The Pete Quiñones Show - The Complete Race War in High School Readings - Part 1/2

Episode Date: November 3, 2025

8 hours and 1 MinutePG-13Here are the first 6 episodes of Pete's reading of 'Race War in High School' by Harold Saltzman.Reading 'Race War in High School' by Harold Saltzman Pt. 1 w/ Jay QReading 'Race War in High School' by Harold Saltzman Pt. 2 w/ Jose NiñoReading 'Race War in High School' by Harold Saltzman Pt. 3 w/ Aaron from Timeline EarthReading 'Race War in High School' by Harold Saltzman Pt. 4 w/ Thomas777Reading 'Race War in High School' by Harold Saltzman Pt. 5 w/ Rose PinochetReading 'Race War in High School' by Harold Saltzman Pt. 6 w/ The PrudentialistPete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.

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To find out more, contact our smart energy services team at esb.a.e forward slash smart energy. Hey everyone, how's it going? Thank you for tuning into this reading of an insane book. But let's get some housekeeping going first. So let me check on, let me check entropy over here. I'm going to put the entropy link in the, in the, the pinned comment of the chat. And just the same as last time it didn't work. So let me do this.

I love technology. Oh, yeah. Technology is great. I think your people screwed this up. Let's see. Al Gore is not Jewish. So he invented the internet. So I have no part in this.

All right. So if anybody wants to, yeah, if anybody wants to watch this off of Google, the pinned the pinned comment in the chat is you can go over to entropy and it's also a better place to do super chats because Google keeps 30 to 50% of the super chats on on YouTube and on YouTube and entropy keeps 15 so yeah there you go so all right what's up jay oh man this book is going to get me in a lot of trouble and I got a lot of balls to be showing my face for it

because I want to be employable in the future so I'm really going to have to wash my mouth Oh my goodness This is going to be so amazing You know, one of your people wrote it I know The weirdest thing about reading this was I could not find any of the fucking people

mentioned in this book They're like Undiscoverable on the internet I couldn't find the, well, I don't want to spoil anything to book yet, but I couldn't even find the author. He just has a good reads page where, uh, yeah, people are not happy with this book. Yeah, people, there are a lot of people who are very upset that this book exists. So, um, and gee, I wonder why. I really wonder why they would be upset with this book coming out to, uh, say certain things that they wouldn't like. All right. Well, we're going to have to read the, um, we're going to have to read the, um, we're going to have to

read the preface. It's only like two and a half pages. Yeah. And we could run right through that. But even that's great. So, all right, let's get this up on the screen. I'm going to start reading. And you can stop me any time, huh? Oh, man. All right. The preface. To race war in high school, the 10 year destruction of yada, yada, yada. As this book is published, we are getting ready to witness the great American spectacle that we will later call the making of a President, 1972. While the economy in Vietnam would appear to hold center stage, their simmer is barely beneath the surface that other issue. The burning question of forced busing as a tool to integrate the nation's public schools. In the early years of this decade, no conflict touched to sensitivities

of more Americans and more confounded, angered, frightened, and divided us, then did the struggle over mixing children to achieve racial balance in our schools. From George Alabama, yeah buddy, to Nelson Rockefeller's New York, from Pontiac, Michigan, San Francisco, in Richmond and in Boston, Detroit and Indianapolis, North and South, East, and West, in the cities, and in the suburbs, Americans are torn between Supreme Court rulings, legitimizing the forced busing of children and presidential edicts that would forbid the use of federal funds to carry it out. You know, I'll stop you right there that it really is a shame how the Supreme Court doesn't change from forced bustings to forced births.

Oh. Oh. That's why you're here. And our national conscious is tested as never before as we strain to reconcile what we know is right with the realities that tell us it is so very wrong. What have been the realities of integration? Why have so many decent law-abiding Americans gone to extremes to prevent their children from being bused to achieve some nebulous goal called racial balance? What has actually happened in the integrated schools? And why in 1972 has race become the predominant concern of school-connected constituency throughout the land?

I mean, we're in 2022. No one's talking about race. right? No, we're in a post-racial society, right? Okay, that's what I thought. Yeah, we're stuck in 90s Clinton era and everything's just fine. James Lindsay won out at the end of the day, so.

All right. This work was undertaken to tell what happened that just one of the countless American schools where integration didn't work. Ready for huge savings? Well, mark your calendars from November 28th to 30th because the Liddle Newbridge Warehouse sale is back. We're talking

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ESB transformed how the country powered itself once. And now we're doing it again. Working with businesses all across Ireland, helping them reduce their energy costs, reach their sustainability goals, and future-proof their operations. Because this is not just for us. It's for future us.

To find out more, contact our smart energy services team at ESB.a.e. forward slash smart energy. Didn't work because those who posed as champions of justice wouldn't let it. The cast of characters in the tragic story of Franklin K. Lane High School, an integrated public high school in Brooklyn, New York, includes militant black students, panic-stricken whites, opportunistic politicians, adult agitators, irresponsible school bureaucrats,

and angry teachers, all caught up in a confle, in a conflagration. Yeah, I know, I know. Leave you alone. Of their own making and rendered helpless to control events leading to the destruction

of the educational process. Paranetically, but not accidentally, John Lindsay's emergence as a national figure rising majestically out of the ashes of New York school wars, makes the lane story even more significant. Change the city and the names,

and race war in high school could be a case study of a conflict that has occurred and will reoccur in hundreds of schools where the issues of race and education collide. This is a sad conclusion of a 1970 report issued by the Policy Institute of the Syracuse University Research Corporation for the United States Office of Education. Quoting. That's a mouthful.

Yeah, geez. Quoting, one cannot visit urban high schools and not be directly aware of the clashes produced by mixing large numbers of young people and adults who come from very different neighborhoods, very different racial and ethnic strands, and very different age brackets. Disruption is positively related to integration. We found that much of the physical, the extortion, the bullying in and around schools had a clear racial bias. I mean, physical fighting, extortion, bullying, you read probably most of the first chapter. That's not even touching the surface. No. Let's go.

The author would confess it said that his work is definitely a biased one, biased against hate, crime, terror, and all forms of physical and psychological abuse perpetrated by one group against another. The events are described as they happened. Names were not changed to protect the innocent or the guilty. The analyses of these events stem in large part from the author's own experience as a participant in the story. story, and he willingly assumes the responsibility for conclusions that may be distasteful, indeed bitter to some readers. This project could not have succeeded without the encouragement and support of numerous educators, government officials, and civic leaders who submitted to the interview process, and supplied a of luminous amount of resource material. Special appreciation

is owed to James Bowman, William Huffman, and Frank Syracusa, colleagues who provide much-needed documentation from their own records. Dr. Samuel L. McClelland of the New York City Bureau of Educational Research facilitated the collection of statistical data with a minimum of red tape. School Secretary Sylvia Erlich, Helen Levinson, Bertha Brownstein, and Martha Dasher searched out records and reports long buried in dust-covered files. An immeasurable motivation was and remains the urging of my colleagues to undertake and persist in the venture. Finally, there was the patient understanding of Mary Joe Saltzman who

endured long periods of intent as only a loving wife could. January, 1972, New York City. Yeah, this, I mean, it's a hell of an intro, but, like he said, it really doesn't capture what was going on there, but I think the inclusion of, you know, George Wallace running on the campaign that he ran on, this book really goes to show. just how long the destruction that we're seeing now has been going on. And at the time, there was that still a civil war going on with the Democrats of what the party is going to be that we're so far removed from now. But you're seeing all sorts of different eras with George Wallace representing,

you know, really the oldest faction in them. And then the Labor Union Democrats up until the new generation we're still suffering with today. Yeah. All right. Let's see. You already got a super chat. Narco Republican. Wonderful. By the way, the audiobook version will be published on the channel Reactio, R-E-A-K-T-I-O. First chapter is out. As of this morning, remaining chapters will be made available on upcoming weeks. I'm assuming Reactio is on Telegram. Let me know. All right. Edmund Burke, all that is necessary for the force. of evil to triumph is for enough good men to do nothing. Really controversial figure today. Chapter 1, the burning. Frank Syracusa made a point of coming to school early.

He lived with his wife and year old daughter in a modest four-room apartment, only a few short blocks from Franklin K. Lane High School, which straddles the border between. Modest four-room apartment in New York City. Is that a sentence you could say today? I mean, you don't. what I was trying to think of today? How many people in New York do you know that have two bathrooms? No one. No one at all. I know. I know someone who does, and they have the second bathroom built illegally.

It's like they have an illegal bathroom in their, in their, I'm not going to say what kind of what it is. So. Mortar apartment, modest, amazing, how the times change. All right. So, all right. He had become accustomed to rolling out of bed at 7.30 a.m. and taking the two-minute walk to the school he had taught in since 1961. Surikusa was a 30-year-old chemistry teacher with a jovial personality that made him a favorite among students and colleagues alike. There weren't many people on the 306 member faculty. 306. Oh, my God. My graduate in class in high school was 97 people. All right. Same, actually. There weren't many people on the 306 member faculty who were more popular than Frank Syracusa, and there was no reason for him to suspect that January 20th, 1969, would be different from any other Monday morning.

In addition to his duties as a chemistry instructor, Syracusa doubled as a coordinator for school lades, the core of 34 non-professional adults who helped supervise students in the school cafeteria, studies rooms, and hallways. The police had been on duty at the school. all of the previous week as a result of an agreement between District 19, Superintendent Elizabeth C. O'Daley, and the school's chapter of the United Federation of Teachers, the Union representing the city's 60,000 teachers. They will be talked about a lot. There had been 15 separate incidents of assault against white teachers by black students and even larger number of vicious and sadistic attacks by blacks against white students. It was all part of the aftermath of the great school strike, which had ended just two months earlier. But January 20th, 1969, was to be a very different kind of day for Frank Syracusa, one that would see his picture on the front page of newspapers across the country

and would raise serious doubts about integration in the nation's public schools. Saracusa very much involved with—Saracusam very much involved with the life of the school, was a member of the school's UFT executive committee, and had been a recent. speaker at a meeting of the Woodhaven-Nipers Hills Community Association. The association was a newly formed neighborhood group that came together to protest a growth of racial violence at the local high school. As its January 17th meeting, at its January 17th, Syracusa had been one of the first speakers to accept the lawlessness which had become prevalent at Lane. On the morning of January 20th, Syracusa clocked in and went through his usual routine of checking the school aid roster. and getting his materials in order for his first period class. It was only minutes before his morning class was scheduled to assemble when a stone came crashing through the window, shattering the glass and scattering fragments to honors of his first floor classroom.

Cautiously he approached a window, wary of yet another missile. Looking out at the courtyard, he observed two black dudes, about 18 years of age. They were decked out in fashionable dashisies and sported. I know. stop. No laughing. This isn't a laughing matter. And sported the hairdo,

which had become the sign of black militancy. I can't believe Class Redux Kelo would do this to him. Oh, let's not call that. What's not called? All right, this is serious business. Yeah. Syracuse thought of,

of course, sure. Syracusa thought about reporting the incident through the usual administrative channels or of overlooking the matter entirely. Either way, the results would have been the same, the absence of any response to student violence, any official response to student violence. Many of his colleagues had in fact already thrown in the towel. They had been told to avoid confrontations with students. They had been told to avoid confrontation with students. Don't enforce the rules where black students are concerned. They were continually advised.

let the blacks do their own thing. Don't compel them to produce identification cards. Don't require them to stand for the morning pledge of allegiance exercise, even though it is required by state law. Well, there's a law. Don't make an issue over their refusal to remove their hats in the school building. And above all, remember, these are changing times and are you sure you don't harbor racist attitudes? Wow. I sure I'm glad things have changed since then. You know, this is just...

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is regulated by the Central Bank of Ireland ESB transformed how the country powered itself once and now we're doing it again working with businesses all across Ireland helping them reduce their energy costs reach their sustainability goals and future-proof their operations. Because this is not just for us.

It's for future us. To find out more, contact our smart energy services team at esb.e. forward slash smart energy. I'm, yeah, well, okay, let's keep going. I'm glad 2020 was so bereft of any of this. Just, yeah. Keith, just racial, peace. None of this looks familiar at all.

In a variety of ways, sometimes subtle, sometimes more direct, most of Lane's teachers have gotten the message from its own administration and from the central school board. In this turbulent era, the New York City School Board wasn't even backing up its own principles. At any given time, there were more than 20 of them calling their heels at board headquarters after having been promoted to a desk job at 110, promoted as in quotes, to a desk job at 110 Livingston Street as a result of pressure from black militants. if a principal couldn't expect to support the school board on matters related to fundamental school discipline, no less violence and lawlessness, it followed that a principal wouldn't put his own neck on the line by standing a teacher who was foolish enough to try to break up a dice game or reported drug transaction on school. I had to put in the margins here that they were rolling bones. This is a fucking Chappelle's sketch up until this point. Literally the dice championship from the Chappelleau. Oh, my God.

All right. Jesus. You can't make this up. No, this is amazing. The name of the game for Lane's teachers had become, what was it? Had become mind your own business and don't get involved because they learned in New York's tempestuous school system, the acts most often fell. not on the incompetent but on the dedicated teacher who tried to do an honest job for his day's pay. This all sounded really familiar.

Really? Where do you think? I've never heard this before. Oh, yeah. But if Franklin K. Lay in high school, and at countless other schools throughout the city, teachers were learning to look the other way. After all, if Mayor John V. Lindsay could tell the police to ignore the looting years during the Harlem riots and to do nothing while local residents started off color TV sets, that it was perfectly clear that teachers engage in power of police activities and expect the city support. You know,

I'm just amazed that in times of need and in times of trouble, that certain communities can always find the color TVs to help sustain themselves another day. I mean, I'm never going to be employed. I'm never going to be employed after this. Holy shit. I guess it takes the edge off.

Oh man, where have I heard that before? A mayor telling the police to stand down. Huh. Crazy. This couldn't happen today, surely. Never. But Frank Saracusa was one of the few who hadn't been jaded by the strange thinking that permeated the highest levels of official.

Totally devoted to his school and its students, how could he ignore the transgression and maintain his self-respect? He put on his overcoat, descended the stairway adjacent to his room, and went out to the courtyard. Slowly he approached, slowly he approached. The two youngsters who by now were joined by a third youth, somewhat shorter and younger, but with as menacing of a near as the older pair. I'm Mr. Saracusa, he said quietly. I'm a teacher, not a cop, and I would like to know who broke a window. There was no reply, no discussions, not even a denial or argument.

In a flash, one of the youngsters drew a water pistol from his jacket pockets, spraying the teacher's outer garments with a liquid, which was later discovered to be a highly flammable lighter fluid. Sturacusa was befuddled. What's this all about he thought to himself? For a brief, yeah, for a brief moment, Syracusa figured it to be a juvenile prank, unaware that one of the trio was circling behind him.

Suddenly he felt a thunderous blow crashing into his spine. As he dropped to the ground, anguishing in pain, defenseless, he felt the smashing of fists against his jaw and the pounding of boot heels into his groin. Lying helpless on the cold concrete barely conscious, he sensed the burning flames from his overcoat, which had been set afire by his assailants, who then left him there as a potential immolation fatality. desperately he struggled to get out of the overcoat, which was soon fully ablaze.

Although suffering, excruciating pain from the pounding he had received, Syracusa miraculously crawled out of the burning garment, and screaming for help was found and carried to safety by colleagues responding to his cries. I can't read my footnotes on this page. You can't read. So you made notes on this, and I made notes. I made notes. I put on this one just diversity

is our strength. Pulitzer Martha's Vineyard, of course. Oh, sure. Well, I mean, you know. Yeah, National Guard, really repealing that little Rock, Arkansas precedent. We learn it.

I mean, we're going to learn anything? I mean, is this just, all right, let's keep reading. A brand new chapter had been written into the annals of racial strife in the public rules. Less than 15 years after the United States Supreme Court spoke out against the doctrine of racial separatism in public educational systems.

Before the ambulance arrived to take him to the hospital, Syracusa was emotionally overwrought and physically incapacitated. Neither a personal visit by the mayor himself nor the one by city comptroller Mario Prokachino. I mean, you know that guy got the job because he's in the mob. campaigning hard campaigning hard for the Democrat Party's mayoral nomination nor a special delivery message of condolence

by the school board president John Dorr nor the bouquet of flowers from UFT President Albert Shanker none of these gestures nice gestures yeah none of these gestures comforted Frank Saracuda

in his moment of grief The physical pain he was enduring was made more unbearable by the humiliation he felt. He was an excellent teacher when he had tried to perform his duties professionally with compassion and sensitivity. And now this. At his bedside at the LaGuardia Hospital in Queens, Mayor John Lindsay expressed his regrets. Unbelievably outrageous, his honor announced, while Comptroller Prokashino told the alien teacher, Don't worry, Frank. We'll get those. He was...

Amazing self-censorship. Yeah, for people who are listening, it actually says, we'll get those and then it's just dot, dot, dot. So he was wrong for the perpetrators were never found. But even more outrageous than the burning were the circumstances that had led up to it. If the incident of January 20 was a fantastic occurrence,

the road to it was even more unbelievable. Who was responsible? How could this have happened? These were the questions, all New Yorkers were asking themselves as Frank Saracusel lay in that hospital bed. He too, searching for some explicable rationale for the dastardly crime that had victimized him. I can watch with Black Lives Matter.

Why did they destroy my window? I'm just, you know, and then, you know, Rothbard says unleashed a cops and people lose their shit. Oh, yeah.

The one time the Holy Prophet Rothbard, peace be upon him, was wrong. man all right all right but but even more out right okay no we're uh the great school strike the great school strike of 1968 had ended on november 19th after 90% of the system's 60,000 pedagogical employees and most of its 1.2 million students had been out for 36 days What had started this previous spring as a localized conflict had erupted in the fall into a citywide issue when Mayor Lindsay and the Central School Board refused to back up a decision of an impartial board appointed arbiter who ruled the unit administrator, Rodi McCoy, and the local board of the predominantly black Ocean Hill Brownsville School District had acted illegally in terminating the employment of 19 union teachers. truth. Throughout the fall of 1968 and even after two aborted settlements, the battle raged in many

areas of the city reducing itself to a naked, black, white struggle between parents and the impoverished ghettos and the striking teachers. The aftermath of the great school strike was almost as bitter. The Afro-American Teachers Association, claiming in its membership 4,000 of the city's 6,000 black teachers, was that about 13 percent, had actively and forcefully opposed to. opposed a union strike. The ATA gave over a portion of its office space in Brooklyn's Bedford-Stuyveson ghetto to its youth core, the African-American Students Association. From the overworked mimeograph machines at 1064 Fulton Street came a steady stream of diatribe against the union and the terms of the strike ending settlement, which added nine days to the school year and extended the regular

school day by 40 minutes to provide makeup instruction, enabling striking teachers to earn back the pay they had lost. But the militant black teachers who had opened up schools and were paid during the strike and their student compatriots were hardly about to cooperate with the terms of the agreement. The November edition of the ASA newsletter offered a hint of what was to come. Ready for huge savings? Well, mark your calendars from November 28 to 30th because the Liddle Newbridge warehouse sale is. is back. We're talking thousands of your favourite Lidl items all reduced to clear. From home essentials to seasonal must-habs, when the doors open, the deals go fast. Come see for yourself.

