The Pete Quiñones Show - Reading Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together' w/ Dr Matthew Raphael Johnson - Part 70
Episode Date: September 13, 202560 MinutesPG-13Dr. Matthew Raphael Johnson is a researcher, writer, and former professor of history and political science, specializing in Russian history and political ideology.Pete and Dr. Johnson c...ontinue a project in which Pete reads Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together," and Dr' Johnson provides commentary.Dr Johnson's PatreonDr Johnson's CashApp - $Raphael71RusJournal.orgTHE ORTHODOX NATIONALISTDr. Johnson's Radio Albion PageDr. Johnson's Books on AmazonDr. Johnson's Pogroms ArticleThe Orthodox Nationalist: Karl Marx “On the Jewish Question” (1844)Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
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I want to welcome everyone back to part 70 of our reading of 200 years together by Alexander Solzhenycin.
Dr. Johnson, how are you doing?
today. If I hear the phrase, dancing is really at least one more time, I'm thinking I'm going to
scream. Not that I disagree with it. I mean, I fully agree with the whole theory. And I'm
working on that for a daily nationalist tomorrow, but it comes up so much. And the fact that no
matter what you say to people, you could give the names, you could give their Mossad connections,
it just doesn't, it just doesn't penetrate. They can't believe this stuff. And this has been going on
since, well, 24 years tomorrow.
And it's a huge frustration.
Or they'll just nod, you know, and say, oh, yeah, yeah, yeah.
And then they'll say something else when they're in a different group of people.
But unfortunately, the dancing Israelis are the key to the Israeli connection to 9-11.
Well, people will just call it a conspiracy theory because one or two people, two or three people,
getting together to plan something isn't a conspiracy, even when it's right in front of your nose.
I mean, I don't know what to say anymore.
Any crime is conspiratorial, no matter who does it.
It's just the wrong people being included is what they're talking about.
Yeah, yes, of course.
All right.
I think people probably have been waiting for this.
We're going to talk about the check today.
So let me clear my throat real quick.
And here we go.
The Cheka, Extraordinary Commission, Checa, was established in December 1917.
It instantly gained strength, and by the beginning of 1918, it was already filling the entire populace with mortal fear.
In fact, it was the Cheka that started the Red Terror, long before its beginning was officially announced on September 5, 1918.
The Checa practiced terror from the moment of its inception and continued it long after the end of the Civil War.
By January of 1918, the Czechos was enforcing the death penalty on the spot without investigation and trial.
Then the country saw the snatching of hundreds and later thousands of absolutely innocent hostages.
Their mass executions at night are mass drowning in whole barges.
Historian S.P. Melganoff, who himself happened to experience perilous incarceration in Checa prisons,
unforegettably reflected upon the whole epic story of the Red Terror in his famous book,
Red Terror in Russia, 1918 through 1923.
There was not a single town or a district without an office of the omnipotent all-Russian
extraordinary commission, which from now on becomes the main nerve of state governance
and absorbs the last vestiges of law.
There was not a single place in the Russian Federation without ongoing executions,
a single verbal order of one man, Derszynski, doomed to immediate death many thousand people.
And even when an investigation took place, the Czechists followed their official instructions.
Quote, do not look for evidence incriminating a suspect in hostile speech or action against Soviet power.
The very first question you should ask him is about the social class he belongs to.
And what is his descent, upbringing, education?
education and profession. It is these questions that should determine the suspect's fate.
The words of M. Latsis in the bulletin red terror on November 1st, 1918, and in Pravda on
December 25, 1918. Melganov notes, Latsus was not original here. He simply rephrased
the words of Robespierre in convent about the mass terror. To execute the enemies of the
fatherland that is sufficient to establish their identities, not punishment, but elimination.
is required. Directives from the center are picked up and distributed all over Russia by the Checo Weekly,
and Melganov cites the periodical profusely.
Quote, Red Sword is published in Kiev. In an editorial by Lev Craney, we read,
Old Foundations of Morality and Humanity, Invented by the Bourgeoisie, do not and cannot exist for us.
A, certain Schwartz follows. The proclaimed Red Terror should be implemented in a proletarian way,
If physical examination of all servants of czarism and capitalism is a prerequisite for the establishment of the worldwide dictatorship of the proletariat, then it wouldn't stop us.
How do you show it a servant of czarism or capitalism, since those two were often opposed?
You know, this is, and these people noticed that the leaders, even at the lower levels,
of the Czechos organization were not Russian. They certainly were not Russian Orthodox. These were
Jews. And I think what happened at the end of World War II was a certain projection
on their part because I'm hearing the same words that were said about, you know, the Germans
but in fact it's really true about them more than anyone else. They're not equals.
just asking what class they're from.
Well, what if they don't tell the truth?
I love the dissent.
His descent, his upbringing.
That's very loaded.
But there is no revolution like this.
It could ever happen that can't have a check attached to it.
They all have to have it.
I don't care if they're from the British on down,
the glorious revolution on down,
these left revolutions have to have
imposed by violence
and they're imposed by violence via
a group like the Czechia.
