.
of this.
Of course, it had nothing to whatever they, whatever they were, whether they were real peasants,
actual real peasants, or just, you know, lunatics, or whatever, you know, of course they had
zero power.
They were there to just put forward as a, you see, we really are a peasant, a peasant group.
But this just adds this more and more evidence to the fact that all of their titles, all
of these long
in the all Russian committee
of the Soviet of Petrograd and Moscow
these long things that they
were meant to deceive
they were meant to manipulate
and he's right
to say that the Petrograd
Soviet was really the ruling element
that was divided
it wasn't elected by anything we could imagine
the Constituent Assembly was simply too
weak and Kerensky was torn
between the two. Everyone knew
who had a brain that he was going to go at some point.
But maybe he didn't know.
But, you know, he just, you're talking about a very weak system.
It really wasn't much of a government at all except for that.
But that's really all they were.
They had a Soviets in a few cities, Odessa and Petersburg,
and that was the, that's what they controlled at the time.
Of course, the actions of the executive committee's
could not be solely explained by their ethnic composition.
Not at all.
Many of those personalities irreversibly distanced themselves from their native communities
and had even forgotten the way to their chettles.
All of them sincerely believe that because of their talents and revolutionary spirit,
they would have no problem arranging workers, soldiers, and peasants matters in the best way possible.
They would manage it better simply because of them being more educated and smarter than
all this clumsy Hoy-Polloy.
I'm not going to say anything.
If I start talking, I'm not, just keep going.
Yet for many Russians, from commoner to a general, this sudden eye-striking transformation
and the appearance among the directors and orators at rallies and meetings in command and
government was overwhelming.
V. Stankovic, the only officer socialist in the executive committee provided an example,
quote, this fact of the abundance of Jews.
in the committee, alone had enormous influence on the public opinion and sympathies.
Noteworthy, when Kornilov met with the committee for the first time, he had accidentally sat in the
midst of the Jews in front of him, sat two insignificant and plain members of the committee,
whom I remember merely because of their grotesquely Jewish facial features.
Who knows how that affected Kornilov's attitudes towards Russian Revolution?
Well, of course, pretty soon, you know, they're going to send him to jail.
He will be freed and he will be one of the leaders of the early white armies.
I have a whole lecture on the Ice March.
It was very early down to the Cossack, the Cossack areas.
And, yeah, I got to remember this, the grotesquely Jewish.
Yeah, the Russian Jews in particular had that look.
like you know the guy with the
with the hands
that's a very Russian
look so
like the happy merchant. Yeah, I think
Cornelov was the happy merchant.
Yeah. Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah.
Cornelov was well aware
of all of this. But on the other hand,
he was still allied with the Entente.
He still had to deal, or he thought, I mean, he was very naive.
He honestly thought throughout
the West is going to come to rescue him.
Look at all the sacrifices Russia made for Britain and France
during the war.
they're going to come rescue us.
Don't worry about it.
So he had to control what he said and what his men did.
And he continuously, no matter what,
matter how many times he was betrayed,
matter how, you know, how may they delay,
they refuse to do anything for him.
He still thought up until the day he was killed that,
that the untow was going to come and rescue him.
He, you know, that's as far as it went.
And that's one of the things that was one of the things that killed him.
And it's one of the reasons that,
his faction at least lost the loss the loss of war you know a lot of people have to be constantly
reminded that propaganda has to have truth propaganda really can't be outright lies it rarely
works when it's just outright lies and a lot of those propaganda posters of uh that had
Jewish faces on them um when you see pictures of especially the Soviet or the early Soviet
they're not far off.
Oh, yeah.
There's no doubt.
And that's especially the case in the Eastern European appearance.
It was similar in the West, but in the East it was even more pronounced.
Yet the treatment of all things Russian by the new regime was very telltailing.
Tail telling.
Here is an example of the days of Kornilov in the end of August 1918.
Russia was visibly dying, losing the war with its army corrupted and the rear in collapse.