The Lidl Newbridge Warehouse Sale, 28th to 30th of November. Lidl, more to value. ESB transformed how the country powered itself once. And now we're doing it again. working with businesses all across Ireland, helping them reduce their energy costs, reach their sustainability goals, and future-proof their operations. Because this is not just for us. It's for future us.

To find out more, contact our smart energy services team at ESB.aE forward slash smart energy. Quoting the newsletter. The UFT is coming back. So are we, strong and black. Do UFT smiles for they are sly. We won't forget their marks and let them go by.

We now know who is with us and our friends. Pigs we once trusted and their fiends. Amazing rhyme. Yeah, I know. Black students will get together and unite. Our demands will be met or else we fight. No more bull about the good rule. Time for us to do something about our school.

Black poetry, political poetry, is not improved in 50 years. years. Imagine Hillary Clinton reading this, though, as she keeps the hot sauce in her purse. I may need to have, who knows, I may need to get a job at a later date, and I don't think I'm helping my, my, my answers at all. No, no, I'm not helping mine either. So, God, I'm going to have going on an apology tour. I'm going to have to get on my knees and, you know, kiss, uh, kiss L Sharpton's ass.

Or Jesse Jackson's ass. Oh. Kiss it. I kiss it. Leslie Campbell, a teacher at junior high school, 271 in the Ocean Hill District, an ATA vice president, and a notorious provocateur of student violence,

had helped in the organization and indoctrination of Lane's impressionable black students. Campbell was a separatist who had preached black self-determination. He had become the idol of frustrated UDudes into whose minds was fed a hodgepodge of Maoist dogma, Black Panther ideology, and all the catchy slogans about American

imperialism, white slave driving businessmen, and the genocide that the government is carrying forth against the black people of America. I got two comments I wrote down for that. It's amazing how teachers just, they can't help it from violence to self-mutilation. They just

can't stop diddling kids' minds. And it makes me think of a recent speech from our totally legitimate president that our system doesn't operate on violence, right? Like, it's not, we don't operate on violence. We're a nation of democracy. When is he going to denounce black militancy?

Yeah, this is, this is, but this is totally legitimate because, you know, there was, like, slavery and stuff. Oh, yeah, my ancestor has built, uh, ransom ships or something. I heard something about it. The Lane chapter of the UFT registered its objections to the distribution in school of inflammatory literature in a note to the principal, Morton-Selib.

As was his custom, the schoolhead never responded to the UFT protest, deferring to sidestep an issue that could conceivably force him to make a decision that would be unpopular to the militants. On November 27th, the school was besieged with his first major confrontation. student demonstrators had been roaming the city streets all week going from school to school, upsetting the education zone, and calling on students to join with them in protesting the makeup time which they felt was discriminatory against them. At 3 p.m. after, what are you saying? It's always, you know, it's always somehow everything, it's like anti-Semitism, you know, somehow it just always finds its way into the conversation that somehow it's always discriminatory. You know, everything is done with a with certain groups in mind. Every single decision. Oh, did we get this?

Let me see what. Okay. At 3 p.m. After most of the early session students and teachers had left for the day, a marauding band of about 150 black youths. Don't comment. There are some words. There are some words. There are some words.

I need a job. I need a job. Many wielding knives, sticks, and chains. evaded the school. Several teachers were set upon when they tried to contain small groups of outsiders who went on a rampage all over the building. Steve Margolis and assistant dean, attempting to aid a teacher being assaulted, was knocked to the floor, his glasses broken, his face lacerated, and jacket torn to shreds directly in front of the principal's office. Frightened Lane students were sent fleeing into the streets as classes were canceled for the remainder of the day. It was a dramatic

introduction and worse, much worse. The question of just who was responsible for the security of Lane students was a matter constantly under debate between the Union chapter and the school administration. Oh man. The UFT had always maintained that the teacher's job was to teach not to perform police or parapolice functions. It had become traditional at Lane for the principal to assign large numbers of extra teachers to toilet duty, hall, patrols and street guarding toward the end of every semester and just prior to extended holiday recesses. There were times when student drunkenness was not at all uncommon when drug usage already widespread

at Lane became an especially difficult problem and when the gangster element declared open season on defenseless teachers and students. I'd really, I'd love to meet the guy who took one look at a teacher and said, this is an incredible bouncer. I mean, there are some prisons right now in the United States that would have better security than this. I mean, you'd feel safer. A Norwegian prison is better security than this. Yeah.

And they let you walk out. Reluctantly, teachers had come to insist that they were not trained to cope with criminally inclined students in situations which called for professional police attention. Confronting a drunken student or one shot full of hair. or suffering withdrawal outside the purview of responsibility with which teachers could be reasonably charged. So, I mean, basically high school students are shot full of heroin. Yeah, well, I thought the Mises caucus told me that that's perfectly fine. They made that choice themselves, so.

Hey, it's, it only hurts them. It only hurts them. No, why would I care about the health of my society and my youth? This is insane. And listen, if a shop teacher wants on giant fake tits, you know, what does it really matter? And no one's nap was violated.

I've just reading the comments here. What's a bit of smack? Oh, man. It's their body, Agent TVM. Oh, man. Oh, we got a Catholic in chat.

Shout out. Such situations were not the union contended within the normal scope of internal school discipline. Really? Really? Yeah. Wow. Crazy. Crazy idea.

Oh, man. And now we've gotten to the point in schools where it's like, yeah, teacher should have guns. Criminal activity on school premises, assault, vandalism, extortion, theft, arson, were all felonious crimes demanding police involvement. But on this very matter, Principal Morton Selim stood intransigent. Am I pronouncing that right? You tell me, you're one of them. I think so. That's how I thought it in my head, so.

Okay. Under no circumstances would he ask for the assignment of police inside the building. He was the traditional pedagogical view. His was the traditional pedagogical view, which blindly refused to concede no matter how overt the evidence that conditions within a school could be so dangerous as to warrant the presence of police as a deterrent. Fiery, but mostly peaceful. It was frigging liberals. I don't want to say it. A week rarely passed from the delayed opening of school in November to the burning incident in January in which the UFT chapter.

committee didn't meet with Celib requesting, pleading, finally demanding police protection for students and teachers. The principal could not be against. Didn't seem to matter that the school had become a house of horrors, racial fires, brightly burning, as well as a haven for a huge drug addict population which preyed on innocent children in the student body, robbing, extorting, assaulting. A top-ranking official of the city's Addiction Services Agency later told a special UFT Narc Committee that there were enough hardcore drug users at Lane alone to require full-time services of the agency's entire staff. Portland?

Oh, man. What's his name in the Philippines, Deterte? Yeah, he had it, right? Yeah, Duterte. Morton Selleb was not alone in trying to keep the police out of lane. William Serone, captain of the overwork and underman 75th precinct. in Brooklyn. Is that the precinct that was the 7-5? What was it the 7-5 that? Was it the 7-5 or the 7-2 that was that documentary about how like the whole precinct had to be fired because they

were corrupt and like doing hits and stuff? That's a question for Byrd. I may be Jewish, but the only New Yorker and the family moved there. So, okay. All right. So, So, blah, blah, blah, Captain of the Overworked and Undermann 75th police precinct in Brooklyn, concurred with the principal. First, he didn't have the manpower to assign patrolmen within the building. That's amazing that when you, like, that the school was so bad. You catch them in the corner of your eye.

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It's literally south side Chicago within a square block. It's a beautiful. I looked it up. It's a beautiful building too. For a high school, it is a gorgeous high school. And to see what it was for like 50 years or more than 50 years until they shut it down in 2012 and filled with like prep schools. It's crazy. I think Byrd said that John Gotti actually went there.

Yes. Yeah. He's an alumni list. Yeah. really outstanding yeah really so first he didn't have the manpower to assign patrolmen within the building more importantly was the fear that if stationed inside the school policemen would find themselves in the

untenable position of being called upon to make an arrest in a situation that was a matter of routine school discipline i'd be more worried about the fact that they'd be shooting people all day because they had to yeah yeah well i with the triggers that they found those old police revolvers in New York. That was more likely to go through some random classroom. Yeah, you definitely had to cock the trigger on you had to cock the hammer on those. Because those things were like 12 pound

pole or something. Yeah. Well, the the Glockes were like a 13, the Glockes that they still carry in New York are like a 13 and a half pound pole. Yeah, they can't hit for shit. It is insane. That's why like, remember the Empire State Building shooting? I think so. And the police chased after the guy.

They empty, two cops emptied their mags. And they hit, I think, four bystanders. And they only, so they unleashed, I think, 30 rounds, 32 rounds to hit the intended target, but just wounded them. And then four other people got hit. Why? Because who the hell can shoot with a 13 and a half pound trigger? No, obviously what was going on is they were taking, good old Uncle Joe's advice and going for the leg.

Just go for the leg. Oh, my God. All right. In addition to the school's refusal to have police in the building, there was also considerable confusion as to which precinct, the 102nd in Queens or the 75th in Brooklyn, was responsible for the school's security. With the school located squarely on the county,

half the building on either side, That's a great design. That's just brilliant. It had been traditional for, I mean, I mean, who built this shit, man? This would be civil engineers, right? Damn it, Carr. All right. With the school located squarely on the county border, half the building on either side,

it had been traditional for both precincts to try to, evade the major share of responsibility. Lane was both at Brooklyn and a Queen's school, with neither community anxious to protect it. Conditions in the school deteriorated steadily all through December. Selib saw fit to declare a school emergency and assign teachers to patrol duties whenever a rumor of a student uprising came to him. Teachers grew increasingly resentful and demoralized as a school survived on a day-to-day basis with everybody wondering when the final explosion would come. They waited and talked and worried. Selim vacs vacillated and tried lulling his staff into a false sense of security.

He also made repeated pleas to the student body, urging them to reject violence and to respect the rights of fellow students to live and learn. Thank God we had a good libertarian in that seat. The LBMC should endorse him post-mortem. For sheriff or something like that. No, waste management of Bufu Wyoming. But the militants among the blacks had been indoctrinated too well by their adult heroes in Ocean Hill, and celib speeches didn't give the junkies the cash for the next fix.

Could you imagine writing that today? There's a reason that this book is like, you know, I was like, I was lucky. I got it for 200 bucks. It was like 600 when I went looking for it. Yeah, I paid 200 bucks for the books. So if anybody wants a super chat and help me pay for this thing, damn it. Yeah, if you guys want to drop some super chats and help us with our future unemployability, that'll be great. Help rent money for the next forever.

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When the doors open, the deals go fast Come see for yourself The Liddle Newbridge Warehouse Sale 28th to 30th of November Liddle more to value Ah bah-bubu-bye I give you a next fix and the alienated youngsters who couldn't read or spell their own names had tuned out a long time before.

Soon, Leslie Campbell, by this time, one of the most controversial figures in town as a result of directing a student charge against a police barricade in front of JHS Junior High School, 271 in Ocean Hill, thought fit to make his own presence felt it lame. Wow. Why is that not celebrating this like Stonewall? because they're not talking about fags. There goes through YouTube channel. Himself in 1958 Lane graduate, Campbell had more than a sentimental interest in his alma mater.

He called for an appointment to see Selim and the principal consented. Unexpected on December 11th, Campbell appeared at the school. Assistant principal Peter Todaro acting under the instructions of Celib, who was absent, escorted Campbell and his two aides on a tour of the building. Campbell at this time was officially under suspense by the school board.

That's such a weird way to put that. Yeah, it works. It's grammatically correct, but it's really odd. Campbell at this time was officially under suspense by the school board assigned to Rodi McCoy's office with pay for allegedly harassing UFT teachers. He was later absolved of any wrongdoing and reinstated. His visit to Lane was well planned. To the teachers of Lane and to most fair-minded New Yorkers, Leslie Campbell,

represented the most extreme fringe of the black movement. A six-foot seven-inch hulk of a man, he was immediately recognized by members of the faculty as he proceeded on his red carpet tour of the school. From time to time, one of the trio would stop to open a classroom door and snap a picture of the teacher. A wave of fear went rippling through the school, and as if by some pre-arranged signal,

large numbers of black students began congregating in the first floor lobby. The school soon hum... What? Don't say anything. Don't say anything. The school soon hummed with activity, pushing, shoving,

and students ignoring the instructions of teachers who were trying to clear the halls. Then as if it had been planned all in advance, I mean, as if. Crazy. The blacks headed for the exits. There was a mass exodus of students, and in a matter of minutes, most classrooms had only a fraction of the register actually present. There was no doubting the demonic influence wielded by Leslie Campbell over Lane's black students.

No comment. No, common. Thank you, Minowen for the $10 super chat. He goes in before. demonetized. Yeah, the chat has been blowing up. That's all I'll say. Black stool means bleeding.

Thanks, Minowen. Episodes like the Campbell incursion helped to contribute to the racial polarization that was rapidly dividing the school. The whites were becoming increasingly frightened as the violence became more and more racially motivated. Legitimizing the black rage instead of constructively channeling it was the Afro-Culture organization, the on-campus pseudonym for the Brooklyn-based Afro-American Students' Association, which was prohibited from organizing in the schools. The new black school club came under the direction of two black teachers who had taken militant anti-union stances

and who readily identified with the credo of the ATA. It was impossible to to know exactly what went on behind closed doors of the student meetings. On one occasion, Leslie Campbell was the guest speaker. Once they distributed leaflets in the school calling for the black brothers and sisters to come to their meeting to demonstrate their black unity. White students did a slow boil as they tasted the bitterness of discrimination based on race. But you can't be racist against black people. No, no, of course not. What is this problem? No, it's privilege plus power. Yeah. Or whatever. I don't even know. of the ship.

On yet another occasion, William Schmidt, a school aide who from time to time had been the only white person to attend the club's meetings, was told by one of the faculty advisors he was no longer welcome. No reason was given for his exclusion.

But I've marched with Black Lives Matter. Why are they destroying my house? I don't want to say something, but I won't. Tension, fear, and distrust. continued to build during the month of December, with seemingly nobody able or willing to put the school back together. Conditions reached a fever pitch during the last week of school prior to the

abbreviated Christmas recess. The extended vacation was cut short to provide makeup instruction time. On December 18th, an attractive young teacher was molested by a black youth after she had dismissed her class. In her official report of the incident, she wrote, of two minutes passed between the leaving of my students and the point where I walked into the storeroom. He followed me and grabbed me from behind around the throat. I felt that I could not breathe. He pulled me to the floor, he on top of me, pulling tighter and tighter against my throat. At this point, I had no breath and the pain in my throat was unbearable. I started to black out. I then became hysterical, throwing anything I could put my hands on, kicking, fighting, and

yelling. Please don't kill me. During the fight, the boy had ripped off my chain, belt tore my stockings to shred. Blood was pouring out of my mouth and all over my clothes. The extent of the rape I could tell is I was only semi-conscious the entire time. The only thought I had was that of losing my life. That is what porn glorifies. That's not even a joke. That is, uh, don't watch porn guys. Get off that filth. The teacher never returned to Lane. Her career in the New York City public school system was over. She decided. She decided. Yeah, she decided that. Totally her own decision.

The situation in the school had by mid-December become intolerable. Really? The deterioration was complete. Nobody was safe as gangs of black eudes, many wearing the berets and insignia of the panthers, roam the halls, ringing fire alarms, breaking windows, setting fires, and assaulting any white youth who dared to go into a laboratory or any other part of the building that was not under the supervision of an adult. Now on a daily basis...

Black Panthers were based. They were based. base. What is this? They're my really based minority group that I can point to for gun rights. You're never going to find work. Nope. Now on a daily basis, Lane's UFT representatives appealed to Selleb. And in a letter of December 23, the principal was asked, how many more of Lane's teachers and students must be sacrificed, vilified, assaulted, molested, before the administration recognizes that its policies of keeping the police out and bringing the Leslie Campbell's inn is contributing to the prevailing anarchy in our school.

I haven't a comment for that. As usual, there was no response from the principal who had by this time lost any semblance of control of his school. Among the numerous incidents that shocked the staff during those December weeks was the ugly, unprovoked attack by five black girls against the young white girl. The hideous assault occurred in the auditorium, which was being used as a study hall due to the shortage of classroom space, brutally attacking the victim, laughing and chanting, they stripped off her clothing from the waist up, viciously and sadistically. They punched her in the face and left her lying there helpless, half-naked and hysterical.

Her only crime? The color of her skin. I mean, there's a reason why when you went looking for this guy, you couldn't find him. Yeah. I mean, it's... there's something that was bothering me the whole time that I was reading this is that there are some people in our circle that will say like oh the regime is actually going to

a great trick and you know they're going to turn base or whatever to do reconciliation and elongate their power and you look at this and you see how long that this has all been going on for and how everything here could be a news report from the last week and you just see that they're on a progressive death march like this is inherently built into the ruling regime that we have now. They're not going to do a heel turn and just reconcile people and switch their ideology. They've been dedicated this for 50 years and they've been sowing this chaos in society for over 50 years.

It's not changing. They're going to do this to their death. Yeah, there is no, there is no coming back from this. No, we're, this is just the, I mean, this is the end point of it. I mean, this is where we are. Okay, got some super chats over on entropy. No, Tiro, diaries, guys. Ballaro 393 says, this is heartbreaking and infuriating all this progress in exchange for the space program.

We should be exploring the galaxy and jets in mobiles, not spending 50 years trying to figure out how to keep our kids from enduring this hellscape while sacrificing those who cannot afford some. move out. Well, you know, like a good buddy of mine would say, what black women and Nazis have in common? I'm not finishing that joke. How many times is that joke? Oh, dude, enough to make me want off myself. So Judge Lott says for 10 bucks for paying for a premium for this book, so I don't have to.

Thanks, Judge Lott. Trey 50, Daniel. Love the content. Pete, have you noticed that much of the media constantly references GamerGate, which was the first time the media was given a black eye by the Pledbs? Yep.

Not a bad, yeah. That's part of the new founding methodology. Yeah, not a bad point. Judge Lott says, Judge Lott, have you read White Girl Bleed a lot by Colin Flarity? I have not. And I think if I'm not

mistaken, rest in peace, Colin. I think He died earlier this year. All right. So let's continue. Where are we at, though? Because we're going to... Inaction and permissiveness. Permissiveness.

Yes. Well, I was also looking at how long we've been going. All right. So inaction and permissiveness at the top resulted in abject resignation and apathy on the part of many teachers who had come to view the situation as hopeless. It was becoming all too clear that Selib wouldn't move. And it was only at this point that I, as the school's UFT chairman, came to the conclusion that as teachers, we had some moral duty to initiate a void-filling program on behalf of our students and ourselves. A stunned administration had proven itself unwilling and or unable to act. The teachers would have to fill the vacuum.