There were no trials. There was nothing like this.
And of course, clergy and everyone else,
servants of czarism, I don't, you know,
these were slogans.
They were great when they were picked up by the Western press.
But how do you demonstrate who's a servant and who isn't?
And, you know, although the Russian Empire prior to the war,
was industrializing very rapidly, it was never a capitalist state. You really didn't have a free
market there by any means. So there's the simply attaching labels to things that don't make any sense.
The only thing that it does do is justify their power. It was a targeted, pre-designed, and long-term
terror. Melganov also provides estimates of the body count of that unheard-of swing of murders
precise numbers were practically not available then.
Yet I suppose these horrors pale into insignificance with respect to the number of victims
that compared to what happened in the South after the end of the Civil War.
Denikins, the General of the White Army in command of the South Russian Front, rule was crumbling.
New power was ascending, accompanied by a bloody reign of vengeful terror of mere retaliation.
At this point, it was not a civil war.
it was physical liquidation of a former adversary.
There were waves and waves of raids, searches, new raids, and arrests.
Entire wards of prisoners are escorted out and every last man is executed.
Because of the large number of victims, a machine gun is used.
They execute 15 to 16-year-old children and 60-year-old elders.
The following is a quote from a Czechosn announcement in the Kuban region.
Cossack villages and settlements, which give shelter to whites and greens,
that's Ukrainian nationalists will be destroyed, the entire adult population, executed and all
property confiscated. After Rangel, the white general, left, Crimea was dubbed the all-Russian cemetery.
Different estimates suggest a number of murderers between 120 and 150,000.
In Sevastopol, people were not just shot but hanged, hanged by dozens and even by hundreds.
Nakamov prospect, a major street, was lined with the corpses of the hanged.
People arrested on the streets and hastily executed without trial.
Terror in the Crimea continued through 1921.
The whites didn't have this capacity.
They weren't capable of this level of, this was not retaliation by any means.
Although the whites were superior in terms of their command.
These are some brilliant men that ran them.
They didn't have the equipment.
And even though they had money, the West refused to sell them anything, even though they had it in their hands.
In the north, the British had destroyed all their ammunition under the excuse that Germans will get to it.
In the South, they sold it on credit, actually with the Americans, they sold it on credit to the Bolsheviks.
And the deal was that they'll, you know, certain natural resources will be,
will eventually be exported to pay it off.
Although after World War II, all of the debts were canceled.
So it's amazing.
The only time the capitalists, the banking class, will cancel a debt
is after someone like Hitler is defeated.
And then, you know, it's fine.
And all of this was considered the wave of the future by the Western intellectual class,
not by everybody, but by a huge portion.
of it. A lot of this stuff was not known at the time, but was not being circulated. But even if it
were, the left has no problem with this kind of behavior. This is the purifying. I mean,
every Marxist takeover has to do the same thing. You know, we have to, if this is a true
revolution, in other words, remember last time, revolution is the total upending of society.
Nothing is left. No stone is on another stone. Everything has to. Everything has to
to be completely remade from zero.
If that's going to be the case, how can you not have a checker?
How can you have trials?
And I wrote my first book, the Third Rome, based on the anger that I got from Western scholars
justifying this, or really not talking about this?
Or even if they did, not talking about the Jewish nature of this.
And I eventually lost it.
And I said, this is what I have to write, I have to put this out.
You know, I've been doing it for a long time prior to that.
And that book was essentially an outline of my career, my future career, what I was going to do.
And there's some truth to that.
But the fact, yeah, I already couldn't use a rifle because there were too many victims.
15, 16 year old, well, if there's no trial, you really can't tell how old they are.
But the Russian Revolution to this day is romanticized by the left in the Western world.
The only place, like in the 70s and 80s, the only place where Marxism was taken seriously wasn't Britain and France, Italy, America.
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But no matter how deep we dig into the history of Cheka,
special departments, special squads, too many deeds and names will remain unknown, covered by the
decomposed remnants of witnesses and the ash of incinerated Bolshevik documents. Yet even the
remaining documents are overly eloquent. Here is a copy of a secret extract from the protocol of a
meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party of Bolsheviks,
dated by April 18, 1919, obtained from the Trotsky Archive at Columbia University.
Yeah, when you talk about these bureaus, you have to take a deep breath first because they're all so long and pompous.
Take a deep breath so you don't run out of breath as you're saying it.
The political bureau or the central committee of the only Russian Communist Party of Bolshevik.
And that's not the longest one.
I have far longer ones in the future.
Absolutely insane.
Attended.
I love that.
Yeah.
Attended.
Lenin Kristinsky, Stalin, Trotsky.
Heard.