General Kornilov, cunningly deceived by Kerensky, artlessly appealed to the people,
almost howling with pain.
Quote, Russian people, our great motherland is dying, the hour of her death is nigh.
All whose bosoms harbor a beating Russian heart go to the temples and pray to God to grant us
the greatest miracle of salvation for our beloved country, end quote.
In response to that, the ideologist of the February Revolution and one of the
the leading members of the executive committee,
Gimmer Sukanov, chuckled in amusement.
Quote, what an awkward, silly, clueless, politically illiterate call.
What a lowbrow imitation of Sousdalshina.
Sousdalshina refers to resistance and Sousdow to the Mongol invaders.
I hate to say it, but that's not very, very far off.
I mean, we might say that about him for different, very different reasons.
but the Jews realized that he was a loose cannon
as naive as he was, as awkward and silly and politically illiterate, maybe so,
that it's not too far away.
Because throughout his life, he said, I have no ideology,
which wasn't exactly true.
Russia is going to be governed by the constituent assembly,
which I will restore when we win the war.
That means what was he fighting for then?
he was only fighting against the boss of it.
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Yes, it sounded pompously and awkwardly
without a clear political position.
Indeed, Cornelove was not a politician,
but his heart ached.
And what about Sukhanov's heart?
Did he feel any pain at all?
He did not have any sense of the living land and culture,
nor had he, nor he had any urge to preserve them.
He served to his ideology only,
the international, seeing in Cornelov's words,
total lack of ideological content. Yes, his response was caustic, but note that he had not only
labeled Kornilov's appeal and imitation, he had also derogatorily referred to Sousdalshina to Russian
history, ancient art, and sanctity. And with such disdain to the entire Russian historical
heritage, all this international ilk, Sukanov, and his henchmen from the malicious
executive committee steered the February Revolution.
Yeah, Suzacina is, you know, it's a just much longer word for Goyim.
And it was not the ethnic origin of Sukunov and the rest.
It was their anti-national, anti-Russian and anti-conservative attitudes.
We have seen similar attitudes on the part of the provisional government, too,
with its task of governing the entire Russia and its quite Russian ethnic composition.
Yet did it display a Russian worldview or represent Russian interests, if only a little?
Not at all.
The government's most consistent.
and patriotic activity was to guide the already unraveling country, the Kronstadt Republic,
was not the only place which had seceded from Russia by that time, to the victory in war,
to the victory at any cost, with loyalty to the allies. Sure, the allies, their government,
public and financiers, put pressure on Russia. For instance, in May, Russian newspapers cited the
morning post from Washington, quote, America made it clear to the Russian government that if Russia
makes a separate peace with Germany, the United States would annul all financial agreements with
Russia. Prince Levov, Prince Georgi Levov, led the Russian provisional government during the Russian
revolution's initial phase from March of 1917 until he relinquished control to Alexander
Kerenzky in July 1917, upheld the sentiment, quote, the country must determinately
send its army to battle, end quote. They had no concern about consequences of the ongoing war
for Russia and this mismatch, this loss of sense of national preservation could be observed
almost at every meeting of the provincial government cabinet, almost in every discussion.
So the only real big problem that the Allies had with the Bolsheviks was their treaty
to pull the Russian Empire out of the war. That was their big issue. So their intervention
was there to try to convince. They didn't do any damage to the Soviet.
It was right there in Petersburg.
They could have destroyed it in two seconds.
They didn't.
While the war was still going on,
we went on to the very end of 1918.
You know, and sometimes you forget when you're studying this stuff,
that the war is still going on.
Russians are still being killed.
And they were, quote, losing the war because of things like the presidential government's order number one.
But that's the only reason.
that there was any bad blood between the Allies and the Soviets was that.
And once the war was over, though, that went away.
There were simply ridiculous incidents.
Throwing millions of rubles left and right and always keenly supporting cultural needs of ethnic minorities.
That sounds like just graft and just millions of dollars being, millions of rubles being sent overseas to me.
Sounds like Ukraine now.
Right.
Yeah, start that again.