Earlier, the chapter's executive committee had drafted a resolution formulating a broad action program to focus public, attention on the school's severe problems and to mobilize local community support for a drive to seek solutions. In a December 19th memorandum to the Chapter Council, Executive Committee, I wrote, the council as a duly elected and representative body must act now. A safe educational atmosphere must be restored to Lane. We must be prepared to take those steps necessary to bring this about so they're like going to just basically get Merks to come in and just murder these people. I mean, that seems to be about what should be done. Yeah, I mean, the Pinkertons are still in business, right?

I got to do something. If there is anything a public school administrator dreads, it is publicity that shows a school in a bad light. To administrators of the public school's newspaper, to administrators of the public schools newspapers are anathema. And it is customary for them to try to keep their dirty laundry within the school. The educational bureaucracy was such that the road to advancement up the administrative ladder did not depend on achievement of any kind, but on how good a soldier and administrator could be. Rule number one was to avoid any situation that might cause embarrassment to an immediate superior.

This role was especially important to an administrator who was serving his three-year probationary period and whose primary goal was to secure tenure in the production. in that particular rank. This was the bag Morton Selleb found himself in the second year of probation as a high school principal. When the UFT chapter decided to let the gruesome story out to the public.

On December 20th, oh, you got a lot. I'm just glad our manager. Society has really grown past this, and we don't do patronage like this anymore. We're truly a democratic society away with all those,

all those old institutions of the world. I'm just checking on hiding some of the, some of the comments were hidden in the, uh, on the chat. Yeah, we got a, we got a good super chat. The,

um, so mutant number, mutant number 12 says the student as N-word by Jerry Faber, a great book companion to this subversion. What did I agree to? And yes, it's the elves. You catch them in the corner of your eye.

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Finance provided by way of higher purchase agreement from Volkswagen Financial Services, Ireland Limited, subject to lending criteria. Terms and conditions apply. Volkswagen Financial Services Ireland Limited, trading as Cooper Financial Services is regulated by the Central Bank of Ireland. Well, I agree too. Okay. All right, let's keep reading. On December 20th, the union chapter faced with a faltering administration moved to fill the void.

Unanimously, its 27-member executive committee voted to undertake a public relations and publicity campaign to focus attention on the problems of Franklin K. Lay in high school. But they went even further. The time for requests and appeals had passed. Now they would call on the faculty if used to work under such conditions, and they added a motion giving celibate. that just one last chance to act, stating that the Chapter Council directs its consultation committee to meet with the administration to advise it of the necessity of bringing police in the building in sufficient numbers to assure student safety and the protection of teachers on building patrols, and that the committee suggests to the administration a series of other steps that should be implemented to tighten security, and that in the event necessary, police protection is not forthcoming to assure student and teacher safety,

the council reconvene immediately to advise parents of the hazardous conditions within the building and to recommend to the chapter of vote for a job action that would entail teachers clocking in and reporting directly to the school auditorium for all day faculty and departmental meetings. Now that's gone to lay down. What a strike. Wow. Guys, okay, so we're striking, but you still got to come to work and just hang on to the auditorium all day. okay, we got meetings to do, you know, this union, this union thing, just teaching thing.

It's all real serious business. So just come in, sit in the auditorium and then leave. Now the gauntlet was down. I mean, they're one of the three, no, now it's four, like, protected classes. You can't say anything bad about them. It's like cops, military teachers, and now it's nurses. Yeah. Yeah.

They all can go fuck themselves. All right. So now the gauntlet was down. The union chapter was for the first time openly pitting itself against the principal, expressing its determination to take the ultimate step unless he acted. The next move by the union was to apprised the press of the teacher's position, and on December 26th, a local newspaper carried the first story of the rain of terror that was sweeping the school. The headline read,

Lane teachers asked police in school. not teacher was set on fire or a teacher was raped. No, no, no, no, no. Lane teacher asked police school because, you know, when you really want to grab the masses, you give them the, you give them oatmeal instead of filet mignon. Oh, let's see who.

I was just looking to say, the comment section. Yeah, oh, they're going to get everything about this. is going to get your channel taken down. Meanwhile, there's an honor serving on the ship with you, Pete. Thank you. Thank you very much.

Meanwhile, the chapter leadership was quick to put the council recommendations to a faculty referendum. And on December 26th and 27th in secret ballot, the teachers approved by 148 to 14 count to undertake the publicity campaign. And with a 155 to 8 vote, approved the resolution calling for the chapter to help organize and actively participate with parents

to achieve. One, the creation of a safe educational environment for both students and faculty. Two, the reduction of the size of the student body. Three, the assurance of the truly integrated student body by correcting the racial imbalance. Yeah, well, you know, I mean, I could see them looking at number one and going, okay. I see them looking at number two and going, it's going to be hard. we're going to have to build some new schools. I can look at them at another,

I can look at them seeing number three and going, racist. Yep. The more things change, the more they stay the same. This third item was to become the most controversial and was the basis for the soon to be made charge that we were demanding the removal

of all black youngsters from the school. No comment. No comment. This was a nice channel. It really was. On January 6, 1969, Sella missed his one last chance to win the confidence of his staff. He had called the conference of the faculty to discuss some school matter that was unrelated to the present crisis.

A small number of teachers, those on the late session schedule, had come in early to attend the morning conference. But the large bulk of the staff, more than 200 teachers came to the afternoon session, hoping to hear their principal tell them what he was prepared to do to regain control of the building. He didn't. After sitting patiently for 15 minutes, after sitting patiently for 15 minutes, I rose to request that the remainder of the meeting be devoted to a full and frank discussion of current school

conditions. Selip refused, reminding me that only that morning he had discussed the entire matter with the chapter committee and that this was neither the time nor the place for a discussion. Mr. Selleb, I appealed. There is only one issue that has any relevance right now, and that has to do with all these people who are being attacked in this school. I repeat, Mr. Salsman, this is not the time or the place, and I'm asking you to sit down, came the principal's reply. 200 teachers watched. Who would back down? Mr. Selyb, I began again. As the elected representative of this faculty, I have a commitment to every teacher in this school. I have a commitment to every teacher in

this room. I will not sit down or be part of a business-as-us-usual meeting while students and teachers are being assaulted here every day. Selib's face reddened. He couldn't tolerate this sort of challenge in front of his whole staff. Mr. Saltzman, I am asking you for the last time, please sit down. I refuse to allow you to use my meeting as a public forum, which is final retort. It was a confrontation neither of us wanted or expected. Privately, our relationship had been a good one, and even when we disagreed, were honest without overreacting on a personal basis. But now I was putting him on a spot in front of the faculty and our relationship would suffer because of it. There was only one thing to do to end the deadlock.

I picked up my briefcase and overcoat and walked out of the meeting. Moments later in the first floor general office, I learned that Justice Selleb's meeting was getting started. Three black Uds had attacked another member of the staff. Neil Ben, Benis. Benis. Benis. Beas to Bagina. It's a great meme.

Neil Beanisv, a business mathematics teacher, had attended. Serious business, Pete. Serious business. The problem is that you and I just have way too many inside jokes for this. Neil Benisviz, a business mathematics teacher who had attended the morning conference and was leaving school when the assaults occurred. Benesvie was unknown to his. assailants and they to him. For no apparent reason, the Uds jumped him from the rear,

knocked him down, and pummeled him in the face mercilessly until his skin was raw and he was drowning in blood. Rush to a hospital, he was treated for multiple bone breaks in his nose. Although Benisfi's description of his assailants differed from the one given by Frank Syracuse to two weeks later, in these assaults as well as in the preceding and subsequent ones, robbery was not the motive. Benesfi reported. that the UDs made no attempt to get his wallet. You know, I'm so glad we don't have any want and violence in New York City or any other big cities anymore where people randomly get assaulted or some guy after getting some bubble punches to the head pulls out a hatch and starts destroying McDonald's. Dude, I was, was it any shock to you?

the demographic of the one that he decided that he was going to really concentrate on and start yelling in their face? No. No. It is amazing, though, how people cannot throw a fucking punch. That guy was just standing there over the trash can

and they're like, yeah, take that guy! Don't you come in my McDonald's anymore? Cloud world. It's such a collateral. All right, let's read a little more of this. And I got to get Steppy in here for the part two. You know, that's going to be great.

Poor Steppy. At almost, at almost the very moment, Martin Selleb was telling his staff that he would, would not discuss with them the matter of their personal safety in and around the school. Neil Benesv became another of many casualties. The next day of the U.F. chapter sent a telegram to the district attorneys of Queens and Kings counties, as Brooklyn, advising. Lane faculty requests judicial investigation into current school situation, which aids and abets rash of

crime by students. Principal refuses to permit patrolmen to be stationed within building to combat crime on school premises. That evening, the Union Chapter made its boldest move. It was open school night and the teachers had prepared a leaflet under the UFT heading, Dear Parent, the letter began. We know that your main reason for coming tonight is to find out how your child is progressing in his-her classes, but we think there is another matter that you should know about, which may be even more important than homework and test marks, and that has to do with the very safety of your child in the school building.

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It continued. Nobody likes to admit that the problems of safety have gotten out of hand, but the simple fact is that teachers alone cannot provide the kind of safety your child must have. As parents, you have every right to expect that the school authorities will take all necessary steps to protect. your child's person and property, and as teachers, we could not in good conscience let you come here tonight without giving you a frank and honest picture of the school situation. The chapter had taken great care to keep the existence of the letter top secret until the parents began arriving at 7.30 p.m. Had the administration learned to the message beforehand, it would have specifically barred teachers from distributing it. Few would have defied the principal

since an act of insubordination is grounds for revocation of a teacher's certification. But by the time the letter came to Selib's attention at about 8 p.m., every teacher in the school had received a supply and was distributing them freely to visiting parents. I was directing the operation from the social studies office on the second floor, and as I expected, it wasn't long before Selib found me to demand that the letters be recalled from the teachers. This was impossible, I explained, that even if I could, I wouldn't do it. The parents have a right to know the truth about what's going on here, I insisted. Selib still steaming from our confrontation at the faculty meeting the day before viewed the UFT letter to his parents as a most serious challenge to his authority as schoolhead. He called over to Peter Todaro, his assistant principal. Mr. Tudaro, I want you to listen to this as a witness, he said.

I am ordering Mr. Salzman to call back these letters, and if he refuses, I will consider that to be an act of insubordination. Now, Mr. Salzman, are you going to recall those letters? Paul McSloy, acting social studies chairman, grimaced when I again indicated that it couldn't be done. Selimittorro left, and for the next hour toward the building, ordering teachers to stop distributing the unauthorized literature, the unauthorized literature. Most obeyed, but the two administrators who were unable to get to everybody, and in one way or another, we made sure that every visiting parent received a copy of the letter. There was no turning back from here. For a brief moment the next day, there was speculation among teachers as to whether or not Selleb would follow through on his threat to file charges against me. But that afternoon, there was yet another explosion this time in the student cafeteria.

Mike Bettinger, a young social studies teacher, told what happened in his official accident report. Yeah. During my prep period, I was informed by students that there were no teachers. in the student's cafeteria. I went down to the cafeteria located in the basement and called the dean's office. I noticed students stealing supplies. I went to pick up a box, dropped on the floor. At that time, my path was blocked by a male Negro student. I stood there for two seconds, did nothing, said nothing. At that time, the student punched me in the jaw without provocation. As I started to chase him, I was kicked, shoved, and punt. Trays, garbage, and cake were thrown at me. I was spit upon and

attacked by a large number of students at least 30. I gave chase to the student who originally punched me. After 10 minutes, I lost him. Mr. Bettinger, weeping and holding an ice pack to a swollen eye, made a direct report of the incident to an emergency meeting of the Chapter Council that afternoon. Then Tony Lamarca, a health education teacher who was in charge of supervision of the cafeteria, told about having witnessed the attack on Bettinger. Lamarca was a stalwart on the faculty, well liked by the students, but on this day, visibly shaken and on the verge of tears, he blurted out the rest of the story of how he tried to apprehend Betteencher's assailant. In his written report to the principal, he stated, as I was escorting him, the assailant to the dean's

office, the following events occurred. One, his friends came running from the cafeteria and surrounded me. Two, as they surrounded me, they began taunting me and shouting at me, white motherfucker, what are you doing? What are you going to do now? Lamarca told him just barely, being able to escape from the hostile mob and tears rolled down his face as he told his colleagues. And these were kids I've known for a long time, kids I have in gym and with whom I thought I had a close rapport. But out there, it was like I was a perfect stranger to them. All that seemed to matter was that they were black and I was white. You got any comments to just put a nail in the coffin of any of your future job? Um, um, um, um,

well you know I mean well in reality actually what can I say that a slurp gang hasn't already ruined my future career options that's pretty much that's pretty true uh caught and left some things uh in my accident a couple of times

so god knows if those still exist out in the either this black Friday game stream and go full speed with one gig sky broadband and watch unmissable shows like all her fault on sky these nice people killing each other and ballad of a small players starring Colin Farrell on Netflix.

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a visit filled with festivity. Experience a story of Ireland's most iconic beer in a stunning Christmas setting at the Guinness Store. House. Enjoy seven floors of interactive exhibitions and finish your visit with Brett taking views of Dublin City from the home of Guinness. Live entertainment, great memories, and the Gravity Bar. My goodness, it's Christmas at the Guinness Storehouse. Book now at ginnestorehouse.com. Get the facts. Be drinkaware. Visit drinkaware.awe.e. I said one thing on you, when I, when I guessed it on Slurp Gang, that I was like, yeah, I'm done forever.

Yeah Better hope nobody ever finds that Fucking show And uh Yeah just for here I don't know man This You look at these movements

And you look at the things that went on And you look at the actual effects And then the way people Go back and look at it through rose tinted glasses now Of Well you know these based movements Black Panthers And Malcolm X and the Maoists and all that

And well you know Really the old left was so much better Than the new left today And yada yada yada yada yada, all a fucking load of crap. And you see this, you see this shit. And what's different today? I mean, what's different when you look around you and you look back to the summer of love where some real effeminate dude goes out with what a sword to defend his store?

Because he's too afraid to use a gun and like 10 guys put him in a fucking coma? What's different? Yeah. I'm just Commentating on this Is a commentary on current events That's exactly why we're reading it And that's the point of

The point of reading this is to show Any critique you have with the progressive hellscape today Is a critique of the progressive hellscape of 40 years ago And Again, if you think that the regime is going to turn based Or something that they're going to do a heel turn And suddenly shed their skin suit and become something else then you just need to look back a couple of decades

and see how long that this has all been in the making that this is something they are dedicated to to the fucking grave. Like, they're not going to do it, guys. They're not going to do it. We're not going to have a base regime. They're not going to do it on their own. Scrum monkey, a friend of mine,

says, was Mr. Beanus okay? God damn it, guys. Oh, Lord. Oh, this chat. This chat has been insane. You know how Grand Thumb has gone emails from YouTube about his comments section? Yeah, yeah. Yeah.

Expect some emails, Pete. It's, I have no control over that. I mean, I just, and I'm reading. I can't, I can't monitor. I can't, you know, it's not like I can. Expect some of emails. I have no control over this at all. Oh, boy.

Feel okay? Honestly, the only reason one can tell this book wasn't printed in 2022 is because it's a PDF scan. It's true. Yeah, not many of those anymore, huh? So I guess we'll end it right there because we're an hour and 14 in, but we were at page 30. second paragraph.

And, yeah, well, thanks, man. I'm, I'm honored that you would, you know, basically destroy all of your future job.

Well, I'm a right, I'm a ride or die guy. So, you know, I guess I'll just have to find, maybe Peter Thiel need somebody. So I'll,

uh, put out some favors for him, no matter how much it hurts. And, we'll see what I can do. Yeah, I mean, you can be the next Blake Masters or something like that. Either that or I can be the next rent boy.

We'll see what comes first, literally and figuratively. Well, do you have anything to plug before we go? Yeah, you can find me on Twitter like anybody else that exists in the right wing. At the underscore J-A-Y-Q a substack of the same name. I barely post there, so don't expect a whole lot. And you can find my podcast, cognitive dissidents, where I forget to schedule and then

have to fly solo. And it turns out very depressing. Well, I want to thank everyone who showed up. Thank everyone in the chat. Thank you for the super chats. That was really nice. And yeah, thanks, brother. I appreciate it.

Thanks for having me on, man. Jump in on that sword with me. Hey, everyone. It's Pete. Obviously, that's not Steppy. That's Jose Nino, who you've heard on my show countless times, who was able to step in. And I think he's going to add a lot to this. How are you doing, Jose?

I'm doing fantastic, Pete. Thank you so much for having me on. Did you have a chance to look over some of the material? Yes, I did. And it was pretty eye-opening. I always found the force integration phase of the civil rights revolution to be one of the least talked about facets of American history. And it's also probably one of the most salient examples of the dispossession of the historic American nation. Yeah, yeah.

It's really where it's, it looks like it's where it started. and it looks like it's snowballed to where we are right now. I just want to announce to everyone in the chat. The pinned comment is my entropy link. If you don't want to watch it on Google, you can go over to click that link over to entropy and watch it. Also, any super chats you do over there or the money is not going to. It's a lot less, they take a lot less than Google and YouTube does,

and it's not going to YouTube and Google. So if you're going to do super chats and ask questions, I prefer you do it in the entropy link from entropy, and the link is in the chat. So, all right, Jose, we're going to start reading this. Let me get this up on the screen. So boom, there we go. I went back a little bit because I didn't want to just jump in

because the very last line was pretty crazy. So basically it's talking about this guy, Michael Bettinger, who walked out of the school, got jumped, and it says he was, he was weeping, holding an ice pack to his swollen eye, made a direct report of the incident to an emergency meeting of the chapter council that afternoon. Then Tony Lamarca, health education teacher, was in charge of supervision in the cafeteria, told about having witnessed the attack on Bettinger. but blah, blah, bah, bah, and as, uh, Lamarca was a stalwart, but he was visibly shaken that day on the verge of tears. He blurted out the rest of the story,

how he tried to apprehend Bettinger's assailant. In his written report to the principal, he said, as I was escorting him, the assailant to the dean's office to following events occurred. His friends came running from the cafeteria surrounded me as they surrounded me. They began taunting and shouting at me, white motherfucker, what are you going to do now?

Lamarca told of just barely being able to, able to escape from the hostile mob and tears rolled down his faces, he told his colleagues. And these kids I've known for a long time, kids I have in gym, and with whom I thought I had a close rapport. But out there, it was like I was a perfect stranger to them. All that seemed to matter was that they were black and I was white. And that's how you get white flight, folks. And that's exactly what happened in this area. Yep. Yep. Yeah, what I think is pretty eye-opening about this book is that a lot of people take, like, the idea of, like, white flight and think it's just some random occurrence, or is this because of, like, the racial whims of, like, white people or whatever? But when you actually, like, look at it, it's the very logical response to forced integration and the maladies associated with it.