Statement of Trotsky.
that Jews and Latvians constitute a huge percentage of officials in the frontline Czechos,
frontline and rear area executive commissions and central Soviet agencies,
and that their percentage in the frontline troops is relatively small,
and that because of this, strong chauvinist agitation is conducted among the Red Army
soldiers with certain success, and that, according to Trotsky's opinion,
it is necessary to redistribute the party personnel to achieve a more uniform representation
of officials of all nationalities between front line and rear areas.
decided to propose Trotsky and Smilga to draft an appropriate directive of the Central Committee
to the commissions responsible for the allotment of cadres between the central and local Soviet
organizations and the front.
Yes, it's a reference to Ivar Smilga, who was from the Baltics.
He fled the USSR with Trotsky.
as things, you know, when sour for him.
But I'm not 100% sure what Trotsky says here.
Does that mean that he wants more Jews in the front lines, meaning, you know, like, you know, cops that are doing the arresting or having the, you know, having the appearance of that?
Clearly, of course, you know, chauvinist agitation.
Well, that doesn't make any sense.
If they're, this is a fact and they're admitting it's a fact.
they just don't like the fact that a lot of these guys who have to carry out these orders,
many of whom have hostages in Moscow or St. Petersburg,
are finding out about it.
So I think he means that maybe we can get more a balts in here or poles or something like that
so as to make it look like this isn't entirely a Jewish idea,
but a Jewish offensive.
So they fully admit that this was completely a Jewish thing at the top, top levels,
that people are starting to notice this,
including like Latvians and certain Estonians and everything else
are going to play a part in the Civil War.
You know, whatever he means,
he's clearly worried about people realizing that this is a Jewish movement.
And maybe we can get others to put to the front.
I think that's what he means.
Yet it is hard to believe that the meeting produced the intended effect.
A contemporary researcher, the first who approached the problem of the role in place of Jews
and other ethnic minorities in Soviet machinery,
study declassified archive documents and concluded that at the initial stage of activity
of the punitive agencies during the Red Terror,
national minorities constituted approximately 50% of the central Czechos apparatus,
with their representation on the major posts reaching 70%.
The author provides September 25, 1918, statistical data.
Among the ethnic minorities, numerous Latvians, and fairly numerous polls,
the Jews are quite noticeable, especially among major and active Cheka officials,
meaning commissars and investigators.
For instance, among the investigators of the Department of Counter-Rexecutive,
revolutionary activities, the most important Czechos department, half were Jews.
Yeah, and it isn't like these Latvians or Poles or Estonians believed in collectivization
or or the total destruction of religion. They were told that they will receive
almost independence once the Reds finally take over and the war is over.
that's why they were fighting for very different reasons.
They weren't necessarily Bolsheviks.
And the most blatant example of that was in Ukraine,
where Lenin wrote paper after paper saying that we fully support Ukrainian nationalism,
not chauvinism necessarily,
but we support Ukrainian nationalism because the Tsar, you know, hated it or something like that.
And then when they took over,
and the war was over, it was smashed immediately.
So they were stupid to go along with it.
But Jews, active Bolsheviks on the one hand,
and those on the fringes of the empire on the other
who were doing some of the fighting
that were fighting for very different reasons.
Below the service records of several Chequess
of the very first call from the Russian,
this is from the Russian Jewish Encyclopedia.
Veniamen Gerson was in the Chequhart from 1918
and from 1920, he was a personal referent to Zürzzynski.
Israel Laplowski, a former member of Bun, joined the Bolsheviks in 1917 and worked in the Cheka from 1918.
He was the head of the state political directorate, formerly from the Checa in 1922, of the Poldosk Gubernaia,
and later of the Special Department of Odessa, and he climbed all the way up to the post of head of the OGPU,
joint state political directorate, the successor to the Cheka of the USSR.
Later, he occupied posts of Narcom of International Affairs, of Bilo Rousse,
Bilo Rissia, Bilo Roussia, and Uzbekistan.
Wow.
It's just Belarus.
Yeah, I should just say that.
I said Belarus, you know, it's okay.
Okay.
Zinovi Katsnelson became a Czechist,
immediately after the October Revolution, later he was ahead of special departments in several
armies and then of the entire Russian front. Still later, we can see him in the highest ranks of the
Cheka headquarters. And even later at different times, he was in charge of the Cheka of the Archangel
Gubernaia, the Transca Caucasian Checa, the North Caucasus GPU, the Karkov GPU. He also was
deputy to the Narcom of internal affairs of Ukraine and deputy head of the entire Gulag.
You notice one aspect of this here, and you'll see it as we go further.
Of course, the Jews don't have a homeland, and it certainly wasn't Russia, even Soviet, even the
USSR. So they move from place to place so they can have absolutely no connection with anyone underneath them.
they're always an alien
and the people under them are always strangers
so they get sent all over the entire empire
they don't know the first thing about these areas
all they know how to do is to
shoot people without a trial
and certainly London wasn't going to worry about
if you shot too many people without trial
that wasn't going to be a huge problem
for him
you know, you had the denotification of Germany after World War II, but of course, nothing was the case after the end of the Cold War.
You did have the anti-batization of Iraq, and they're going to do it again in Syria.
But, you know, these people, they're dissent from place to place to place.