Throwing millions of rubles left and right and always keenly supporting cultural needs of ethnic minorities.
The provisional government at its April 6th meeting had rejected the request of the long-established great Russian orchestra of Vivian Andrev to continue getting paid as before from the funds of the former His Majesty's personal chancery.
The funds were confiscated by the provisional government itself.
The petition was turned down despite the fact that the requested some 30,000 rubles a year,
was equivalent to the annual pay of just three ministers' assistants.
Deny, why not to spend your so-called Great Russian Orchestra?
What kind of name is that?
Taken aback and believing that it was just a misunderstanding,
Andrea petitioned again.
Yet with an unusual for this torpid government determination,
he was refused a second time, too.
at the April 27th meeting.
Yeah, this is a very small issue, the orchestra,
but he brings it up just to highlight
how violently anti-Russian this was
that even the very inexpensive orchestra
as specialized in Russian classics
will not be financed at all.
It seems to be almost out of nowhere
in a very minor thing,
and yet it's just used here as an example for that reason.
So when you take that and you expand it into everything Russian in the country, you see where all this comes from.
Milakov, a Russian historian and minister of the provisional government, did not utter a single specifically Russian sentiment during that year.
Similarly, the key figure of the revolution, Alexander Kerensky, could not be at any stage accused of possessing an ethnic Russian consciousness.
Yet at the same time, the government demonstrated constant anxious bias against any conservative circle,
and especially against Russian conservatives.
Even during his last speech in the Council of the Russian Republic pre-parliament
on October 24th, when Trotsky's troops were already seizing Petrograd building after building,
Kerenzky emphatically argued with a Bolshevik newspaper Rabas-e-Poot, Workers' Way,
and the right-wing, Novaya Rus, New Russia, both of which Kerenzky had just shot down,
shared similar political views.
You know, when my first book,
came out, I got a letter from the Russian Imperial Union order in New York. That was the official
royalist, you know, the relatives of Nicholas, what was left of them. That was the official
organizer of everything. And in that letter, which I still have, one of the things they said is that,
you know, you not being a Russian at all, have a very Russian heart.
in the sense that these people have, you know, they might be Russian ethnically, some of them,
but that didn't mean anything.
They took it for granted.
So that means strangers like Sarah from Rose and me, Vladimir Moss, people like that,
are going to help rebuild it to some extent.
It was the greatest compliment that, in fact, especially from the organization itself,
which was the official group, I was.
a big deal to me. I was a young man. I was 30, I think, when I got that. That was a big,
that was a big boost. The darned incognito of the members of the executive committee was, of course,
noticed by the public. Initially, it was the educated society of Petrograd that was obsessed
with this question, which several times surfaced in newspapers. For two months, the committee
tried to keep the secret, but by May, they had no other choice but revealed themselves and
and published the actual names of most of the pseudonym holders, except for Esteklov,
Nacomkis, and Boris Osopovich Bogdanov, the energetic permanent chair of the council.
They had managed to keep their identity secret for a while.
The latter's names confused the public by similarity with another personality,
Bogdanovich, Bogdanovich Malinowski.
This odd secrecy irritated the public, and even ordinary citizens began asking questions.
It was already typical in May that if during a plenary meeting of the Soviet, someone proposed Zinoviev or Kamenev for something, the public shouted from the auditorium demanding their true names.
Yeah, that's how deep the divide was. These were leftists, but not necessarily Bolsheviks, realizing that, you know, they changed their name so as not to, you know, it's not an entirely Russian-led party.
and now you have ordinary people demanding their true names.
He is shutting down newspapers all the time, in the name of the free press, of course.
But that's exactly it.
They were doxed, and I think this was the one and only time that occurred, officially.
Concealing true names was incomprehensible to the ordinary man of that time.
Only thieves hide and change your names.