And what we saw like happen in the 70s and 80s was just like the kind of blowback towards this multicultural project that was imposed on the American populace during the civil rights revolution from the aforementioned force integration to the Hartzeller Act. And it still continues to this very day. Yeah. Yeah. All right. Let's keep going. Selib, who is the principal, knew that for the council this was the last draw, that it would vote to recommend a job action and that the faculty would sustain that recommendation. He realized, too, that the only chance to head off such a move was to come directly to the council and make a personal appeal using his own persuasive powers.

He waited in his office as the debate within the council proceeded on the question of whether or not. not to grant the principal permission to address the body. Feelings against the principal were running high, and there were a good deal of opposition to the proposal. But shortly after 4 p.m., Selib was notified that his request had been approved. For 20 minutes, he appealed to the council, cautioning against hasty action, what he thought would make matters worse. In the exchange to follow, various council members lashed out at him,

accusing him of malice and neglect of duty. Morton, yeah, Morton Selleb felt the full force of the antagonisms that had been building against him for his wavering approach to the catastrophe, which it could be set the school. He returned to his office knowing that he had failed to sway the council and that it would vote instead for a job action. In the meantime, the press had been advised of the possibility of a vote for a work stoppage. Several newspaper articles had already been written about the school's troubles and word of a teacher walkout, wedded the appetites of story-hunkery reporters. They waited downstairs with Celeb as the strategy and tactics

of the chapter action were planned. The presence, uh, go ahead, say, go ahead. Well, yeah, I think just to like add on to this, there's like a lot of people that seriously still believe that like

U.S. multiculturalism was able to take place without like any issues. This was, this is just like a microcosm of what was going on in the nation and it wasn't like evil white people that were causing these tensions like this book really documents how the melanin enhanced segment of the population was also very much culpable and kicking off a lot of this conflict and regardless of what type of education system you have when you try to bring in like a lot of foreign elements or just like a really unruly segment of the population

with a much more functional segment. It's just asking for all sorts of problems, and people don't want to admit that. Yeah. Yeah. The presence of the UFT high school vice principal, George Altamar, himself a member of Lane's faculty, was a welcome assistance.

Several members were advocating an immediate walkout, but Altamar, it might be Altamare, well-schooled in the art of bargaining, explain that the only thing better than a strike was the threat of one. It's easy to wave a red flag and be a hero when everybody is reacting emotionally, he chided. But that's not responsible leadership. And you have to know when to give up. That's the sign of responsible leadership.

Waving a red flag when you know you've been defeated, you're basically looking to save your own people. makes no sense. That makes no sense whatsoever to say, yeah. Yeah. In the end of the body for a more moderate program, establishing a timetable, setting forth specific demands and giving celib and the school board a chance to improve conditions. The resolution read, that a referendum be presented to the full chapter on Thursday, January 9th, 1969, with the council recommendations and that all referendum ballots be counted by the council elections committee at 3 p.m. and in accordance with the results. One, at 7.40 a.m. on Friday, January 10, 1969, we appraised the principal that the faculty

will consider Monday, January 13th, 1969 to be a non-teaching day. And that all teachers clock in at 8.40 a.m. on Monday, January 13th, and report directly to room 230 for a.m. for a conference during which time arrangements shall be made for professional improvements. That we continue this same program each day until such time as the proper protective measures are taken that we are able to assure student and teacher safety. It's kind of amazing to me that, like, this is what they think is going to solve the problem. when literally when you have a problem like this weapons are really the only thing

that's going to solve the problem yeah and I mean yeah if you look at it like this way to um like in the present like these inner city schools

the one reason why you don't really see like the typical mass shootings that you um in other places, like more suburban areas, is that some of these urban schools are freaking, like, militarized with metal detectors and all of that. And they have, like, security because if you don't introduce some type of, like, force in the background, you're just going to have, like, a total jungle.

And even then those places are still, like, a jungle. So, yeah, it's really a problem with students. That's one thing that one friend of Paul Gottfried, Bob Robert Weisberger, I think says that really Air Grid, operator of Ireland's electricity grid is powering up the Northwest. We're planning to upgrade the electricity grid in your area and your input and local knowledge are vital

in shaping these plans. Our consultation closes on the 25th of November. Have your say, online or in person. So together, we can create a more reliable, sustainable electricity supply for your company. community. Find out more at airgrid.com. North West.

This Black Friday, game, stream and go full speed with one gig, Sky Broadband. And watch unmissable shows like all her fault on Sky. These nice people killing each other. And Ballad of a small player starring Colin Farrell on Netflix. I've made some mistakes. Right, who hasn't? Get one gig Sky Broadband, Essential TV and Netflix,

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It's not so much a teacher problem with a lot of these schools. It's oftentimes a student body problem. And that's an uncomfortable truth that most people aren't willing to handle. Well, yeah, because, you know, kids can always be saved. You know, there's no bad kids. Yeah. Yeah, just privatize it and I'll solve everything. Yeah.

Privatize it. I won't have any problems. Sure. At 6 p.m. on January 8th, Selib was given the news. He had two days notice before his staff would walk off the job. If there was doubt in anybody's mind about the determination of the faculty to go through with its job action, the 179 to 30 vote in favor of the proposal was a signal that there would be no instruction at Lane unless the administration acted. and acted quickly. It didn't take long for District 19 Superintendent Elizabeth O'Daley to step in

and take the play away from Selleb. On the evening of January 9, she summoned Altamare and me to a special meeting in her East New York office. As the UFT's District 19 representative, I had dealt with O'Daly frequently. While relations between us were usually strained because of what she considered my overaggressiveness, she knew that this wasn't a union bluff. O'Daly, that unless police were assigned to the school, she would be confronted with a wildcat strike that was likely to spread to other high schools in the district and have immense citywide implications.

Yeah, yeah, overaggressors. Right? Come on. Yeah. Well, yeah, these therapeutic state types are just like nuts. And it's actually kind of funny too, because they do really give the game away that they, because of like the friend enemy distinction, because when it comes to like dysfunctional melanin enhance parts of the population, they'll say like, oh, this is just like too aggressive, like don't do this.

But when it, when dealing with other people, like say like on this sense of right, they use like the full force of the state. So that tells you everything about who they view as their friends and who they view as their enemies. Yep. All right. Joining O'Dalley at the evening conference were a celib, the mayor's representative J. David Love and top-ranking officers of the 75th police precinct and the 12th division of Brooklyn. The television cameras were already set up when we arrived at her office, and before entering the meeting, Altamare and I announced to the newsmen the results of the job action vote taken by the teachers that afternoon.

Not all of New York would know about the lane debacle. The meeting with O'Daly went well for the decision to send police and Lane had been prearranged between Nathan Brown, the school board's executive deputy superintendent and city hall. Now O'Daley and the local police officials were just going through the motions to give the public the impression that this was merely a grassroots matter that was being worked out cooperatively between the school union and police at the local level. The last thing the school board wanted to do was give the idea that it was adopting a policy

of calling for police protection and troubled schools. They think people are stupid? Yeah. Lane's teachers were not alone in their battle. There was general support from the public, which had been reading about the assaults for several weeks. There you go. The issue was clearly understood by everybody and one with which most people could easily identify. Even the most anti-union person did not begrudge a teacher, the right to work under safe conditions,

and every parent who had a child in a public school knew what it meant to worry about a youngster safety during school hours. Autistic libertarians and conservative types would probably throw the unions under the bus in this case and say like some stupid crap about like, oh, like they deserve it and all this. And it's like I want to live like in a functional society.

I don't really care as much about whether this like institution is like public or private like please make sure that it's a sane and sober environment but there's like some people are definitely the more like iconoclastic and radical high time preference type people on the right and like even like libertarian types will definitely aside with the these these feral creatures are just wreaking havoc in the schools when like I said before, this is a problem of like a stupid body and you have like discipline that you have to introduce like a discipline, whether it's like a private or public institution that has to happen. Yeah. I've been really trying to hammer home lately that, you know, even if you did get

to your, you know, your Hopian covenant community, you would have to probably have at least Singapore type discipline to keep it. Yeah, there's going to be some ass of things dealt out for that to happen. Like to get to this Promise land, there's going to be some

skulls that need to be cracked and people getting hideously maimed because there are a lot of miscreants and other people acting a fool that need to be put in the freaking place because our society really has high-taught for antisocial behavior.

Yeah. Oh, yeah. And that fear was strongest among parents, black and white, whose children attended schools like Franklin K. Lane. The Lane Parents Association had been kept well informed by the chapter, and the teachers could expect their full support in the event of a job, in the event a job action was necessary. On January 9th, the association president, Mrs. Edna Richards of Woodhaven,

wrote to Board of Education President John Doar, quoting, We are very much concerned with the problems at Lane High School, she wrote, and hope that there will be changes made so that students need not attend high school in fear. And in recognition of the serious racial upheavals, she cautioned, we asked that Lane High School be given speedy relief, or there will be a mass exodus of white students. There's white light. Imagine,

It's shocking. It's science. It's absolutely shocking that that would happen. Yeah. Mind-growing, man. Individual parents of Lane students also complained on their own. One such parent, Mrs. Rose Friedman, had this to say in a letter to Mayor Lindsay. My daughter is a statistic.

She is in the top 1% of her graduating class. Shocking. In short, she gives a damn. But alas, my daughter has now become another kind of statistic. She belongs to the deplorably high percentage of unfortunate students who have been attacked and assaulted on the school grounds. I am writing this letter to plead and indeed demand that proper steps be reviewed and taken to ensure the safety of the children on the school premises.

Not going to happen. Yeah, exactly. This letter may label me a frantic mother, but please do not let me become a bereaved one. Imagine writing a letter. Imagine being in a civilized society and you're writing a letter like that because you're sending your kids to school. Yeah. Yeah.

Oh, my. This was just only the beginning. It's the small things that sandbag into total social disasters. Yeah. All right. Onward. Where are we at? With letters like these coming to City Hall,

it was not surprising that the mayor's newly created school task force steered the way as someone who grew up in the inner city. This is just so, I mean, this is. Yeah, this is like a, this is what I've said before about multiculturalism and like having this, like this functional multiracial state. It is a total boom for these people that want cynicures and make work jobs for like, interracial conflict specialist or whatever consultant that will have all these like weird jobs to like mediate conflicts and all of this it's just like my god you reward you're rewarding

like the most parasitic and like useless people across like the spectrum yeah where are we out where are we at okay with letters like these coming to city hall it was not surprising that the mayor's newly created school task force steered the way for the assignment of police inside lane high school. It was a precedent that would soon be repeated in other schools in all parts of the city. The pledge to assign the police beginning January 13th resulted in the calling off of the job action on January 10th, shortly for Altamari and I, accompanied by council members Mark Smith and Seymour Cohn, signed a written statement in O'Daley's office. The school board was following a policy of granting more and more powers to local superintendents

and community boards. Even though the central board had always insisted on a contractual provision with the union prohibiting negotiations on or agreements at the local level, here was a time they actually encouraged it. For them, it was a good precedent given giving defecto authority to the superintendents. The statement with O'Daley stated, for the duration of the emergency problem in pupil behavior. I mean, how's it going to go away? Yeah. Yeah. Okay. For the duration of the emergency problem in pupil behavior at Franklin K. Lane High School, seven policemen are assigned for the full school day, 8 to 4 p.m. on continuous duty inside the school building. School staff and administrators will conduct, will consult together on the time and place of these assignments.

as the emergency diminishes and finally disappears, the Lane chapter representative and school administrators will agree as to the systematic phasing out of these emergency measures until such time the police will remain on duty. There's no such thing as temporary multiracial grievances. These people do not... They just... They don't, I mean, you're combining the violence that multiculturalism begs, along with people basically who are going to profit from this.

Oh, yeah. Yeah, then you have like these like true believer types that seriously think that these experiments will work out. It's just a maelstrom of like stupidity and maliciousness that ends up screwing. the working class that carries out the white flight, but then the Danans gets blamed for it for causing white flight. It's just a never-ending cycle

of like hating on whitey. All right. The bringing in of the police was a bitter defeat for Morton Selab and one he continued to resent. A year later, after the school had passed through a spring and yet another autumn of racial strife,

and with a full contingent of police still on duty inside the building, he was able to sit back and reflect upon events telling one newspaper reporter, I fought toothed and nail to keep them the police out last year. The police were brought in over my head. If I removed the police now, I'd have the black community on my side, but the white community would be on my back. The political, tightrope of multiracial politics, you got to love it. On Saturday, January 11th, SELA met with a committee of chapter representatives to work out the details of Monday's opening and the utilization of the seven policemen who would be on duty in the school.

Fifteen specific methods of tightening security were agreed upon and set down in writing as part of the minutes of that consultation. But more important was the discussion of the chapter's long-range proposals, which went well beyond the immediate concern of student safety. Celib agreed to join the faculty in requesting the school zoning unit to reduce the school population to enable it to go on to a single session in February. He agreed, too, that the school needed a correction of its racial composition to assure the future of integration. That makes no sense whatsoever. Yeah, just like this whole program. Finally, he promised to look into the possibility of reassigning the, the present ninth and tenth grades, which were mostly heavily, which were most heavily non-white.

There was full accord between the principal and the teacher, teacher leaders that too high a percentage of ghetto children were being into the already overcrowded school. And that what was needed was an reduction of the number of students and a correction of the racial imbalance. Lord have mercy. I'm telling you, you know, I had somebody comment on the first video that I'm not, all I need to do is look at the name of the, of who wrote this book. And I'm not, I'm not, I'm out.

And I'm like, no. I think you, I don't know that you've ever lived in New York. Actually, this kind of reminding me during the Hurricane Katrina days when I was in high school, when we had a huge influx of people from Louisiana. And let's just say that within a month, a whole unprecedented set of incidents kicked off at my high school. Yeah. Yeah, we, at that time, we, there were people showing up in Atlanta, too. Yeah.

Yeah. Yeah. And we didn't need any help. Atlanta doesn't need that help. Yeah. Yeah. All right. Okay.

The next day, a Sunday, saw the chapter committee come to school voluntarily and work all through the day and well into the night preparing a schedule of emergency building patrols for teachers. Air Grid, operator of Ireland's electricity grid is powering up the northwest. We're planning to upgrade the electricity grid in your area and your input and local knowledge are vital in shaping these plans. Our consultation closes on the 25th of November. Have your say online or in person. So together we can create a more reliable, sustainable electricity supply for your community. Find out more at airgrid.com. This Black Friday, game stream and go full speed with one gig, Sky broadband.

And watch unmissable shows like all her fault on Sky. These nice people killing each other. And Ballad of a Small Player starring Colin Farrell on Netflix. I've made some mistakes. Right, who hasn't? Get one gig Sky Broadband, Essential TV and Netflix, all for just four hundred. $24 euro a month for 12 months. Our lowest ever price. Availability subject location, new customers only,

12 month minimum terms, standard pricing thereafter, TV and broadband sold separately. Terms apply for more infoosies sky.a slash speeds. By assigning every member of the staff to some security post, there could be no criticism that teachers wanted policemen to do their jobs of enforcing ordinary school discipline. All had gone well, but on the day the police were finally assigned, January 13th, I made the first costly blunder of the campaign. pain. Encourage by Sullab's consent to join with the chapter to demand a reduction of the

student body and a correction of the racial imbalance, I jumped the gun. Feeling that the Lane story was still hot news and anxious to capitalize on the events of the previous week, I hastily released the story to the press. It turned out to be a most serious error in judgment for the New York Times ran the story under the headline, Union asks school to shift Negroes. And it began, and the article began, a spokesman for union teachers at Franklin Kay Lane High School in Brooklyn called yesterday for the transfer of 1,100 Negro students out of the school following student disorders and alleged assaults on teachers in the last two weeks. The article went on to talk about the gerrymander, the gerrymander of the school zone

to take in more and more black students from Bedford-Stuyvesant in Ocean Hill Brownsville and concluded Mr. Saltman attributed recent student disorders, including a rash of extortions, vandalism, larceny, and numerous acts against other students to a group of several hundred black students that has grown from a small, hard-core group. My relationship with Albert Shanker, UFT president, had always been a good one, and their was no reason to believe that he would undercut my efforts at Lane with an expedient maneuver of his own. Without contact me first, Shanker fired off a telegram to me and sent copies of it out over the wires. The Times story the next day was headed, Lane School plead disowned

by UFT and noted. The Teachers Union disassociated itself yesterday from the demand of its chapter chairman at the Franklin K Lane High School for the transfer of 1100 Negro students. Mr. Shanker's telegram to Mr. Saltzman said that while the call to transfer the Negro students was undoubtedly based upon a desire to achieve racial balance in the school, it will undoubtedly be misconstrued. I urge you to withdraw this proposal and to leave the specific methods of attaining balance to be worked out at the conference table. Yeah. So in other words, leave it to the politicians, not the people.

Leave it to the politicians who won't step a foot into the school and not the people on the ground. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Working class, chuds. Yeah, working class chutz. Jesus.

Oh, man. You know how many people have contacted me and said they, after I read the first one, and they were like, oh, yeah, this is when my parents moved out of the city. Yeah. This is why my grandparents moved out of the city. This piece of work is very much like illustrative of what was taking place in that era. And it's like really like some of these like incidents that are not talked about that really pile on and create like the situations that we see now. And it's been memory hold man.

And I'd say this is also like I've argued too that the civil rights revolution is reconstruction 2.0. but like on a nationwide scale and that's another period of American history that is not really covered in depth by historians and if it is it reflects more of a court historian perspective that doesn't tell us like even like

a tenth of what actually happened all right let's see what we got okay it was the first time the union president had injected himself directly into the lane affair and in so doing he gave the impression that the chapter did not have the

full support of the central body. But if, indeed, the president was less than enthusiastic about the Lane's, the Lane chapter's campaign, other high school chapters made up for it by sending telegrams and letters to Lane to Bowie or to Boy, I never know to, boy buoy, up teachers' morale. Some schools were faring even worse than Lane, and in a sense, the Lane chapter's action was a fight in behalf of all those high schools. that were being disrupted. Teachers all over the city were watching to see how the Lane affair would be handled. In the meantime, Elizabeth O'Daley was writing to executive deputy superintendent Nathan Brown,

thanking him for having used his offices to facilitate the assignment of the police to Lane. Please accept my warmest thanks, she wrote, for the prompt and decisive action you took in helping me to prevent a work stoppage at FK Lane High School. We are following up with faculty and community action to try and improve conditions. Oh, community action. On January 18th, two days before the burning, John Lindsay saw the opportunity to kill birds with, to kill two birds with one stone. He had been under tremendous pressure to take action against black militant teacher, Leslie Campbell, for his reading of an anti-Semitic poem during an interview on a local radio

station. The poem which Campbell claimed was written by one of his 15-year-old students in the Ocean Hill District began, hey, Jew boy, with that Yamika on your head, you pale-faced Jew boy, I wish you were dead. That's, yep, the, the tribes, melanin enhanced gollums turning against them. It's one of the funniest parts of this multiculturalism project that routinely plays out, even in, in, to the president. Yeah. Oh, where is it?