They're always a stranger.
They're always an alien.
so they have no connection with the people that they that they rule over.
Solomon Mogilevsky was chair of the Ivano-Vosnesensk tribunal in 1917, then in charge of Cheka and Saratov.
Later we find him again in an army tribunal and after that he was in succession,
deputy head of the Bureau of Investigations of the Moscow Cheka, head of Foreign Affairs Department of Cheka headquarters,
and head of Checa in Transcacacacacacia.
Did Ignati Vizner contemplate the scale of his actions when he investigated the case of Nikolay Goumilev?
Not likely, he was too busy.
He served in the special section at the Presidium of Checa headquarters.
He was the founder of the Brijansk Cheka, and later he was an investigator in the case of the Cronstadt uprising and a special plenipotentiary of the Presidium of the Checa GPU on cases of special importance.
It always strikes me that these people have military posts
Despite never having seen a battlefield in their entire lives
Ever, ever, ever
They didn't have TV back then so they couldn't even see it on TV
You see a lot of military posts
But what it was these guys were the political component
Every officer as I said before
Had a Bolshevik shadow
To make sure that his commands were done
In accordance with the party
and so that means that the command, even at the mid-level, of all of this stuff, was always very unstable.
And, of course, the whites could have taken advantage of that.
These massive peasant uprisings that were occurring all over the place.
They weren't linked up.
It just was, you know, the Soviet Jews had a sense of organization and power and Machiavellianism
that the whites and their allies all over the place didn't have.
And even reading about it today, we know how it turned out,
but even reading about it today, it's tremendous frustration.
Lev Lev Lev Lev Velsky, former member of the Bund,
was in charge of the Checa at the Simbarsk Gubernaya in 1918 to 1919,
later of the Special Department of the Eighth Army,
still later of the Checa of the Ostrachan Gubernaya.
Beginning of 1921, he was an envoy,
plentipotentiary of the central Checa in the Far East and later from 1923, an envoy plenipotentery
of the OGPU in Central Asia. Still later, from the beginning of 1930, he worked in the Moscow
OGPU. And even later in his career, he was Deputy Narcom of Internal Affairs of the USSR.
Or consider Nahum Nelianid Ettington, active in the Checa beginning in 1919, later headed the Cheka of the Smolensk
Gubernaya. Still later, he worked in the GPU of Bashkiria. It was he who orchestrated the assassination of Trotsky.
Isaac Semyon Schwartz in 1918 to 1919. He was the very first chair of the all-Ukrainian Cheka.
He was succeeded by Yakov Lifshitz, who beginning in 1919 was head of the Secret Operations
Division and simultaneously a deputy head of the Cheka of the Kiev Gubernaya. Later, he was deputy
he headed the Chekka of the Shernigov Gubranaia and still later of the Karkov Gubernaya.
And even later, he was in charge of the operative headquarters of the all-Ukrainian Chekka.
Still later, in 1921 to 22, he ran the Cheka of the Kiev Gubernaya.
So you see what I mean.
They're sent very quickly from place to place.
You know, so they have, you know, they don't, there's no connections between them and anyone else.
They don't want anyone developing any, um, uh, uh,
sentimental connections with anyone or any clicks to form.
It was a strategic idea.
But you notice, too, that none of these people had any experience or education in law
enforcement or military stuff.
And yet they were given these positions.
I don't know how the whites lost.
I know why.
I just don't know how.
It was just, and really one of the main reasons, as we all know, is that the West,
supported the Bolsheviks and not the not the whites not at any time not ever not ever ever
let's look at the famous Matvei Berman he began his career in a district checka in the north
urals in 1919 he was assigned as deputy head of the Checa at the Yakadarindberg gubernaya
from 1920 head of Cheka of Tombsk Gubernaya from 1923 of the Buryat Mongolian gubernaya from
1924, deputy head of the OGPU of all of Central Asia from 1928, head of the OGPU of Latavostok,
from 1932, headed the entire Gulag and simultaneously a deputy Narcom of the Nkvd, which was a successor
to the Czech-IGBU from 1936. His brother Boris was in the state intelligence organ since
1920. In 1936, he served as deputy head of foreign intelligence section of the NKVD.
Boris Pozern, a commissar of the Petrograd commune, substantially contributed to matching images of a Jew and that of a Czechist in people's minds.
On September 2, 1918, he co-signed the proclamation on Red Terror with Zinoviev and Zerzinski.
The encyclopedia missed one Alexander Loselevich, or Iosovic, secretary of the Petrograd Czechia,
who had co-signed the Red Terror Execution List with Gleb Boyki,
in September 1918.
Yeah, yeah, there are signatures here.
You know, this isn't secret.
I remember once the Soviet Union fell, there was some attempt in the early 90s to mix
everything up.
There was some destruction of records, but not much of it.
But by now, it's all, none of this is secret.
You could find all of this out, even if you don't speak Russian.
You could find all of this out.
There's no question who is running the show here.
And I like how Shulzhenitin doesn't say that, you know, Jews ran everything.