Why is Boris Katz ashamed of his name, and instead,
calling himself Kamkhov? Why does Lurie hide under the alias Larin? Why does Mandelstam use the pseudonym
Lyadov? Many of these had aliases that originated out of a necessity in the past underground life,
but what had compelled the likes of Shotman, the socialist revolutionary from Tompsk, and not him
alone to become Danilov in 1917. Certainly the goal of a revolutionary hiding behind a pseudonym is to
outsmart someone, and that may include not only the police and government. In this way,
ordinary people as well are unable to figure out who their new leaders are. Well, we know why.
And this is, you know, remember, they were very image conscious, not just amongst, you know,
in front of Russians, but especially in front of the West who was financing them. You know,
you had a much healthier society, both in the West and in the East. And if this was just a Jewish,
ethnic cult, you know, Western financing might be endangered, especially the good press that they
were getting. So they changed their names to make it appear like this was a Russian revolution
and Russians are behind it. We all know that, but it took a while for the fact that they were
doxxed by the provisional government, it shows you just, you know, letting and realize they had to go.
They had to go anyway, but this was just one more statement.
step that's going to force Kerenchki and his friends out.
Intoxicated by the freedom of the first months of the February Revolution,
many Jewish activists and orators failed to notice that their constant fussing around
prosodyms and rallies produced certain bewilderment and wry glances.
By the time of the February Revolution, there was no popular anti-Semitism in the internal
regions of Russia. It was confined exclusively to the areas of the Paloist settlement.
For instance, Abraham Kogan had even seen.
stated in 1917, quote, we loved Russia despite all the opposition from the previous regime because
we knew that it was not the Russian people behind it, but czarism. But after just a few months
following the February Revolution, resentment against Jews that suddenly flared up among the masses
of people and spread over Russia, growing stronger with each passing month. And even the official
newspapers reported, for instance, on the exasperation in the waiting lines in the cities. Everything
had been changed in that twinkle of the eye that created a chasm between the old and the new Russia,
but its cues that had changed the most.
Strangely, while everyone has moved to the left, the food lines have moved to the right.
If you would like to hear Black Hundred propaganda, then go and spend some time in a waiting line.
Among other things, you will find out that there are virtually no Jews in the lines.
They don't need it as they have enough bread horded.
The same gossip about Jews who tuck away bread rolls from another end of the line as well.
The waiting lines is the most dangerous source of counter-revolution.
The author, I like that.
Yeah, that's a good one.
The author Ivan Najavon noted that in the autumn of Moscow,
anti-Semitic propaganda fell on ready ears in the hungry revolutionary cues.
Quote, what rascals?
They worm themselves onto the very top.
See how proudly they ride in their cars?
Sure. Not a single Yid can be found in the lines here. Just you wait.
And all of this, because the provisional government or elements within it, published their real names.
We know why they did it.
Now people are starting to realize why they did. This was a Jewish movement.
Now, tomorrow on Radio Albion, my lecture on the early Leninist legislation,
well, his decrees against anti-Semitism is my, is a subject.
And I go through all of these in detail and explain where it comes from, and this is part of it.
They realize that any exposure as to who we really are means more and more of these people.
I mean, they were burning down churches.
They were, you know, they were doing very well, of course.
They always did very well.
And you notice that, you know, words like proletariat or bourgeoisie had absolutely.
absolutely no meaning, nor were they were supposed to have any.
Jews were almost inherently proletarians, no matter how many billions they may have had.
And that's typical of the day.
And all of this comes from the doxing.
All it took was one article, one speech, one piece that exposed their real names.
I don't know if you know this, but when I, the Barnes Review,
was the editor for a while under Willis Cardo,
Willis never allowed pseudonyms, ever.
And I've never used a false name ever in my life.
So, but of course, that was for a very different reason than what we have here.
Of course, there was always, you know, the Jews were always distrusted.
Everyone knows, you know, the Jews were thrown out of Moscow,
maybe four or five times.