Okay. The large and influential Jewish community in the city was outraged, and one group after another rose up to demand Campbell's ouster. This was a clear case of anti-Semitism in the public schools, they argued, and it couldn't be tolerated. The mayor up to this point had ducked the Campbell issue, explaining that it was a matter for the school board to handle. The board, of course, with its black vice president,

Milton Gallimison, among others, firmly in Campbell's corner, wasn't about to take action against a fiery Ocean Hill teacher. But as the pressure on Lindsay mounted, the mayor grabbed the chance of a politically expedient out. On January 18th, he sent a letter to the board president, John Doer, who was also wary of taking any action against Campbell for fear of incurring the wrath of the black community. even moderate blacks who did not hold to Campbell's extreme views could be expected to rally to his defense in any attempt

if any attempt was made to discipline him for his reading of the anti-Semitic poem, of course. For Campbell himself, the prospect of being formally charged was not new, and many thought he was aiming for just such a confrontation with the school board. In 1967, a panel of superintendents heard charges against Campbell and ruled that he had been insubordinate for taking his class against orders to a Malcolm X commemorative ceremony in Harlem. As punishment, they removed him from his post as a substitute teacher at JHS-35 in Bedford, in Bedstuy, and reassigned him to JHS-271 in the newly created Ocean Hill, Brownsville Experimental District. But now, on January 18th, Lindsay saw a chance to quiet the anger of the Jewish community,

against Campbell while appeasing the blacks. In his letter to Door, which was released to the press, the mayor cited both Campbell and me and asking for a school board inquiry into racism in the schools. Referring to Campbell, the mayor said, I am particularly disturbed by the public statements of the teacher involved, which strongly suggests that not only was the poem comes content consistent with the teacher's views,

but also that the children in this class were being encouraged to express themselves in this manner. The mayor then cited my own alleged man that 1100 black students be transferred out of lane. The question, though, not explicitly defamatory in its wording, was nonetheless regrettable. While I was aware of the complexity of the Lane high school situation, I am sure you will agree that placing the entire blame on the shoulders of the school's black students in advocating their removal only in flames an already tense situation. anything to say about that Jose?

Well, it's actually kind of funny because when you look at a lot of the containment that took place

with regards to the civil rights revolution it only occurred because of the black nationalist element started taking

like the anti-Semitic line and also like the pro-Palestinian line is whenever they the ruling class

tried to be fame as much of the more dis-semi like factions of like the pro-black movement and anytime you even see it in the present I think academic agent himself says it that

he sees wokeism getting crushed in the UK at least because of how pro-Palstinian it is and you do even see within the multicultural coalition, these types of intracial beefs kick off between certain groups, whether it's like blacks versus Hispanics, Jews versus blacks, et cetera, et cetera. It's a, it's a system that's very unstable.

Yeah. What was I going to say? I was reading, what was it? Was it Rashida Talib today who got taken to task for saying something anti-Israel? pro-Palestinian yeah i haven't kept full tabs on that but that's um that's what generally happens now and they do have like the um the kind like the liberal Zionists do have a problem now especially like in the u.s and even i'd say it's even more pronounced in europe of like the islamist populations there that they're going to have a coalition that is not going to be

as pro-Israel and as a result there's going to be a lot of nasty infighting on that issue. I think in the U.S. they'll be able to kind of finesse that a bit better because there's just not as many Muslims and they don't have a type of power like they'll they'll have like in say like Europe or whatever. but yeah that's like one one of like the many types of coalition of the fringes type of factional infighting that you will see take place within democratic party in the next decade or so most observers felt that Campbell and I were going to hang together an irony that threw together a teacher who had been a violent advocate of separatism and one who had stood up for integration. But the exigencies of the moment called for a politically viable solution, and the mayor chose the path, which to him seemed to offer the least resistance.

On January 19th, the day Lindsay's letter to door hit the press, and just 24 hours before the Syracusa burning, I responded to the mayor's charge with a public telegram of my own. I called attention to the fact, this is like early Twitter. you see how they're doing this? Yeah. They would be doing this on Twitter now. I called attention to the fact that both Selleb and the Parents Association president had concurred with me in separate letters or public interviews that there must be relief

of the severe overcrowding in Lane and that the racial imbalance had to be corrected if the city was serious about its commitment to an integrated society. In concluding, I said, no smear tactic by the mayor is on. office will convince the public that the Lane High School UFT chapter, the principal, and the Parents Association president are of the same mold as Leslie Campbell. One can only speculate about what might have happened had the burning not taken place the very next day. This was the third time in as many weeks that I found myself out on a limb only to have some unexpected tragedy occur to divert attention from me. There had been the heated exchange with Selim at the faculty meeting,

which took place at the same time Neil Binnis v. was being mauled. Then there had been the insubordination threat on open school night, which was followed the very next day by the assault on Michael Bettinger and the subsequent faculty vote for job action. But it appeared now that the school board, at the very least, would transfer me to another school, using the threat of formal charges as the alternative to my consenting to leave quietly for an assignment elsewhere.

Some of the best schools in the city were full, some of the best schools in the city were full of teachers who accepted this punishment, quote unquote punishment, rather than fight the board. But any chance of the school board attempting such a political move was laid with the first radio reports of the burning on the morning of January 20th.

It was a new ballgame. And if Albert Schenker had any thoughts of not supporting the Lane chapter, he quickly reversed his field. Learning of the morning events, he immediately wired the mayor. We are shocked by your attempts to equate the efforts of Harold Saltzman with the anti-Semitic and racist activities of Leslie Campbell. The horrifying incident which occurred at the school today is an example of the kind of problem aggravated by such overcrowding. It is only one of the dozen incidents which have occurred at the high school during the past three weeks. However, Mr. Campbell's

including precipitating a riot in Ocean Hill Brownsville, in which a pitched battle with police ensued, and making anti-Semitic remarks on television and radio, your effort to tie two very distinctly different situations together was most unfortunate and should be condemned. Air Grid, operator of Ireland's electricity grid, is powering up the Northwest. We're planning to upgrade the electricity grid in your area, and your input and local knowledge are vital in shaping these plans. Our consultation closes on the 25th of November. Have your say, online or in person.

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TV and broadband sold separately. Terms apply for more info, see sky.a slash speeds. Yeah, they're going to have to pull aside Mr. Campbell and the black nationalists and give them a lecture why they have to stick to the liberal Zionist programming. And that's the thing too.

Liberals do have a weird relationship with like the Farrakhan Nation of Islam types because they will definitely condemn them and sometimes introduce certain sanctions on them when they get out of line, but they don't fully cancel them because they're so useful due to the fact that a lot of these guys are just generic anti-whites at the end of the day that just have like edgy takes on Zionism and broader jury. All right. With this final blast, Shanker made sure to tie in the demonstration district in the demonstration

district he had been at war with for nine months. Soon the mayor was jumping on the lane bandwagon, coming to the school's defense and forgetting about his request for an inquiry. First, a city hall spokesman said Lindsay had asked police commissioner Howard B. Lerie for a personal report on this incredibly outrageous incident. The following day saw the mayor pay a personal visit to Syracusa at LaGuardia Hospital saying it was a horrendous incident which cannot be tolerated. Even Mario Prokoshino running hard for the Democratic Party nod to oppose Lindsay in the November mayor, mayorality election.

Should it just be mayoral. Came to the hospital, yeah, came to the hospital, only to miss the TV cameras which had left after getting his honor film at bedside in time for the six o'clock news. School Superintendent Bernard Donovan

made his first visit to the school on January 20th to confer with Selham. Afterward, he told waiting reporters who by now were swarming all over the building, the school is terribly overcrowded when the register should be 4,000 and you have 5,600 kids that creates problems.

That's insane. Yeah, 5600. Man. Yeah. I mean, the WNBA is so jealous right now. Nobody bothered to tell the district superintendent that her own superior, Donovan,

had come to the school and feeling her own authority undermined, O'Daley rushed over after the superintendent left and let everyone know just who was in charge of District 19 schools. She made no attempt to conceal her anger at Selleb for not apprising her of Donovan's visit. O'Dali was still seething over Donovan sabotaging her efforts as superintendent of the MES program in 1967. Meanwhile, Albert Schenker was holding another press conference at the union office, using the occasion to strike out at the board's decentralization plan. He talked about Selleb's refusal to call in police even after repeated acts of violence and attributed this to the principal's fear of angering black militants who could force him out of his job

if the board's decentralization proposal were adopted by the state legislature. Brilliantly, he bound the lane debacle to JHS-271, the hotbed of extremism in Ocean Hill. We may ask if Franklin K. Lane be closed, Shanker said, if the violence appears to be organized from within as it was a JHS-271. But not wanting to leave the impression that he would take a hard line, he quickly added, no one wants a strike. Everybody has had enough strikes for a while. Another alternative could be found for resolving the conflagration at Lane, he suggested. this principle. I mean, it's a combination of ideology

and wanting to keep his job. Yeah. And I don't know which one is worse. Probably the ideology. Yeah. Yeah. You no longer have leaders any long, at this point,

you just have like managers that are just trying to juggle like the many types of like balls that are associated with multiracial politics and it's pathetic to be honest and it just ends up screwing up with like screwing the people

that have like traditionally live in these historic neighborhoods and then as a result they all leave and the neighborhoods lose their traditional character and that's like the story of so many urban centers across the nation sadly

yeah while Lindsay Shanker Donovan Sullivan Sullivan and O'Daley were all doing their own thing on the day of the burning, and with the school deluged with agents of the mass media, attention again focused on the UFT chapter. What would the local group do now? Everybody wondered. An emergency meeting of the council had been called for 3 p.m. Panic had set in among the faculty as word of the burning spread. A number of teachers simply left the building and went home, fearful of a student conspiracy. Many others who had always

shun the use of high-powered tactics in dealing with the administration, we're now clamoring for an immediate walkout. It was fortunate that some six hours had elapsed from the time of the burning to the convening of the council, giving irate members a chance to talk out their aggressions and allowing emotions to subside. After a more agitated group of council members had lost out in their bid to trigger an instantaneous wildcat strike, cooler heads prevailed. Yes, we could, and we would walk out this time, I promised, but first we had to put ourselves into a negotiating position. There was no point to walking out unless we were absolutely sure

that it was what we wanted to accomplish. What is it we want, and what concessions should we demand from the board in return for our saying at our posts, and what should our strategy be this time? These were the questions to which the council addressed itself as the media waited for word from the meeting. shortly after 5 p.m. a decision was reached. Once again, the council would present his demands

to celib and give him until 2.30 p.m. The next day to reply. If the response was not satisfactory, the council would convene a special meeting of the entire faculty and advise it of the principal's position. If the demands were not met, the council would then ask for a vote on a job action to begin the following day, January 22nd. So let's get to let's get to the demands because it's probably going to be the best part. The six demands formulated by the council were presented to celebrate late Monday afternoon. They included reduction in the size of the student body to facilitate a return to a single session, rezoning of the school to correct the racial imbalance,

closer scrutiny of the records of incoming junior high school students. They probably consider that to be worse than the rezoning. Yeah, whenever there's a disproportionate number of sketchy records coming from a certain part of the population, that's going to be automatically blamed on like systemic racism or whatever. Yeah. Bugaboo the intelligentsia is kivching about. Yep. A freeze on the admission of new students during the coming spring semester. A blanket rule barring the return to lane of any student.

students suspended or arrested for threatened or physical assault against a student or teacher, and the creation of a special educational program for emotionally disturbed youngsters whose presence in the building constituted a danger to themselves and other students. That can just be a ditch. Yeah. Literally. Yeah. The six demands were reduced to writing and set forth in rather specific language, were given to the staff.

in form of counsel minutes the very next day. The resolution calling for the job action and the event of the demands were not met, stated that we asked the principal to close the school effective January 21st to enable the faculty to reorganize the school and reprogram the student body in accordance with the above proposals. In his press conference, Albert Shanker had indicated that he expected to meet with Donovan the next day in an attempt to resolve the lane crisis. Vito de Leonardis?

Vito de Leonardis? Yeah, yeah. UFT staff director had been the middleman between the Lane chapter and Shanker's office since the trouble began. I spoke to him shortly after the council decision had been reached and told him our plan of action. He advised me in the meeting scheduled

at board headquarters the next day. George Altamare would join Shanker at that meeting, with Donovan and I was to maintain close telephone communication with him to keep abreast of the proceedings there. It was possible, according to De Leonardis, that the settlement we were looking for would have to be worked out locally at the school if Donovan refused to commit himself. The minutes of the council meeting complete with the demands and job action resolution were already in the teacher's letterboxes when they arrived Tuesday morning. Student attendance was especially light due to the general fear stimulated by the burning. Shanker phoned me at about 10 a.m.

before leaving for his meeting with Donovan. What do you have to get to keep things going out there? He wanted to know. Airgrid, operator of Ireland's electricity grid, is powering up the northwest. We're planning to upgrade the electricity grid in your area, and your input and local knowledge are vital in shaping these plans. Our consultation closes on the 25th of November. Have your say, online or in person. So together we can create a more reliable, sustainable electricity supply for your community. Find out more at airgrid.i. 4.Nor slash northwest. Employers. Rewarding your staff?

Why choose between a shop voucher or a spend anywhere card, when with Options Card, you can have both. With Options Card, your team gets the best of both worlds. They can spend with Ireland's favourite weekings. or choose a spend anywhere card. It's simple to buy and easy to manage. There are no hidden fees. It's easy to use and totally flexible.

They can even re-gift or donate to a good cause. Make your awards more rewarding. Visit optionscard.i today. A temp closing down at least for the rest of the week and a reduction in the student body to get back on a single session next term was my reply. I'll do my best, Shanker promised, but I don't know if Donovan will buy it. You may have to get it out of Selleb and of Daly first.

The mayor is coming in on it too, and that should help. I knew I was on my own. How is that going to help? Yeah. All right. Everyone knew that something had to give by 2.30 p.m. on January 21st. Shortly before noon, a lunch conference was convenient in Sullab's office, bringing together the principal and his assistant Peter Tadaro, O'Daley, and her executive assistant

Francis O'Connor, and the District 19 Community Relations Coordinator, Edward Cassani. But the most important participant of all was the man who would crack the standoff three hours later, the mayor's own personal representative, J. David Love. They would be calling for me shortly, I was told. That call came at about 1 p.m., and I asked the other committee members to hold them themselves in abeyance in the event I needed their assistance. For the time being, at least, I preferred to carry the ball alone. This was a one-shot deal and a wrong word, even a facial expression, could upset the whole apple cart. It was a situation that required strong discipline and a single-minded purpose. Inside the principal's office, the atmosphere was tense. While Selib tried to conceal his own uneasiness, O'Daly's trepidation was very much in evidence. Love sat back, watched it. The superintendent didn't waste any time getting into business at hand, addressing herself to the chapter's demands. I had begun by removing my wristwatch, placing it on the table before me, and pointing out that I had exactly 90 minutes before I was due at a faculty conference to report the results of the meeting and conduct a vote on the chapter resolution they had before them.

O'Daly rather quickly consented to the demand that student assailants not be returned to Lane. Within half an hour Agreement was reached on several of the others with certain contingency modifications which did not weaken the effect from the teacher's viewpoint. In the meantime, Altamari had called from the board to tell me that the meeting with Donovan was over

and that he had consented to neither of the major demands. Shanker was right. I would have to go for broke myself. The same information about the unproductive meeting at the board was transmitted to the other participants through other channels. Looking great, huh? Yeah, fantastic. Yeah, especially after the burning. By 2 p.m. O'Daly and Selleb had agreed to close the school for the remainder of the week,

but as a matter of protocol, we had to leave the announcement to Donovan and not specify publicly the exact number of days of school would stay closed. But the big hang-up came over the course. question of the single session for the new semester scheduled to begin in less than two weeks. Yes, they would allow a single session, but it would have to be with a register, which even after mid-year graduation would be about 5,000. I insisted on a maximum student body of 4,350. The figure Tadaro had suggested as the most we could accommodate on a single session. The debate heated up. I refused to accept the single session with the school. school bulging at its seams and class-sized skyrocketing over the contractual limit of 34.

O'Dalley, on the other hand, refused to make any commitment about reducing the register by 650 students and wouldn't act unless she received some signal from higher authorities. It was past 2 p.m. and O'Dellie was becoming irritable. The pressure was wearing her down and she lashed out at me for what she considered my intransigence and irresponsibility for refusing to step back on the single session. She probably needed to have a drink, probably an alcoholic and was probably like needed a drink. We were dead.

Serious, I'm not even kidding. We were deadlocked and I, I mean, yeah, that happens all the time. We were deadlocked and I reminded them that there were only a few minutes left. The mayor's man had remained silent throughout the session, but at 2.30 p.m., when I got up to leave, J. David Loved assumed the role for which he was sent. His function was to avert a teacher walkout that could trigger wildcat strikes all over the city

and plunged the town into a new round of racial conflict even more terrible than that elicited by the great school strike. The mayor's own hopes of re-election in the fall were riding on the prospect of restoring peace and harmony to the city, and he wasn't about to let a crisis in one school destroy his political future. Love had to be able to deliver. Airgrid, operator of Ireland's electricity grid, is powering up the Northwest. We're planning to upgrade the electricity grid in your area, and your input and local knowledge are vital in shaping these plans. Our consultation closes on the 25th of November.

Have your say, online or in person, so together we can create a more reliable, sustainable electricity supply for your community. Find out more at airgrid.com.i.4. Northwest. Employers, rewarding your staff? Why choose between a shop voucher or a spend anywhere card when with Options Card, you can have both. With Options Card, your team gets the best of both worlds. They can spend with Ireland's favourite retailers

or choose a Spend Anywhere card. It's simple to buy and easy to manage. There are no hidden fees, it's easy to use and totally flexible. They can even re-gift or donate to a good cause. Make your awards more rewarding. Visit OptionsCard.com. today. What else was he doing there? I thought. It's just, man. Yeah. It never, it never changes. It never changes. Eric's. Eric, $20 super chat. Sorry, I missed the beginning of the show.