They're 90% of the checker.
No, here's who they are.
And I guarantee you.
Now, I've looked up in my almost everyone here at one time or another.
And most of them are from the upper classes.
It came from well-to-do families.
And again,
making a mockery of Marxism because that doesn't make any sense.
You know, Marxism was an ethnic movement, as Winston Churchill said.
Yet there were others, even more famous individuals.
For instance, Yaakov Agronov, a Czechist, phenomenally successful in conducting repressions,
he invented Taganskiv's conspiracy through which he had killed Gumilev.
He directed cruel interrogations of participants of the Kronstadt uprising, or take notorious
Yakov Blumpkin, who participated in the assassination of the German ambassador in 1918,
he was arrested and later amnestead and then served as Traskid secretariat and later in
Mongolia, Transcaucasia, the Middle East, and was shot in 1929.
And there were numerous personnel behind every Czechos organizer and hundreds and thousands of
innocents met them during interrogations in basements and during the executions.
There were Jews among the victims, too.
Those who suffered from the massive communist onslaught on the bourgeoisie were mostly
merchants in the Malayaka district.
A merchant, Yushkevich was placed on a red-hot cast iron stove by members of a communist
squad for failure to pay taxes.
From the same source, some peasants who defaulted on the surplus appropriation system
were lowered on ropes into water wells to simulate drowning,
or during the winter they froze people into ice pillars
for failure to pay revolutionary taxes.
The particular sort of punishment depended on the imagination of the executioners.
Similarly, Coralenko described how two millers named Aronoff and Mirkin
were extraditiously shot for not complying with absurd communist-mandated prices on flour.
Or here is another example.
In 1913, former Kiev,
Governor Sukkofkin advocated innocence of Bayliss's of Baylis when the Reds came he was arrested
thousands of Jews in Kiev signed a position on his behalf yet the Cheka had him shot nevertheless
yeah that's a reference to the ritual murder case there were a lot of of Gentiles
not not by any means all but and I don't know if there was pressure put on him
But even when Jews were saying don't shoot this guy, they shot him anyway.
And there's another piece of evidence that this is a Jewish movement.
And I, you know, yeah, I'm sure there's no doubt that as the NEP was to collapse in the future,
you have some merchants who were getting too independent or refusing to pay taxes in this case.
But they were a tiny minority of those who were reprimand.
How then can we explain the Russian populace generally regarded the new terror as Jewish terror?
Look how many innocent Jews were accused of that.
Why was the perception that Czechos and Jews were all but the same so widespread among both the
reds and the whites alike and among the people in general?
Who's responsible for that?
Many.
And the white army is also responsible as we discussed below.
Yet not the least among these reasons is because the Czechos themselves, who facilitated
this identification by their ardent.
service on the highest posts in Cheka.
These guys were caricatures of what a Jew is.
Remember, they just learned Russian maybe a generation earlier.
They probably spoke it with an accent.
It was very clear who was dominating them.
The White Army's propaganda, if they really pressed on the Jewish issue, it would have been great, but they never really did.
They had a few things, a few leaflets and things like that, just spread around.
But, you know, so many of the, you know, De Nican was so worried about Western pressure, you know, their opinion of him that he didn't want to talk about the Jews very much.
None of the white generals really wanted to talk about the Jews very much, none of the major ones that we know about every day.
wanted to talk about the Jews because some of these guys, Kornilov, some of these men still were waiting for the allies at the end of the war to come and bail them out.
And it never happened.
And they still were waiting for it.
So they figured, well, if we talk about the Jews too much, if we make a Jewish issue out of this, which they should have, the British and the French will be angry at us and they won't help us.
Well, they weren't going to be helped anyway.
And in my book, the Soviet experiment and other papers, I've written this naifte of the generals of the white army.
It was just the major generals of the white army was just, it's almost, you know, it's almost like they were simping.
There was no rationality for it.
You know, they knew it wasn't going to happen, and yet they did it anyway.
And it was embarrassing for these men.
I mean, these were military men.
These weren't governors.
But as far as the Soviets go, they didn't have just military men.
Their army was political, was ideological.
It was everything put together.
They never had a doctrine of defense.
No such thing in the Marxist world.
Everything is offense.
It's all one and the same.
So that's, that's a lot.
a big deal. They're not military men in the traditional sense of the term, but the whites were.
You know, they were just, it's just a shame. The whole thing is such a shame. And if one one Jew
gets called a name during this time, they call it a pogrom. And Russians have to look inward
at themselves and try to change. And the same thing,
was happening then as it is now. It's absolutely awful.
Today we hear bitter complaints that it was not only Jews who clung to the power and why any
particular clemency should be expected from the Jewish Chekis. True. These objections, however,
cannot alter the harsh certitude. The incredibly enormous power on an unimaginable scale had come
into the hands of these Jewish Chekis, who at that time were supreme by status and rank,
representatives of Russian Jewry, no matter how horribly it sounds.