Up until this point, Kiev, many people.
times up into this point going back, you know, centuries. But I think by popular anti-Semitism,
he's referring to like actual pogrom action, which is not the way to define that, but I think
that's what he's he's referring to. Jews were never trusted wherever you went. You know, I come from
a fairly, heavily Jewish area, and I went to a college where that was a very Jewish, not
entirely my university of Hartford was was heavily Jewish by comparison with other places
and and you know I can't I know them well you know of course that's not a personal matter
but yes there was you know popular anti-semitism I think that's all he means is is
violence you know peasants just you know pit-forking somebody but the the waiting in
lines is the best form of counter-revolution well
there were no lines under the czar there were no lies up in lines even in in in kiev and rousse that didn't exist
the only time the economy collapsed was when the czar went away any revolution releases a flood
of obscenity envy and anger from the people the same happened among the russian people with their
weakened christian spirituality and so the jews many of whom had ascended to the top to visibility and what
as Moore, who had not concealed their revolutionary jubilation, nor waited in the miserable lines,
increasingly became a target of popular resentment.
Many instances of such resentment were documented in 1917 newspapers. Below are several examples.
When, at the Aprexan market on Sinaius Square, a horde of goods was discovered in possession
in Jewish merchants, people began shout, plunder Jewish shops, because Yids are responsible for all
the troubles, and this word yid is on everyone's lips.
A stockpile of flour and bacon was found in the store of a merchant, likely a Jew in
Poltava.
Bacon?
The crowd started plundering his shop and then began calling for a Jewish pogrom.
Later, several members of the Soviet of workers' deputies, including Drobenus, arrived and
attempted to appease the crowd.
As a result, Drobness was beaten.
In October and at Katerinislav, soldiers,
trashed small shops shouting smash to bourgeois, smash to yids.
In Kiev at the Vladimir Ski market, a boy had hit a woman who tried to buy flour out of her turn
on the head instantly. The crowd started yelling the Yids are beaten the Russians and a brawl ensued.
Note that it had happened in the same Kiev where one could already see the steamers,
long-lived free Ukraine without Yids and Poles.
By that time, smash the Yids could be heard in almost every street brawl,
even in Petrograd and often completely without foundation.
For instance, in a Petrograd streetcar, two women called for disbanding of the Soviet of workers and soldiers' deputies filled according to them exclusively by Germans and Yids.
Both were arrested and called to account.
That's why, and I mentioned my lecture coming up on Lenin's decrees, you know, fighting anti-Semitism, this is exactly why.
Lennon knew that he was essentially a spokesman for a Jewish movement.
And this stuff was already, I mean, people kind of knew.
I don't think Americans, if they knew how many Jews were, they would do anything.
But something like the slaughter in Gaza and In Yahoo, that might be a different story.
It would take more for your typical American, but not back here.
There was never any love, never any love for them.
and everything that they said, you know, how do you remove Jewish merchants from the bourgeois?
That's exactly what a bourgeois is.
They were the ultimate expression of that.
And yet in the twisted minds of the Leninists, the Marxists, I shouldn't even say the Marxists,
because in Judean phraga, Marx says the same thing.
How can you possibly, you know, exempt the Jewish billionaires from your contempt of, of, of,
capitalism. And you had people who didn't like, essentially down with the rich, but it also means down
with Jews. That's why all of these laws had to be passed. People had to be sent to prison. People had to
be murdered because it didn't take much for something like this to happen. Newspaper Ruskaya Volja,
Russian Freedom, reported right in front of our eyes, anti-Semitism in its most primitive form
re-arizes and spreads. It is enough to hear to
conversations in streetcars in Petrograd or in waiting lines to various shops or in the
countless fleeting rallies at every corner and crossroad. They accused Jews of political
stranglehold of seizing parties and Soviets and even of ruining the army, of looting and hoarding
goods. Many Jewish socialists agitators in the front units enjoyed unlimited success during
the spring months when calls for a democratic peace were tolerated and fighting was not required.
Then nobody blamed them for being Jewish. But in
June, when the policy of the executive committee had changed towards support and even propaganda for the offensive,
calls of smashed to Yids began appearing, and those Jewish persuaders suffered battering by unruly soldiers time and time again.