Squeeze me Macaroni. He's so funny. Now it was Love's turn to go into action. He asked the parties to wait a while longer and went to the phone on Sullab's desk. In hushed tones, he reported on the areas of agreement and explained the hang-up. How far would the mayor go? Love returned to the table and asked us to hold on a while longer. He was expecting a return call in a matter of minutes. We waited. An explanation of the delay was sent up to the conference room where the staff had assembled. In the interim, I gave the council committee an up-to-the-minute briefing as to where we stood and asked her indulgence to allow me to wrap it up. They agreed. It was nearly 3 p.m. when Love's call came through and we reconvened to hear the good news. Somebody had given somebody the word. It was okay to go on to a single session with a

4,350 member student body, but the details of just how the reduction would be achieved had to be left to the school administration. It was settled, and everybody breathed the sigh of relief. For now. Yeah. The rest of the chance of the chance. Chapter Committee joined me, and together with Love, Selleb, and O'Daley's representative, she left and Love came through with the news. We went over the seven areas of agreement point by point, beginning with the closing down of school the next day. By 3.30 p.m., the meeting was over with everybody shaking hands and saying how good this

would be for the school and how maybe now we could all get back to the business education again. The faculty wrote its approval when the terms of the agreement were read off. As a bonus, we would retain all of our teaching positions and 26 instructors who would have normally been excessed as a result of the contraction were allowed to keep their jobs for the remainder of the school year at least. The settlement delighted the staff, and this was their first moment of gaiety since the beginning of the term. The exact role played by John Lindsay in bringing about the settlement remains a mystery, that there was a round robin telephone. network connecting City Hall, 110 Livingston Street, and Union headquarters on Park Avenue South is not in doubt. But there remains the lingering question as to whether Donovan or perhaps Doar gave the actual go-ahead through Lindsay to drop or transfer 650 students from Lane's

roles or whether Lindsay's newly created school task force, either with or without the mayor's knowledge, took it upon itself to usurp official Board of Education prerogatives. Gotta love bureaucracy there Oh, that's exactly This is what we This is what we live for I mean this is The managerial state

100% Yeah Yeah, as a make work jobs program For these ethnic Breavance peddlers At least one prominent New Yorker With reliable contacts at both city hall And board headquarters

believed in the usurpation theory. Paul Parker, a crack reporter for WINS Radio, WINS Radio News, did a series of broadcast several months later, revealing the circumstances surrounding the creation of the mayor's school task force. According to Parker's report, secret memoranda were dispatched to Louis Feldstein, the man the mayor had tapped to head up the project. Feldstein's confidential master plan, which was supposed to be restricted to a few uppermen, upper echelon aides was designed as an undercover operation to bring about resolution of nasty school problems which the clumsy school bureaucracy couldn't handle. It was conceived on the assumption

that a major shortcoming of the school system was the disinclination of top administrators to exert leadership and exercise responsibility. Imagine that. Time and again, there were confrontations and breakdowns and communication because administrators, at all levels, passed the buck, and in the bureaucratic maze that characterized the massive school system, there was always somebody to pass the buck, too. Imagine my show. The mayor had reached. Yeah, I mean, well, sure.

That's literally what it's designed to do. The mayor had reached a conclusion that since he was usually blamed for such breakdowns by a public that didn't understand how the intricate school system operated, he should be able to send in his own people to try to avoid the kind of catastrophe that might have developed if the land he had pulled off its walkout, its planned walkout. If the mayor and or his task force aides had made a grandstand play, Sullivan O'Daly weren't quibbling about technicalities. They weren't at all concerned about where the authority came from. Official word from City Hall was every bit as good as a directive from the superintendent at this critical juncture.

What is still unclear is whether or not Donovan and or Dor were involved in any way. It should be noted that at no time subsequent to the agreement, did either the superintendent or the board president make any public statement about interference from the mayor's office? Even the vice president of the board, Milton Gallimison, did not raise the question of the city hall involvement when he came to the defense of the 678 suspended students in whose behalf, a civil liberty suit was soon as he filed in federal court. Of course. Of course. Yeah, because acting like a feral animal and getting punished for that is obviously, like, the most egregious violation of, like, human freedoms. Like, yeah, anti-social behavior is, like, it's no surprise why antisocial behavior these days is, like, consider, like, the maximum expression of, like, freedom.

and you can see that traced back all the way to the civil rights revolution, which put expressive individualism on a major pedestal, and we are paying the price for it as we speak. Expressive individualism is a really good propaganda term, too. Yep. The next day, Lindsay commented on the agreement, calling it a gratifying step forward and praising Donovan Shanker and Selleb for this effective resolution of the difficulty.

And Albert Shanker had equally complimentary words for the mayor. We've criticized Lindsay at times, he said, but this time he used his good offices to avoid an explosive situation. And the January 22nd edition of the Union newspaper observed that President Shanker announced his public acknowledgement of the very great help of Mayor Lindsay, who saw the dangers of the situation in arranging for a breathing spell in the volatile situation.

But for Lane and for Lindsay, it was only the beginning. What do you got, man? Well, I definitely look forward to finishing up this entire book because I believe it's very eye-opening. And people do need to, especially on the right, they do need to hit the books harder on the Civil Rights Revolution, along with the New Deal because even like the New Deal era

people like Thomas 77 have pointed out that a lot of like the segregation measures had their inspiration throughout the New Deal people need to like really look at like this level of like social engineering that we've been all subjected to because it's more than just economics

and I stress this a lot that there are still large portions of the right that operate on very economically reductionist priors, and they aren't looking at, like, the cultural transformation that the managerial state was able to usher in, which I'd argue is much more radical

than a lot of, like, the economic interventions that you saw, like, imposed, like, throughout the past, like, century. And, yeah, like, obviously that stuff is suboptimal, but when you have, like, cultural and, like, demographic shifts, your civilization as you know it will like disappear off the face of the earth if it's like not checked

and we'll just end up being like the long lost tribes of like the Euro-Americans if we don't reverse course and to reverse course we must recognize the great leap forwards that were launched against the legacy American population through the New Deal

through the great society through the Civil Rights Revolution, et cetera, et cetera. Yeah, I mean, if anybody wants to see how this worked, look at the American Indian. Yeah. You know, I mean, there are better examples,

but there's no closer example. You know, I mean, come on. Is people just, what are some other ones? I mean, there are civilizations that have been completely wiped out. I mean, the Assyrians don't exist anymore. Yeah, exactly.

Yeah. Look at the Middle East. Yeah, there's like a lot of civilizations that have been like conquered and all that. And this, in this case, it's kind of unique because it's definitely there, there is like a component of it that is somewhat self-imposed. But the nerd is also a pretty insidious tribe in the background that has facilitated this dispossession to. Air Grid, operator of Ireland's electricity grid is powering up the northwest. We're planning to upgrade the.

electricity grid in your area and your input and local knowledge are vital and shaping these plans. Our consultation closes on the 25th of November. Have your say, online or in person. So together we can create a more reliable, sustainable electricity supply for your community. Find out more at airgrid.com.i. 4.N. Northwest. Employers, did you know, you can now reward you and your staff with up to 1,500 euro and gift cards annually, completely tax-free. And even better, you can spread it over five different occasions. Now's the perfect time to try OptionsCard. OptionsCard is Ireland's brand-new multi-choice employee gift card

packed with unique features that your staff will love. It's simple to buy, easy to manage, and best of all, there are no extra fees or hidden catches. Visit OptionsCard.i.e. today. So, yeah, it's best that people start, like, rising up to what's going on and what's been going on for decades because this stuff has not been happening, like, on an overnight basis. Yeah. Tell people where they can find your work and we'll learn this. Yeah.

I'm normally posting on Twitter at Jose Alignino, and I have my substack, Jose Niño, unfiltered, which you can find at JOS, B-CF. substack.com. There you can also find my podcast, El Nino Speaks, which is also on iTunes, Spotify, and Stitcher. And then I have my political strategy newsletter on Patreon, the Nino file. So, yep, that's all for me. Some of those episodes there are pretty spicy. Yes, they can get pretty intense.

And today I dropped one with Ricardo Dushane, who, is quite possibly one of like the most controversial Canadian academics that was like recently canceled and we talked about a host of controversial issues ranging from demographic shift to the destruction of the West. Very good. Thank you, Jose. I appreciate it. Thank you everyone for coming in. Part three with Aaron. What's going on, Aaron? How you doing, man?

How's it going, man? Oh, you know. I've been excited for this one. Yeah, another day, another possibility that my, that my channel get taken down. So, you know, we'll see. Hey, I'll do my best. Hope you hate money. Let me, let me see if I got this right.

Nope, that's not it. All right. I'm just going to put the, I'm going to put the entropy link into the chat, pin it. Any super chats I ask you to. do it over at entropy if you can. I'll get to those. We'll get to whichever ones are on YouTube as well. So if you

want to comment, if you want to, I will read your comment. I may edit it slightly, depending on the language, but I will definitely read your comments if you if you leave it, especially if you leave it over in

if you do a super chat over an entropy or in YouTube. So, all right, man. I'm, let's see if I can, you know, let's see, see how long this channel is going to be up. I'm actually going to try to self-censor, all right. Okay. I don't actually want you to lose money, but I'm saying it's going to be a challenge. Yeah, this is, yeah, if you watch the first two, especially some of the things that Jose was saying,

but Jose was just being so perfect with it, you know, using, he actually used uncle, what's his name's Uncle Jared over at American Renaissance a couple of his phrases for the yeah, what we're talking about here. All right, ready? Stop me anytime.

Race war in high school, the 10-year destruction of Franklin K. Lane, yada, chapter two, prelude. By the time calendar, By the time calendar year 1970 began, the racial polarization at Franklin K. Lay in high school was total. White students have been beaten and terrorized to a degree never before known in New York's long history of public education. And while the theoreticians and social scientists were lightly dismissing the violence, apologizing for it as if the only mode of self-expression available to the blacks who had been miseducated by the system,

the seeds for a new generation of racism were being sown. But members of this new generation would have substance enforcing their bigotry, quite different from the no-nothing prejudices of their elders. For these whites had been on the recent end of a wave of terror that matched anything thrown by southern whites at black people in the post-1954 era. Oh, you stop you there. So where I grew up in Massachusetts, I have a lot of family that went to school in the Boston public school system. And during busing and, you know, the suburbs, during busing.

And all of the stories that I got, I mean, you did hear about fights. You did hear about like throwing rocks at school buses. But like it all boils down to it was just one annoyance. I haven't heard anything like this happening, at least from the boomers I talk to. It's, but yeah. Air grid, operator of Ireland's electricity grid is powering up the northwest. We're planning to upgrade the electricity grid in your area, and your input and local knowledge are vital in shaping these plans. Our consultation closes on the 25th of November.

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Book now at giddlestorhouse.com. Get the facts be drinkaware, visit drinkaware.com. So, yeah, Boston has a long history of like entrenched racism. Maybe justified, maybe not. But, yeah, this is, I got to ask, next time I talk to these people, I'm going to ask, come like try to try to get into it a little more with them yeah because of because of this series yeah little eye opening especially considering i mean what what is it a six hour drive south you know it's not a car so all right the whites blamed celib he is the principal of franklin

the whites blamed celib most of all but they were also critical of the police who they felt had been too soft on the criminal elements operating within the school. The degeneration continued in spite of the fact that by years end, there were still seven policemen on patrol within the building. The white parents complained about their children coming home with marks on their bodies from beatings at the hands of black youths and of extortions and of futile attempts to resist. They were convinced a celib had sold out to the blacks.

They cited charges made by their children about a different standard of school behavior for blacks and whites, with whites alone penalized for certain infractions. Huh. How's, where have I heard this before? Well, you know, it's due to systemic racism and innate social causes. And yeah, nothing's changed. It's something. It's something. All right.

Why the heck was it? Time is a wheel. It galled them that many blacks refused to rise for the morning pledge of allegiance exercise. And they felt that the blacks were given preferential treatment, pointing to the large number of college scholarships suddenly open to all, but which they felt were awarded to blacks in disproportionate. That seems, those two issues seem really odd to make a, to make a lot. point to focus on. Not only are they stabbing me right now, but they didn't stand for the pledge, man. Oh, man.

My camera is like going crazy here. All right. The white parents had reached the, the white parents had reached the conclusion that it was the policy of the school to reward violence and bigotry with college scholarships. And many couldn't believe the depths to which the school had sunk as police patrols stood guard as if the clientele were inmates in a penitentiary rather than students in an American public school.

Whatever glimmer of hope existed for an integrated society was, as far as these whites were concerned, extinguished. And they could say without the slightest hesitation, as did one harried mother, quote, I'm sick of it. Sick of knowing my son has to endure two more years of Helen Lane. that's why I'm taking him out of here and enrolling him in a private school. I can't afford it, but I talked it over with my husband and we'll borrow the money. It'll be worth it just for once to see him smile when he leaves the house for school.

He learned one thing at this school that isn't listed on the program. Franklin K. Lane has given him a good lesson in hatred. All right. So nowadays, that's becoming less and less of an option. A, borrowing money right now when interest rates, are sky high again. And B, the fact that even private schools now are starting to get inundated with, you know, critical theory, social justice, gender ideology.

I guess if your public school is bad enough, which it may very well be because we don't hear about it, this is why we're reading this book in 2022. But, you know, that's public, the public schools, fleeing to a public school is only going to be less and less of a viable option in terms of experience and affordability. Yeah. I mean, at least now you have the opportunity, you can homeschool if you want to. Back then, that was, I think I heard the first instance. I knew somebody who actually had their child taken away for homeschooling in 1984. And what state was that in?

New York. Yeah. Yep. I was going to say, because I know that every electoral race, whether it's state, local, or national even, there's always these jabs at homeschooling, trying to control homeschooling, trying to dissuade people from doing it via policy. I think as we go through, you're going to see this polarization between the states. Blue states will obviously clamp down on homeschooling, make it a lot harder, if not impossible. And red states, I think, will just keep their status quo. Yep.

The white students themselves freely complained about the breakdown and discipline. They watched outsiders roam the halls and were bitter about CELAB giving into the demands of black militants. why do I want to ring a bell every time I read the name Celeb. I just want to hear a ding. Maybe I can get my friend Ryan to come on and read some of this with me. They felt they had been sacrificed that Celib. The bell of capitulation. They felt they had been sacrificed that Celib had completely capitulated to the blacks,

and that as white students, they were considered. intruders by the school's black majority. They charge this. Yeah. Right. That's the whole point of black militancy is that this is our, this is our territory, this is our institution now. Now you are the colonizers.

Yeah. They charged the celib had followed a policy of appeasement of constantly giving in and of playing politics with their education. Geez, now they're making them sound like a conservative. Yeah. And while the school bureaucrats were telling the public that Lane was simply a microcosm of society. Holy crap. Think about that.

Think about that half sentence for a second. Uh, yeah. What an indictment of society. And while the school bureaucrats were telling the public that, Elaine was simply a microcosmo society, and that what was happening there was only a reflection of events in the nation at large, a 15-year-old white girl, one of the assault victims, was saying, quote, I consider myself a liberal person, and I always took an active part in civil rights, but not anymore. I've seen too much. When the riot broke out in the cafeteria and the bomb went

off last Wednesday, my girlfriend and I headed for the doors. Five black girls grabbed, me and held me while another one punched me in the stomach. My girlfriend started to run and a black girl grabbed her and tried to rip her blouse off. I kept screaming, why, why, but they started acting like animals, just beating up any white girl they saw. I started to cry. I wanted to run home and never come back to this place again. Wow. It sucks when the revolution starts to affect things that you like. That 50-year-old girl was J.K. Rowling. Oh, man.

All right, guys. I think we've gotten a little too, I'm all for civil rights, but this is a little too much. I mean, literally what we are talking about here, if you're going to invoke J.K. Ralling is turf wars. But anyway. Oh, man.

All right. I have to give Gerard Casey credit for that turf wars line. I heard him on Tom Woods and he was talking about it. And I was like, oh, that's just so perfect. All right. While conditions reached a frightening climax in 1969, a year of unprecedented racial turmoil at Lane, the turn of events was not at all unexpected. Nor can it be explained solely in terms of the newly awakened black consciousness that was sweeping the nation. For more than four years prior to the disaster of 1969, the Lane staff had been witness to repeated acts of violence committed by black youngsters. Teachers continually cried out against the growing lawlessness, but their pleas almost always fell on deaf ears. In 1966, teachers who dared speak out against a deterioration of school tone were labeled hysterical by the administration. As a school fell apart in the mid-60s, so did its faculty. Once a stable and tightly nick unit, the 1965 through 69 period saw some of the most competent and experienced teachers find their way out of lane. I wish there was an account of this whole thing written from the perspective of like militant black leadership. Yeah, that would be, oh man.

That would be extremely interesting to see just them goading about how successful they were. Yeah. Because, yeah. I mean, really, this was a resounding success for black activism. I mean, when did white activism ever succeed like this? A couple years there in the 30s. Those days. All right.

As discipline problem increased, the dean's objective. objected to their hands being tied by the administration, which they believe had become overly guidance oriented with the elevation of Mrs. Mary Cohn, Ding, and English instructor to an assistant principalship in charge of guidance. Their major complaint was that they were being compelled to keep on the roles the most violent, hardcore delinquent. Yeah, you can't expel them. That's admitting failure. And then, you know, your managerial job and your salary become at risk and you can't have that. I mean, that's, well, to be fair, that, that salub guy is the perfect manager. The fact that he still has his job is a testament to how great of a manager he is.

All he does, like, throughout this reading, all he's doing is outsourcing responsibility, which is what a manager is supposed to do. And I mean, that's. This whole thing is just, other than a couple of the teachers, which I know we don't really like teachers nowadays, but the teachers here are really the ones like they have no one to outsource to. All they can do is keep pleading with the managers. It's insane. All right. Let me keep reading. Their major complaint was that they were being held, they're being compelled to keep on the roles to most violent hardcore delinquents.

There were a series of clashes between Cohen and various deans. She stayed. They left. Four different deans transferred out of the school over a three-year span, a loss of top caliber personnel who could not easily be replaced. The 1965 through 68 period was the prelude. Those who saw the handwriting on the wall and had enough seniority transferred out. Those in the middle found themselves locked in.

And the... Yeah. The middle of the road leads to. Oh, you're so close to tenure. It's just one punch in the face. It's just getting lit on fire. You're so close to tenure. Just take it.

And the new young teachers bursting with energy and enthusiasm after graduating from college ran to greener pastures where they could teach rather than play policemen. Which is funny. I don't know if it was the case back then, but nowadays, most teachers fresh out of college gets sent straight to inner city schools. Oh, yeah. Oh, 100%. 100%. I mean, I went to an inner city school from K through 8. And yeah, none of those teachers lived in the neighborhood.

Yeah. Let's just say none of them lived in the neighborhood and most of them had an hour drive into the Bronx. Yeah, and the ink on their degree was still drying. It's like a trial by fire thing. And the older ones that's the older ones, stayed there, that we're there, we're there because of some kind of seniority, tenure, that

kind of thing. Yep. Those who stayed, hoped against hope, that the downward spiral would by some miracle be reversed. It's like thinking that, like, I mean, the only way to reverse this is to blow it up.

Yeah. And it's the same thing with like government now. People who think, oh, you know, we can just turn around and the 202 area code. We can, you know, it's got to be blown up. The only way out is through. Yeah.