And those representatives, again, not elected by their own people, were not capable of finding
enough self-restraint and self-scrutinizing sobriety to come around, check themselves, and opt out.
It is like the Russian cautionary proverb.
Ah, don't hurry to grab, first blow on your fingers.
And the Jewish people, who did not elect those Chekis as their representatives, that already
numerous and actively city-dwelling community,
weren't their prudent elders among them,
also failed to stop them.
Be careful, we are a small minority in this country,
yet who listened to the elders in that age?
Well, it didn't matter.
Small minorities make history,
so long as they're cohesive and fanatical.
You only really need a handful.
You could always buttress your numbers
with hostages or mercenaries.
like the Reds did.
Numbers aren't important.
It's your level of fanaticism and cohesiveness,
and that's the one thing that the Jews had.
G. Landau writes,
loss of affiliation with a social class
overthrew the fine structure of Jewish society
and destroy the inner forces of resistance
and even that of stability,
sending even them under the chariot
of triumphant Bolshevism.
He finds that apart from the ideas of socialism,
separatist nationalism, and permanent revolution,
we were astonished to find among the Jews
what we never expected from them.
Cruelty, sadism, unbridled violence,
everything that seemed so alien to a people
so detached from physical activity.
Those who yesterday couldn't handle a rifle,
today were among the vicious cutthroats.
Yeah, it's amazing. When it's in their interest,
my God, they become amazing fighters.
You see how the Israeli army could, well, not anymore.
but was in the past defeating enemies far larger than they.
Thank God those days are over.
But when it comes to their own interest,
when it comes to their own cohesiveness,
they become, I mean, the Mossad, I mean, let's face it,
it's probably the best intelligence organization on the planet.
And it has to be because there's so few of them.
And, you know, Leonard was able to, you know,
using Lenin, having his picture up there,
Well, he wasn't necessarily a Jew.
He didn't have a Jewish name.
He wasn't, you know, he had a Jewish, he had a Jewish grandparent, I think.
I forgot where he landed on that.
Or at least was half Jewish.
He wasn't obviously so.
Trotsky was obviously so.
And that kind of distracted people's attention from the Jewish nature of all of it.
But for Jews, Jews had light about themselves for so long.
they couldn't believe that, oh, we're capable of this kind of thing.
But, yeah, they've always been like that.
They just didn't have the opportunity until now.
Here is more about the aforementioned Rebecca Plastanina Maisel from the Archangel
Gubernaia Cheka.
Infamous for her cruelty all over the north of Russia, she voluntarily perforated napes,
naps and foreheads.
I never know how to pronounce napes or if it's nape's or naps.
and personally shot more than 100 men, or about one Baca who was nicknamed a bloody boy
for his youth in cruelty, first in Tomsk, and then as the head of the Cheka of the Irkutsk Gubernaia.
Plastinina's career carried her up right to a seat in the Supreme Court of the RSFSR,
which she occupied in the 1940s.
Some may recall the punitive squad of Mandelbaum in Archangel in the north of Russia,
others, the squad of Mishka Jopanchik in Ukraine.
Pretty sure she's not a lawyer.
And yet she sits on the Supreme Court, typical of this era in the USSR.
What would you expect from peasants in the Tombovah Gubernaya
if during the heat of the suppression of the great peasant uprising in the central Russian black earth region,
the dismal den of the Tomboff, Gubcom, was inhabited by masterminds of grain allotments,
secretaries of G. G. G. G. G. Schlichter, whom we remember from Kiev in 1905, was there as well,
this time as the commissioner of the executive committee of the Guburnaya.
Y. Golden was the Foodstuffs Commissioner of the Tembof Gubernaya. It was he who triggered the
uprising by exorbitant confiscations of grain, whereas one N. Margolin, commander of a grain
confiscation squad, was famous for whipping the peasants who failed to provide grain, and he murdered
them too. According to Kakuran, who was the chief of the staff to Tukashevsky, a plenipotentiary
representative of the Czech of headquarters and the Tom Barf Gubranaia during that period was Lev Levin.
Of course, not only Jews were in it, however, when Moshevah,
took the suppression of the uprising into her own hands in February 1921, the Supreme
Command of the operation was assigned to Efram Skzskolowski, the head of the Interdepartmental
Anti-Banditry Commission, and so the peasants notified that with leaflets were able to
draw their own conclusions.
What difference does it make if they whip them for debt as they did in the
Dejaven Commission we talked about a long time ago or if they whip them now whether they're in
this among they work for the state or they're just you know powerful wealthy bankers what differences
make is it's the exact same thing especially back then um and i am shocked by the fact and i shouldn't
be but i am that every time there is and there were endless uprisings
the Jews can't make sense out of it.
How could they possibly be upset that we're taking everything they have?
Don't they realize we're creating paradise here?
I mean, there's something in the, there's a neurosis there that doesn't have a name.
And I've come across this many, many times.
They can't make sense out of it.
It seems to be obvious.
And every once in a while you'll find a Jew who will say, okay, we know why.
they were starving people.