Yeah, he's referring to the end of, coming to the end of World War I.
No one would blame them for being Jewish. That wasn't the issue whatsoever.
But, you know, one of the funniest, it's maddening on one hand.
and hilarious on the other, when Jewish authors try to explain why anti-Semitism exists,
especially in this era.
You know, they can't, they know why anti-Semitism existed in Russia in 2025.
There was a lot of good reasons for it.
It wasn't accusations.
It was simply the reality that they had.
So they can't say that.
So they have to come up with crazy, you know, primitive tribalism, backwards peasants,
whatever it took.
that was actually the Soviet official Soviet line in Pravda was
anti-Semitism is growing in mid-1920s
Soviet Union because
because so many peasants were being brought into the
to the cities to work
and because they're backwards by definition
that's where you're getting your
that's where this comes from
that was their that was their official explanation
nothing what they did the fact that they run there
ran this revolution, not because everyone's standing in lines, the economy collapsed,
not because the church was violently persecuted.
None of that.
That was it.
It's because ignorant peasants were coming into the cities and going into the factories.
That was their best explanation.
But of course, it's the explanation that you better say or else.
And I'm going to do these next two paragraphs and we'll end it there.
Okay.
Rumors were spreading that the executive committee.
in Petrograd was seized by Yids. By June, this belief had taken root in the Petrograd
garrison and factories. That is exactly what soldiers shouted to the member of the committee
Voitinsky, who had visited an infantry regiment to dissuade the troops from the looming
demonstration conceived by Bolsheviks on June 10th. V.D. Nabokov, hardly known for antisemitism,
joke that the meeting of the foreman of the pre-parliamentary in October 1917, could be
safely called a Sanhedron. Its majority was Jewish. Of Russians, there were only
Accentiev, me, Peshikonov, and Tchaikovsky. His attention was drawn to the fact that
Mark Vichnaic was who was present there also. Yeah, he's referring to himself, Nabokov.
That's what we saw he's not talking about, Joltenin, obviously. But stuff like this was
said all the time.
This is part of the reason the Bolsheviks were so worried about their image.
You know, same thing, the Hungarian party.
The Hungarian people's republic was so, I mean, it was absurdly Jewish, all the way down to
your, you know, traffic cops that were replaced.
And Stalin said, you've got to do something about this.
We can't have, because the West was still, now that wouldn't worry about it.
but the West is going to see this is just a Jewish cult.
This has nothing to do with labor or workers or farmers or anyone else.
No, they don't care about this.
They can't have that.
And there were enough people in the West talking like that at the time.
That's World War II that's going to cease.
But that's why this, you know, that's why this legislation had to be passed and why people had to be murdered.
Well, the next episode should.
probably finish up this chapter and then we will be moving on to let's see what the next
the chapter after this is called uh alongside the bolsheviks so oh boy yeah so i think what a lot of
people are waiting for um i hope they're i hope they're getting a lot out of this chapter because
this chapter is rich with information that you're not you're just not going to find anywhere else
yeah it's an obscure time the time between february
in October.
What was happening?
You know, the Jewish numbers in the reds weren't all that high.
I mean, they were dominated by them.
But by the time in a few months, because of this, this immigration from abroad, it was overwhelming.
You know, so all and lots of stuff was happening.
And Lenin and the party was checking public opinion with stuff just we talked about.
How far can we push before we get pushed back?
And what are we going to do about it?
And as Lenin said, well, we're going to kill them.
Propaganda is not going to work on everybody.
So the liquidation of the peasantry had been conceived precisely in this era
and was put into practice when the Bolsheviks took over.
All righty.
Until the next time, I will encourage everyone to go to the show notes
and to the descriptions on the videos and donate to Dr. Johnson.
let's keep him unemployed and keep him studying and keep him working and cranking out all this
information that I think that from all the feedback I'm getting is you know this is this is going to be
one of those series that people are going to listen to for for a very long time I agree I agree thank you
thank you talk to you in a couple days thank you dr. Jay all right bye bye