Oh, man. The chronicle of that prelude is a story of educational politics, of administrative ineptitude, and of growing teacher militancy as a reaction to increasing student violence. Ooh, I like the sound of that. All right. In 1962, Lane was not very much different from most of the other 59 academic high schools in the New York metropolitan area, except for the fact that it had been an integrated student body, 28.7% black, long before integration became a public issue.

Harry Eisner, Lane's principal from 1948 to 1962, was a strong believer in the concept of integration. And even though all was not peaceful on the racial scene during the 1950s, the faculty maintained a steep root of belief in integrated education. Eisner, that's Irish? That's Irish, right? Yeah, yep. Maybe German. Okay, sure. All right. Eisner had been a magnificent administrator.

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Book your magical journey today at Dublin Zoo.I.E. And was respected by students and teachers, blacks and whites. During his tenure, even those youngsters who were not college-bound received an education, which was, in many ways, superior to what the average academic student was getting at Lane in 1969. As the board's program of reverse segregation took form in the early 19th, 1960s due largely to segregated housing patterns, the deterioration of Franklin K. Lane was set in motion. Harry Eisner retired from the public school system in 1962, and after his highly competent assistant, Jacob Peshkin, that's Spanish, right?

Something like that. Okay. Served as caretaker for six months. James J. O'Connell, that's a Jewish name. That's the, there's the Jew. Named him. James J. O'Connell was appointed to the principalship in February, 1963. He went to Jew to fucking Mick.

O'Connell had started out in the school system in 1930 as a teacher of English, advanced to a departmental chairmanship in 1952 and became an elementary school principal six years later. In 1962, he passed his third emotional examination in 10 years and was elevated to high school principal ship. I wonder if that Peshkin guy was just, I wonder the amount of relief he felt that he was passed over for that promotion. He was assigned to Lane at a time when the 110 Livingston 110 Livingston Street bureaucracy was pondering the fate of the school. It was decided that Lane would be the safety valve for Brooklyn, the place to send the bulk of black students coming out of the junior high schools in the central Brooklyn ghetto. It was just,

decided. That should be a chapter in the book, how that was decided. I'd love to know the players. Yeah. I have an idea. They would be crammed into Lane more and more every year. Youngsters with long records of convictions for felonious crimes, youngsters who were academically disoriented, well, there's a word, emotionally unstable, illiterate, socially maladjusted, and an increasing number hooked on hard drugs long before the city took cognizance of the spreading. evil in its high schools. Neither O'Connell, the union, nor the local community had any say over the death below that was dealt to Lane by these zoning policies in the early 1960s. This is Brooklyn, right? Yes. Well, it's on the Brooklyn Queens line. Huh. So they're getting, like,

that was, if you remember from the first chapter, it was one of the arguments was even what police handle it. Yep. Yep. Yeah. I love to know players. Yeah. Oh, come on. We know. Often when O'Connell tried to suspend the black youngster, he found himself challenged by his superior, District 19 Superintendent Margaret Douglas.

Douglas was the second highest ranking black administrator in the system, and she wanted to know why most of the suspended youngsters were black. Friend enemy distinction. That's why. The relationship between O'Connell and Douglas was trying to say the last. least. In 1967, when he had the opportunity to transfer to another school closer to his Long Island home, he grabbed the chance and said goodbye to Lane High School. He was a devoted schoolman, but he had been put down and overruled by his superiors at the district level and central headquarters.

The 150 teachers who gathered in a local restaurant in June, 1967, to wish him well, felt a deep sense of loss and were truly sadden to hear him admit to his administration's failings. But those closest to him knew that as a non-tenured principal, his arm had been twisted many times, first by Dorothy Bonowitz, the Queens High School Superintendent, and later by Margaret Douglas. When the high schools were placed under the jurisdiction of local school boards, major decisions affecting the school were made at the top, often without his knowledge or consent, and sometimes over his explicit objections. That's, yeah, for those of you listening that are, you know,

starting to graduate from, you know, your rank and file worker job to a management position, that's the experience you'll get as a newer manager, is that, yeah, you have your responsibilities, but you're not involved in the decision-making process nearly as much as you'd like to be or need to be. Yeah. Just a personal complaint. As, yeah, as somebody who has been in management. Yeah.

This first few years, tough. Oh, God. had a footnote here. Dorothy Brannowitz died in 1969, Margaret Douglas in 1967. Oh, they didn't. On the other end, O'Connell found himself faced with a strong and militant union chapter.

The teacher leadership of Lane was bent on preserving the schools and institution of learning and unwilling to surrender to the school board's hypocrisy on the question of integration or safety in the schools. Inflation pushes up building costs so it's important to review your home insurance cover to make sure you have the right cover for your needs. Under-insurance happens where there's a difference between the value of your cover

and the cost of repairing damage or replacing contents. It's a risk you can avoid. Review your home insurance policy regularly. For more, visit understandinginsurance. com. Brought to you by Insurance Ireland. Starting when George Altamore came, starting when George Altamare came to Lane in 1956, the school had developed an active union orientation.

There had been a long history of chapter initiative, and in 1965, the chapter chairman, Carl Golden, directed the research of a comprehensive study showing the trend towards reverse segregation at Lane High School. So the union, he's describing the union, as kind of militant, which is interesting because you could, you could posit that this was a meeting of two militant groups where one, members of one militant group are actually in that union that considers itself militant and has completely different interests. Oh, man.

All right. Many such cases. Many such cases. The study, a slap at the board's zoning policy. revealed that Lane had been singled out by the school board as a means of sidestepping the integration issue. See, Chapter 4. Golden had gotten the ball rolling, and in 1966, George Hamanitus, the new UFT chairman, took up the fight. Harmonitus, a social studies teacher and a candidate for a doctoral degree from Columbia University, had leadership qualities that won him the respect of the entire staff. Greek maybe?

Yeah, I think so. I'm just looking at Columbia University. Yeah. With a rare exception, most people who come out of Columbia University or come out complete communists, and I can tell you that because people in my family went to Columbia. And dad would a scholarly intellect, articulate, highly personable, and a clever strategist to boot. He rallied the faculty at 1966 and 1967 to give teachers hope and a sense of purpose. His outstanding leadership served as a shot in the arm to a disgruntled and demoralized staff.

I mean, it's starting to get a little rosy. Yeah, yeah. All right, where are my? Where am I? Where am I? Okay, there we go. There was little that the UFT chapter could do about the broken promises of 1965 in the unkept pledges of zoning superintendent, Jacob Landers to correct a gerrymander that had all but a tiny section of Queens, Woodhaven, out of Lane District, and added on more and more of the Bedford-Stuyveson ghetto.

But zoning, you guys up? No, it's just, it's just insane how fucked they got. I mean, this is, but zoning was only one of several issues important to the new chapter chairman. for harmonitis, decidedly liberal, a changing student body did not have to mean anarchy and chaos. And he was, and he was a constant thwart in O'Connell's side as he forced the administration to maintain standards of discipline, consistent universal concepts of law and justice. What are those? Yeah. You're aiming a gun to my head, but, you know, it's, yeah.

We have to maintain the nap. During the 1962 to 66 period, the rate of daily student attendance dropped in direct proportion to the percentage rise of non-white enrollment. Why did people hate this book so much? Why do people on the left really hate this book so much? Yeah, it's a common, well, I mean, the actual leftists should fucking love this book. they should use it as a as a guideline. I mean, capture the administration, capture the policy makers, capture the union, capture the students. I mean, then all you have to deal with is really just the teachers. This book is all about just the teachers versus everybody else.

It's amazing that, you know, you go through a book like State and Revolution, and you read Lenin and you read Stalin and people like the people on the right just don't understand how to do this. Yeah. Yeah. And granted, I mean, like we mentioned before, if this were to be written from the perspective of a black militant, they probably got lucky. They were they were pretty much given on a silver platter, all of the conditions that they that they needed. that's that's that's that's pretty much this entire book is here are all of the conditions you need to have a complete like right literal race war revolution whatever you want to call it and um just completely undermine undermine uh how is that uh how was that guy described uh law and order and you know traditional traditional traditional discipline norms and all that yeah yeah The union chapter was first to call attention to this monumental truancy problem. Complicating the growing absentee rate was the growth of student cutting,

of student cutting, which the school found itself unable to control. And after a while, they fucking wish they were true. I think he disconnected your mic. I said, and after a while, I bet they wish they were truant. Yeah. Please skip school. Well, yeah, I mean, because pretty soon you're going to have literal cutting. So there was little or no follow-up on offenders, and the existing feeling among the students was that they could cut with impunity.

Lateness was still another serious problem, which increased as more black students came in by train from the outlying black communities. It wasn't at all unusual for hundreds of students to queue up day after day to get a late admission pass hours after the the start of the school day. Lastly, and most serious was the matter of asocial behavior, an emanation in part of black frustration and of black resentment toward the white community for making them feel uncomfortable in that neighborhood. Is he serious? Yeah, I mean, I guess from the perspective of the black students, they probably, they probably

don't think, don't think two steps ahead and say, like, it's not actually this, these people. Like, yeah, I'm sure they were uncomfortable, but, you know, you're pointing the finger at the wrong people. But, you know, regardless of whether they're right or wrong, like, you can, you can see the, the first steps towards, like, the, the cauldron bubbling. Yeah. Furthermore, the black students were angry about having to cope with subjects requiring the fundamental skills of reading, writing, and arithmetic with which they had never been provided in the earlier grades.

And as a consequence, Black's experience a sense of inferiority through having to compete with better trained white students in academic classes or being placed in the non-academic course of study for slow learners unable to do college preparatory work. So it reminds me when I was in boot camp. there was a good we had um oh am i on yeah we had uh we had uh we had not i wouldn't call them like all dead classes but they were like there were certain groups that had to like go away for an hour a day to practice like reading and writing and like all these things swimming O'Connell's inability to deal with the school's mounting problems brought his policies under fire in the fall of 1966 when a UFT council statement zeroed in on the growing menace.

A chapter resolution began. A dangerous and explosive environment has existed at Lane High School since the opening of Schoenberg. There have been numerous cases of students being set upon, threatened, and or beaten both on school grounds and in the immediate vicinity thereof. The situation is deteriorated to the point where a teacher responsible for maintaining order in the student cafeteria was attacked, kicked in the stomach, and sustained several injuries requiring hospital treatment. Many of these outbreaks have had racial overtones and have not been confined to boys alone. And this was a full two and one half years prior to the collapse of January 1969. Yeah, this is just the little opening salvos. Yep. It's what we're seeing now with. All right. Well, or it's what we saw in 2022, in 2020, sorry. The racial crisis was out in the open by 1966. The society at large had not yet begun the great debate about racism in the northern schools and the attempt. Yeah, we don't hear about that at all nowadays. The fact that there was racism in the north.

Oh, my God. And then I, in the late 19. Are you? Am I reading this right? They literally just got rid of the old owner of the Red Sox Yawke. He was like a huge segregationist. They just renamed his street to like, I don't know, some black lady. But it's no longer Yockey way. That was like what a year or two ago. Yeah.

I mean, the Red Sox were the last team to desegregated. To have a black player. They were the last team to have a black player. Yep. I knew that. I knew that. Oh, man. All right. The racial crisis was out in the open by 1966.

Society at large had not yet begun the great debate about racism in the northern schools and the, and the attention of the civil rights movement was still, for the most part, confined to the south. Lane was in every sense both a forerunner and a prototype as early as 1965. Integration, poorly planned and recklessly implemented, had taken its toll on what had been a four-runner. find public school a few years earlier. All the dangerous signals were there in 1965, but the human element was never a primary concern of the school bureaucrats who dealt with charts and statistics and for whom a student was merely a number. Youngsters who disliked and distrusted at each other were thrown together with absolutely

no understanding of the other's needs or lifestyle. Paul Godfrey, write a book about it, never mind. Mutual hostility grew as impoverished blacks and subsistence whites scratched and clawed at each other. The white struggling to hold on to the little piece carved out for themselves and the blacks pitted against them for a share of the action. But how does he go from just being completely like, you know, bordering on stuff that, you know, Godfrey would talk about to, like, running interference here? Yeah. Is it because Saltman? No, I, I, you know, even I got like little glimpses of empathy sometimes.

Like at the end of the day, like you did take two very disparate groups and just chucked them in together in the same fucking, you know, hornet's nest and shook it. But. And, well, they just sat back and waited. All right. So, blah, but Lane High School sat way back in the distant crotch of nowhere on the border where two counties intersect and the attitude of the school board was, we don't care what kind of problems you're having between the blacks and whites. Just keep things quiet out there. By October 1966, after repeated incidents of racial violence against the UFT chapter council unanimously passed a resolution seeking to pressure school authorities. quote, should the emergency situation continue without abatement, the resolution concluded,

and all other means of restoring a healthy educational environment fail, we could not in good conscience fail to support those teachers who, for reasons of personal safety, would choose not to honor such assignments to cafeteria and hall patrol where most of the violent acts took place. So this is kind of the prelude to their threats of going on strike, you know, which you read in the last in the last episode. Like they're being very measured and reasonable considering, you know, they're being attacked and beaten up.

Yeah. It's, oh, man. Like, okay, we're no longer going to be hall monitors if this continues. Like, you, you really have to,

I can't even see myself, like, spending a day past, like, one attack. Or, even experience, even hearing another teacher be like, you know, oh, you know, I was, I was attacked. It's like, I'm out of here.

Yeah. I'll go find something else to do. Or if you're one. One is an anomaly. Two is concerning. And then after three, it's like, all right, something's going on here. Like, I, that, that's the other thing about this, this whole thing, too, is why do these teach, like, why didn't they get new jobs or like, fucking. I don't know. Like, I would move. If my life was in danger at work, I would, at the very least, just not fucking go to work.

Yeah. Yeah. I'm, I'll get it. All right. All right. While O'Connell, excuse me, while O'Connell was taken to task by the union chapter, the UFT leaders also offered him the opportunity to join with them in a campaign directed at the school board's. It was a campaign to secure the assignment of additional non-professional security personnel. For almost six months, extending into the spring of 1967, there was an ongoing exchange of letters between Jiminitis requesting more security services and assistant superintendent Maurice Hopkins, former head of the high school office. I need to take a drink. A typical Hopkins response to an urgent plea for assistance was

the number of school that's available for assignment to the high schools is limited by the budget. And obviously, this emergency cannot be expected to continue indefinitely. That's all contrary. Yeah. But that's like the typical response I would expect you to get from an assistant superintendent. Like, yeah, we'll help you out a little bit, but, you know, there's the budget and this can't go on forever. You know, don't plan on having, don't get dependent on it. Yeah.

O'Connell was caught in the middle. He knew that the union was fighting his battle, but to support the chapter leaders meant embarrassing his superiors. And that, of course, was contrary to the cardinal rule. The chapter carried the same message to district superintendent Douglas. Still no relief. O'Connell himself finally wrote to Hopkins telling him he needed more security personnel to protect the health and safety of staff and students.

In reporting one particular melee in the cafeteria, he told Hopkins, an outbreak of violence in our cafeteria during the third period yesterday resulted in serious injuries to one of our school aides. Specifically, Mr. Herman Goodman was struck on the head with a chair. The resulting wound required 15 stitches. Chair shot. WWF, like early. The Goodman assault was only one of many against the staff during the 1960. to 67 school year. The contagion spread. In addition to assault against students, AIDS, and teachers,

there was an endless stream of reports about vile and abusive language and of overt criminal activity in the school. How could anyone not see in 1966 the path on which the school was embarked as its non-white population climbed to 54.8%. There could be no quality education for any students in this climate of fear and tension. Man, if 13 does 60 now, I wonder what 54.8 does. I've heard in the 60s, it was something like 1170. Oh, yeah. Yeah, the late 60s, early 70s, just in general were, seemed like such a fucking insane time.

Like the most domestic bombings in history, like just a fucking insane time. I'm glad I didn't live during them. Yeah. All right. George Otomare had given up his union vice presidency in 1964 to take a full-time job as a UFT organizer, but he returned to his teaching post-At lane in 1967 to qualify as a bona fide candidate so he could recapture his old title in the next union election. The matter of the disruptive child was already shaping up as a key strike issue,

as the contract talks proceeded in the spring of 1967. When Jiminitis decided to lead the Lane chapter into a confrontation with school authorities on the issue of student violence, Altamore was there, and he was instrumental in drawing up the list of demands that were presented to Douglas. The Lane Chapter, through its local action, helped solidify the union's disruptive child stance, which placed the burden of blame on the school board for having failed to provide special facilities from emotionally disturbed youngsters. Yeah, all-ed classes. Like, that's really what they were talking about.

I don't know if they had them back. I'm sure they had something like them back then. But, yeah, it seemed like they just needed to turn 54.8% of their square footage into all-ed-ed class. Jeez. Lane was not the only school where teachers were being assaulted in 1967 and an a general statement to the public during its negotiations for a new contract, the union declared, quote, whenever there are threats against teachers, effective police protection must be provided. How about whenever there are threats against teachers, you exterminate the threat?

Yeah. Well, maybe that's what they were getting at because with putting cops in there. Many of the present problems stem from past failures of the Board of Education. UFT is initiating a positive program of cooperating with parents and community groups through the establishment of teacher-parent community councils in each school. Let us work toward programs to improve educational performance, not create situations which will ensure an exodus of qualified people from the school districts. It's interesting that their goals are still couched in improving educational performance when it seems like they should just be focused on like stabilizing. You know what I mean? I mean, there's a threat that needs to be eliminated.

Yeah, yeah. Like eliminating the threat, stabilize the environment. And then you can focus on like, you know, helping your A students and like, you know, fostering an environment of education. like I don't know so maybe even like from from all from all the reading it seems like the union is actually the least retarded party but uh granted this is uh what what is when does this take place 1967 so yeah before yeah where that range yeah so yeah all right uh onward the union's disruptive child program was its army disruptive child program. There's like violent crime and drug addiction. Yeah.

Those are disruptive children. Yeah. It's, um, yeah, to say that they just need to be like sequestered in, and like an alt-ed class is very generous. But again, this is, we're still in kind of the, uh, like the, the beginning of it. And they still have that mindset of probably a couple of years before where, you know, this is really bad. This is unprecedented. But they're still not ready to kind of rethink the entire, you know, they're still operating within the boundaries of, you know, where they were two years prior.

This is also the post-Norhomberg regime and the New Dealers regime. So, ding. The Union's disruptive child program was its Armageddon. During the 14-day strike of September, 1967, anti-union forces told the black community that white UFT teachers didn't want to teach their children and that the union was looking for a way to throw black children out of school and into the streets. I mean, this is literally, yeah, this is literally, look, we know our kids are fucked up and we need to send them to you every day. Yeah. Because we don't want them here. Yeah. The union is threatening to make you take care of your kids.