But by and large, they, you didn't really have a whole lot of conceptual conflict here.
They really wondered why.
It has to be some foreign, must be foreign capitalists or something like that.
Or monarchists somewhere that are causing these uprisings.
They couldn't put two and two together, which is such a shocking and ridiculous way of thinking.
and yet these are the people who again having no connection with agriculture
or the distribution of grain or grain or anything in the rural world except by exploitation
these are the people who now control you they despise you and there's no way you could win
because even if you went along with what they said you're going to starve you can't win
either way. And when, you know, one of these guys were shot, where there was an organized
uprising, they look around going, what do we do? I don't, I don't, there's something in that
Jewish mind at the time that needs, you know, I've thought about it for many years. One day I'll
come up with a name for it. And what should we say about the genocide on the River Don?
when hundreds of thousands of the flower of Don Cossacks were murdered.
What should we expect from the Cossack memories when we take into consideration all those unsettled accounts between a revolutionary Jew and a Don Cossack?
In August 1919, the voluntary army took Kiev and opened several Chequas and found the bodies of those recently executed.
Shulgin composed nominal lists of victims using funeral announcements published in the reopen Kiev-Lionin.
One can't help noticing that almost all names were Slavic.
It was the chosen Russians who were shot.
Materials produced by the Special Investigative Commission in the south of Russia
provide insights into the Kiev-Cheka and its command personnel based on the testimony of a captured Cheka interrogator.
Quote, the head count of the Cheka staff varied between 150 and 300.
Percentage-wise, there was 75% Jews and 25% others,
and those in charge were almost exclusively Jews.
Out of 20 members of the commission,
the top brass who determined people's destinies,
14 were Jews.
All detained were kept either in the Cheka building
or in the Lukyanov prison.
A special shed was fitted for executions
in the building on Institute Street 40.
On the corner was Lavashkovkaya Street,
where the main Cheka office of the Guberania
had moved from Akaterina Skaya Street, an executioner and sometimes amateur Chekis escorted a
completely naked victim into a shed and ordered the victim to fall face down on the ground.
Then he finished the victim with a shot in the back of the head.
Executions were performed using revolvers, typically cults.
Usually because of the short distance, a skull of the executed person exploded into fragments.
The next victim was similarly escorted inside and laid down nearby.
When number of victims was exceeding, the capacity of the shed, new victims were laid down right upon the dead and were shot at the entrance of the shed.
Usually the victims went to their executioner without resistance.
What the hell does this have to do with workers or labor?
This has nothing to do with it.
That's not what this movement was.
They used the verbiage of it.
I know right this second, some idiot in front of a university classroom is talking about
the uprising of Russian workers against the czar the Bolsheviks were as flawed as they might be
dedicated to improving the lot of workers and peasants I mean they really say that because
the Bolsheviks say it and they wrote it down therefore it must be true you know sometimes
it's really hard to get a it's hard to argue with people like this there's nothing to grab
on to. There's nothing rational to grab onto here. We know why they say what they say. They don't know why.
And especially the younger ones who came of age, younger professors who came of age in the world of
censorship, they may not know. The older ones, when I was in grad school, they knew. There was one
incident where professor of political science had too many shots and he admitted to me that he knew that he wasn't telling the truth.
basically and that the provost said that you professors can't go out with students anymore
it was a minor scandal but the older the younger ones now they don't know why they think this
this has nothing to do with workers or labor this is it bad enough that the cream of
Russian infantry was slaughtered in World War I. Now we have this, you know, and the whites didn't
have a chance, unfortunately. Let's do one paragraph and then we're going to get into the Cronstadt
uprising. So it sort of changes. This is what the people were whispering about. Or take another
incident, witnessed by Remizov, whom it is hard to suspect of anti-Semitism giving his revolutionary
Democratic past. Recently there was a military training nearby at the academy and one red army
soldier said, comrades, let's not go to the front. It is all because of yids that we fight. And someone with
a briefcase asked him, which regiment are you from? And the soldier again, comrades, let's not go to the
front. It's all because he yids. And that one with a briefcase ordered shoot him. Then two other red
army soldiers came out and the first one tried to flee, but he didn't make it to the corner as other
got him and shot him.
His brain spilled over and there was a pool of blood.
Well, that's why this is such a great book.
And then that is in English because this, you know, adds, you know, a tremendous, all of
these accounts of how this was actually done and how irrational the entire thing was.
And that no one was ever taken to account for it.
it's just it's you know this is a very depressing part of of history um you did have i mean
those who would say let's not go to the front there were people who actually believed that
socialism had something to do with labor that labor could be you know their treatment could be
improved whatever um they were idealists of some kind or another and eventually they got they got
the they've started to realize that this is not the case these guys have don't care at all about
labor labor didn't none of these things had anything to do with with workers or improving there and we
talked about how a few i guess last month but how um in the 1905 rebellion um they were forcing strikes
at gunpoint in in moscow and elsewhere they didn't want to strike uh they made them strike
And you know, they didn't have to work, so I guess that's a benefit.
And that these are the people who claim to speak for labor, for workers, not just in the Soviet Union, but in the entire world.
Of course, there's going to be a reaction to it in Western Europe.
Of course there's going to be.
And you can go to prison in the EU for talking about this stuff.
And we all know plenty of people who've been there.
Bringing this stuff up in Germany, bringing this stuff up in Britain.
is considered an incitement and off you go.
You were just mentioning this basic historical truth.
And this is only at the beginning.
This is just the start.
It's extremely, you know, this demonic is the only term.
If it was strictly human and there were just utilitarians,
okay, it doesn't make sense.
There was a more spiritual element to it, a demonic element to it,
that,
the hatred of logos, the hatred of what monarchy and what monarchy represents,
and how that worked itself out in policy.
You can't compare this at all to say something like the American Revolution or the NS Revolution in Germany.
There is no comparison.
You can't connect the two things.
This is the perfection of what they started in France.
the bourgeois revolution became the so-called workers revolution,
although workers had absolutely nothing to do with it.
And people shouldn't be fooled.
There were whites who were escaping to Germany
and hooking up with the national socialist
and telling them exactly what was happening there and who was doing it.
There was no jealousy because Jews have money or anything like that.
No. Oh, because they've won how many Nobel Prizes? Yeah, I mean, all right, sure. But that's like, to me, that's like Academy Awards. It's like you're just giving it to whoever you like, you know, but. Exactly right. Yeah. So you're, the National Socialists knew. They knew who was doing this, who was, who was committing all of this murder, this mass murder in Russia. They knew who, who,
They knew about the Balfour Declaration and how if the United States got into the,
because the United States got into the war, the Balfour Declaration, and that's why they lost,
and that's why they were starved.
They knew all of this stuff.
It wasn't two authoritarian groups fighting against each other.
Now, this was just basically, this was a war for civilization.
And one group wanted to destroy all of civilization, and the other group wanted to destroy
who was destroying civil, who wanted to destroy civilization.
It's that frigging, it's not that simple, but it's a good start if you want to start understanding exactly what happened.
Yeah, your typical mainstream conservative, like the crisis magazine type, or even the early neocons like Hannah Arendt, they'll talk about those two movements as, as totalitarian.
They're pretty much the same.
And they, you know, it's simply not the case.
One's a reaction to the other.
What's going to happen in Western Europe, of course, there's going to be a reaction to
to finding out about this stuff.
They're coming for us because the world revolution is right in Marxism.
It's not just there.
All revolutions have to be exported.
The Civil War has to be exported.
And you did have a stream of refugees that were coming out of the new USSR telling people about it.
And especially after the Civil War was over,
You had refugees taking, you know, all over the world at this point who were telling everyone about it.
And, of course, the U.S. continued to invest in the early Soviet Union, invest in their electric, their automotive.
Again, Henry Ford, I'll never understand his largest truck plant was in eastern Ukraine.
closer than that's in fact
and that became the foundation for Soviet
all solar automotives including
trucks there's profit to be made
you know this was a huge market they didn't have access to before
but they do now
and somehow that's okay
even from the socialist point of view that's okay
You know, so using these words, these labels, this is almost a childlike.
This is, you know, attaching labels to things that's a, that's not knowledge.
It's a substitute for knowledge.
Yeah, I just finished a couple episodes.
I think we have to do another on Marx and what he really taught.
Dialectical materialism, what it was about, what he believed.
If you understand dialectical materialism and then you look at exactly what they're
doing, you realize that there's there's nothing in common. This isn't, to call this Marxist,
all you've done is, is taken a term and you're using it for no other reason than it, you're trying to,
it's basically a diversion. It's something to make people believe you're doing something other than
what you're doing, because what they're doing, it has nothing to do with dialectical materialism.
This isn't about one's labor and how it, you know, and how it translates into reality.
Yeah, there were no no working class was ever so violently exploited as the Soviet, especially when they started, you know, they, there was no days off.
They got rid of Sunday.
They got rid of holy days.
They got rid of fasting days.
Of course, it was an atheist state.
But I don't know if we did a show on, you know, you've come across right-wingers who talk about the Hegelian dialectic.
Like they know what they're talking about.
Sure.
Well, I mean, my friend Thomas is a Higalian, and he knows exactly what he's talking about.
But people use Higalian dialectic, and they use it very loosely.
They use it very loosely.
So I wrote a paper years ago trying to set the record straight.
I had a lecture on it at least one.
I've been a Higelian, you know, much of my life.
and once I could penetrate it, which is so, you know, it takes a long time to be able to penetrate him.
He's so difficult, almost deliberately so.
But I have a paper, not that long on what it means, what the dialectic actually is in Hengel's sense.
And it has nothing to do with what your typical, you know, patriot, conservative thinks it has to do with.
That might be worth a show, which just.
just in and of itself.
Absolutely.
Absolutely.
All right.
Let's get out of here.
I will talk to you in a couple days.
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