Let's get those bastards. There was little the UFT could do to combat that kind of misrepresentation, and the union's negotiators were forced to back off. I mean, this is exactly, this is how long ago? This is yesterday. This is yesterday. This is yesterday, right? Right around the time Olinsky was fucking at the end. Oh, yeah. Oh, yeah. In the end, they were made to swallow as a face saver the mere inclusion in the contract

of a school board administrative circular setting forth an overly complicated procedure for removing disruptive children, which was understood by very few and almost impossible to administer. For all practical purposes, the disrupt. Child issue was buried in 1967, and with it would die schools all over New York. Huh. Oh, here we go. Morton Selleb replaced James J. O'Connell as Lane's principal in September, 1967,

and Hyman Berksky and Jim Lewis were elected as a new co-chairman of the UFT chapter, replacing Jimonitis and who had become disgusted with the boards continued neglect of the school. The 1967-68 school year followed a similar pattern. Burski and Lewis, the latter being the first black union chairman in the school, carried forth the quest for more security personnel and worked hard to make the newly created faculty discipline committee a viable unit that would function in the best interests of students as well as teachers. The purpose of the five-member committee

recognized as a de jure school body by the administration was to refer special problems of student behavior directly to the district superintendent and make sure that teacher concerns were adequately represented at suspense hearings. So they had to have a hearing to suspect. Now, by suspense,

do you think they mean expulsion? I'm thinking, when I got suspended, from school, it was for like three days or a week or something like that. Yeah, yeah. Ours was like a two-week suspension, which means like you fought somebody and like you might have actually heard them or like you assaulted a teacher or something. It would either be like a two-week suspension or, you know, we've had a couple expulsions

too, but for like, you know, bringing a knife into school or something would get you expelled. That would get you on the honor roll at Franklin K-Line. Yeah. Yeah, that was a requirement. You should probably bring a knife to school. But in 1968, Hopkins was still playing the game of holding back on sufficient security allocations until a crisis arose. The new chairman wrote to remind him that Lane is one of the largest school buildings over a quarter mile around on each of five floors and with numerous entrances. That is, that is a big, I mean, you know, as a big school.

I mean, you know, as a matter of fact, that is not a big school. I'm thinking of like, think about a quarter mile track that you know somewhere. Is that the actual building or is that like the school grounds? I'm thinking it's the building, just the building itself. So that's not very big. My middle school would have probably been more than that around. Was it like designed as a campus? Um, it was, it was designed as a prison.

Oh. Yeah. I guess they do have to be pretty big. I'm thinking in terms of like, uh, you know, it's, it's potential for like taking control of any situation when your school is, I mean, at least in my mind, large with multiple entrance, entrances and exits. Um, and then filled with. people that don't want to fucking be there and later people that actively want to hurt other people.

Yeah. All right. Spence here. A quarter of a moment. It was also noted by the chairman that Lane was one of the most difficult schools as evidenced by the record number of assaults against teachers and students. Assaults continue to occur here at Lane, they concluded, despite the efforts of the guidance committee to improve teacher-student-relead. and to eliminate some of the sources of tension. Well, under what they mean by that.

What does eliminate some of the sources of tension mean? I don't know. Okay. Nearly 80 new teachers representing about 30% of the faculty, most on their very first professional assignment, were employed at Lane in 1967 to keep up with the skyrocketing student register and to replace those who, like James J. O'Connell, had become fed up with the turmoil of recent years and left to school.

With a student enrollment of almost 5,400 in a bill constructed for 3,800, each lunch period saw a thousand students packed into the basement cafeteria. That sucks. Like that right off the bat, even in a regular school, like that would suck. Yeah. The close contact only exacerbated existing tensions between the races. With these tensions mounting, there was no comparable increase in the security force, nor were any special programs introduced to bridge the gap between neighborhood youngsters

and those transported in from the ghetto. No one was quite sure that what was coming next. By March 1968, there were sustained outbreaks that stopped just short of mushrooming into full-scale race riots. Fights, thefts, and vandalism were becoming commonplace. Many teachers convinced that neither the principal nor the school board would back them up, chose to shun their responsibility of providing the school security if it meant jeopardizing their own safety. The very last thing a teacher wanted was a confrontation with a student, one that might result in violence. Even Selleb had told them not to stand in a student's path if the student refused to stop its teacher's command.

Yeah, that's the equivalent of the stand-down order from the mayor. Nope, just let them do what they want. Teachers too had become increasingly aware of the dangers to themselves and had learned to look the other way. One female teacher angered over an incident in which she felt teachers were shirking their duty, wrote a letter to Celib saying, recently had occasion to help control a large group of students in the auditorium while a fight was broken up. This brawl had, in my opinion, riot potential. I found myself in this role because other teachers, some of them male teachers, refused to get involved, and passed by. While it is true school teachers are not peace officers and are not expected to

place themselves in a position of possibly incurring personal injury, there are ways of assuring proper supervision within their control. The apathy displayed by some of our teachers who have voiced great concern in the interest in welfare of children is appalling. Perhaps we will go along, doing nothing constructive, preferring the path of least resistance. That path, however, leads away from scholarship and decency in our school, away from good citizenship and responsibility in our society, and toward decay and destruction of both education and humanity. So true.

Yeah. It's, all right. On the one hand, it's, those male teachers should probably be punched in the face. And on the other hand, I kind of don't blame them because I don't know. I just, if your heart's not in it and you know that this shit's going to, if that this, there's no chance that you're ever going to put out this fire, I don't know.

Yeah. No. Just get the hell out of there. Yeah. In 1968, it was apparent to everybody within earshot of lane that no constructive educational program was being conducted at the school. Indeed, what had once been considered the exception, the emergency occurrence, had now become the norm. Lane was a public school seething with frustration and discontent.

Racial conflict was spurred on by a growing narcotics problem, which school and city officials chose to ignore, a problem which by 1970 had completely overwhelmed educational and law enforcement officials. Finally, the new principal, Morton Selleb, had never managed to win the true. trust and confidence of his staff, and they blamed him for the crises. Experienced teachers left in droves during the 1967-68 period. Even the UFT diehards defeated in their efforts to reverse the demise got out. Jiminitis to a suburban school system, Burski on a transfer to a top academic school in northwest Queens, Altamare back to the union with a full-time vice presidency.

Teachers weren't the only ones to flee. Anyone who could find a place to go went. Yeah, white flight. Joining teachers in the flight from Lane were the white parents who began finding ways of avoiding the of their children there. By giving the false address of a relative or friend, many were able to get their youngsters registered in nearby John Adams or Richmond Hill High Schools. The white flight reached irreversible proportions, it seemed, just four years after the school board had issued an integration plan in 1963, stating its goals. Quoting, in the years since the historic 1954 decision of the United States Supreme Court and even earlier, the New York City public schools have pursued earnestly their commitment to the objective of racial integration in the schools. Much has been accomplished. Nevertheless, our midsummer 1963 stockmaking makes it clear that much more has to be none.

Our past programs and activities were appropriate for their time, but we now propose to embark on a new series of endeavors. which we hope will hasten the day when our city is completely integrated and all our children will enjoy equal educational opportunity. Just the hypocrisy of liberalism is insane. Those people, you could probably ask them like, do you want better education or worse education? they would probably prioritize better education. But the thing that trumps that priority every single time is aesthetics. Yep.

We believe that school integration is an important part of our pursuit to excellence for all children. The noble dream of 1963 had turned into a nightmare by 1968 and mass hysteria by 1969. Nobody could say that the lane breakdown came about. unexpectedly, that there wasn't time for correction and stabilization or that it all happened too fast. There was time. Plenty of it. And all the signs and warnings had been there since Carl Golden wrote in his 1965 analysis, C. Chapter 4, predicting the events that took place in the fall of 1969.

But the bureaucrats at 110 Livingston Street weren't listening and everyone was either too busy or too preoccupied or just didn't give it him. Yeah. I mean, the Supreme Court decision was 1954. This is all taking place in the mid-60s. I mean, everything could have been avoided and you maybe could have still had somewhat of a functional education system if they just kind of spread it out a little bit instead of, you know,

going from, what was it, 24. something percent in 1966 to 54.8 percent in 19166 to 54.8 percent in 1968, like, just taking this school as a microcosm of society, meaning all the other schools, it seems like it just shifted into fifth gear immediately and with predictable, well, I guess not predictable, but I think anybody could have told them that going down that route would have resulted in some type of catastrophe. I just once you see it building, how do you not do everything you can to stop it? And that's just liberalism. That is the believing that, I mean, society is getting better.

People are getting better. We just let this ride out. It'll fix itself. Yeah. And true to form, the conservative approach would have still yielded similar results just spread out over time. But, you know, it would have slowed, slowed down the inevitable. Yeah. Yeah, wouldn't, yeah, wouldn't have forced everything together in such a short period of time.

I mean, just look at, look at the backlash you get now that's happening now to all this transgenderism. I mean, they've tried to squeeze this in in what really four years time, just pushing it. I mean, of course, we've heard about it, but I mean, to push it as legitimate as, you know, to add it to Paul Godfrey's therapeutic state that if you don't accept these people, there is something wrong with you. It's not the 40% that are committing suicide. You know, there's something wrong with you. Yeah. And, you know, that the, that whole trope that this is just the inevitable tide of history, don't bother trying to fight it. You know, you don't you want to be on the right side of history. And, like, that's just some given. Yeah. In 1968, an official United States government report told the nation that we are moving towards two societies, one predominantly white and located in the suburbs and one largely Negro, located in the central cities. Franklin K. Lane High School had become living evidence of the polarization.

And that is the end of chapter two. Jesus. I mean It's weird how they Well, I guess it's not weird But that was mostly just a backdrop Of all the just insane shit That happened in the first chapter

Yeah And you see the culmination But you didn't Yeah and you think Oh, this is the worst of it And then you go back Now you see the backstory And it's like

This was It's so obvious that this was going to happen. Yeah, if you look at his description of all of the leadership between the, the superintendent's office and the union leadership, which I don't know, I guess was borderline decent. And then the teachers, you know, it was almost inevitable, all within the backdrop of the most socially calamitous time and probably our country's history. Yeah. Yeah. I mean, It's like, read the room. You know, it's like, I mean, talk about, talk about a term that needs to be brought up over and over again.

It was like the, you saw that quote, unquote, libertarian candidate for Arizona Senate, just bringing up Asia consent. And it's like, first of all. Libertarians are like the Jews of the right. They just can't help themselves. They can't help themselves. You had to do it, didn't you? Oh, so everybody's saying, thank you. Everyone in the chat who's saying thank you and good stuff and everything, thank you.

I really appreciate it. And Aaron, do you have anything to plug before we get out of here? Yeah, you can find me on Timeline Earth live every Wednesday. You can find me on Twitter at BTWA underscore returns. And yeah, I think I didn't drop any ends this episode. So you got lucky. Yeah, I got lucky. And if anybody wants to hit up Aaron and DMs,

you know exactly the word that will get his attention. Yep. Say the password. And I'm there for anything. Thanks, Aaron. Appreciate it. Thanks, man. And we are live.

And my camera seems to be spazzing out some, so we shall see what happens. How are you doing, Thomas? I'm doing quite well. Thank you. Thanks for inviting me to participate. Cool. Well, you've looked at this a little bit now. What are your thoughts on what this book is?

I mean, what's important, I mean, aside in the anecdotes presented and, you know, the important sociology. they're in the um the uh the the the the the the the the literal race war in northern cities i mean some which developed kind of spontaneously unfortunately only do you know and overflowing attentions structurally and some of the things that were underway in the 60s but i mean a lot of this was very cultivated um and calculated okay and that's really unconscionable. Part of it, you know, like I indicated before, and as I talked about just the other day on Jack Burton's podcast, some of this was, you know, an effort to break Catholic political

power by quite literally crushing the parish communities and smashing them into, you know, a thousand pieces. I mean, part of it was just kind of a desire to, to, to, to seek revenge on the burgeoning white coalition that had catapulted nixon into the White House. And there's very much, I mean, I realize some of this, it sounds like a cheap talking point, especially these days, because, you know, one of the big mega talking points is, you know, all the left are, you know, they're anti-American, and they're trying to burn everything down. but I mean it actually is true okay I mean I I whatever we think of Republicans and kind of

concertive ink and they're sort of hysterical um polemic that doesn't lead anything but just a lot of hand-wringing but I mean that really is true and you've got a real break you've got a real breakdown in the moral consensus when you've got political factions kind of plotting to to cultivate a, you know, real ethnic conflict between people they identify as their rivals and other people. I mean, that's not, you don't really have a functioning political culture at that point. I mean, that's the kind of thing that would happen in the Soviet Union. And that's the kind of thing that would happen in Tito's Yugoslavia long before, you know, the structure formally broke down and led to open warfare. the reason I'm invoking those examples isn't, you know, isn't to be, you know, hysterical or something, but those are very contrived regimes, everything else aside, you know, and when you have people in a common polity, participating in a common political culture who literally hate one another or who, you know, view each other not as rivals, but as actual existential enemies.

that's not really viable long term. I mean, that's kind of the key takeaway. This wasn't just, this didn't just happen because the 60s and 70s were bad, or because, you know, Vietnam created intractable divisions in the country or because, you know, of, you know, quote, white racism or things like this. I mean, obviously, like, you know, people kind of know,

I don't accept those sorts of causes or explanations. But, like, the fact that these things are happening in the first place, or were happening in the first place, you know it tells you that in some basic way like america post new deal was not like didn't work i mean aside from the kind of um aside from whatever problems there are with you know the ideological uh postulates that um you know that that that that the regime since then is is held um you know it uh there's a fundamental problem where that that goes beyond bad faith you know that that that You're talking about people who quite literally view each other as enemies,

maintaining some kind of fiction of, you know, of consensus. And I don't think that's viable long term. When I say long term, I mean perennially. I don't, I don't, there's not going to be some Civil War II in the next 10 years or something. And, you know, when I say like America's not going to last, I don't mean that there's going to be some kind of, you know, proverbial detonation like having to the Soviet Union. But, you know, gradually, you know, every 20 years, like America's,

as a conceptually is going to be like chipped away a little more, you know, every, uh, every kind of, every kind of major political cycle, you know, which you can think it's probably like every 10 to 25 years, you know, the executive becomes a little bit weaker, you know, the regime becomes a little bit less able to sort of impose its will on, uh, on the union, and across the board ways, you know, political, cultural and, and, uh, and otherwise, you know, There's a real legitimacy problem, even among people who claim they kind of believe in the platitudes that that supposedly constitute, you know, the, the moral rationalization for the regime. And it's, you know, and it's, you know, kind of like race blind or a remedial justice orientation, you know, that, like, nobody really believes in that stuff. in it.

You know, and this is a, I made the point to, um, this, this, this kind of violent social engineering and, and utilizing different populations as proxy warriors. And in, I mean, in the 60s through the 80s, it was very much like, you know, black people who were kind of exploited as proxy warriors. Um, the, um, you know, that's not, uh, that's not, um, that's not, um, that's just not sustainable. And it goes back to, I mean, to reconstruction. But within more kind of proximate memory, you know, the New Deal regime really began

in the, like the stuff that's discussed in the race war book, that phenomenon, that really began into the New Deal. And, you know, like the Civil Rights Movement, which is really kind of an ethnic cleansing movement to smash parish communities in the north and to break the back of the South. and it's, you know, and it's, and the Dixie Crats. But that, you know, that, that began in earnest under the New Deal. But it, you know, it didn't have, it didn't have a, it didn't have an overarching kind of raise on debt for a, and, and, and, and a legal justification for it. I mean, Brown v. Board, a decade subsequent, provided it with some of that, but not entirely.

but this is, I mean, my point is, and I'm a little bit tired, so forgive me if that was a little scattershot. But the important thing to even mind is that these things didn't just emerge suddenly in 1968 or something, you know, owing to, you know, on the problems that are usually cited. Like, oh, there was, you know, there was the Vietnam War and there was, you know, there was these, you know, burgeoning inequalities. And, you know, black people were being horribly exploited then. I mean, honestly, like, black people were a lot better off in the 60s than in the 30s and 40s and 40s. And the 30s and 40s, I mean, you had, you know, the Great Depression was real, okay? And everybody in this, all the poor people in the South, like white and black, they were, they had, I mean, then people literally didn't have enough to eat things, okay?

So, I mean, if black people were going to become radicalized, don't want to the fact that they were just, like, had, you know, like the white man had his, like, heel on their neck. That would have happened, like, a generation before. That's not what happened, you know. So that's important to keep in mind, too. And, you know, and finally, the, um, the, uh, the kind of, the white racism narrative that never really took hold in, in the north. Like, like, it, it, um, it, I mean, it did among people who, it did among ideologues and things. And, you know, that's certainly the narrative that's pushed to this day.

But it didn't, there wasn't really any percentage in it where the rubber met the road in, like, social terms. like you're not going to so there's there's a particular like nastiness to it okay like there wasn't like if you're looking at the south okay i mean there was this kind of ongoing problem um between the two races and in the south because the south wasn't really impacted by mass immigration until very recently it really was just like these two populations you know and that's a very complicated issue and that spans centuries and there was always you know john brown types who you know had ideas about you know like elevating the black man and and you know on grounds that you know he represented some kind of primitive innocence or something and you know turning him against the corrupt power structure but it's trying to i mean that's that's pathological in its own way and all kinds of that's that's horrible okay i'm not minimizing that but i'm saying it's the conics there in the north like going to some like italian neighborhood in boston or some lithuanian neighborhood in chicago or like no would even speaks English and saying like you're white racist and we're we're going to stop this like

you're not only are you going to provoke people to real violence that's what happened but it doesn't really make any sense you know i mean it's not so it's just kind of a recipe for that and and that what i'm getting is that was just kind of like for public consumption okay like nobody really believed that they were breaking up you know melrose park or they were breaking up you know like you know some irish neighborhood in boston to stop white racism like you know there there was there's rube's watching TV, like, who believe that because they're idiots, but, you know, like the, you know, some, some Rockefeller organization type lawyer or some crazy Jewish guy, like, who was, you know, running some fair housing clinic. He didn't think that. Like, you know, and, you know, nobody in the

department of justice thought that. So, I mean, that's important to keep in mind that this is, like, very bad faith. And this, this was a case of, you know, the federal regime, quite literally, like, you know, implementing violence against discrete populations. That is. it decided had to be managed or punished or assimilated into this, you know, kind of deracinated structure. And that's pretty fucked up, you know, even for the U.S. government. Well, we're going to start. We're going to read as much of this as we can. And I'm kind of glad I have you here for Chapter 3 because it's going to talk about a court case. And you might be able to give us some background into this. So let me share this.

All right. It's up on the screen. And anybody who wants me to read it. read their comment. The pinned comment in the chat is over on entropy. Please do superchats over there. If you have to do them on YouTube, just appreciate it either way. So, all right, let me start reading this. And Thomas, stop me any time. Yeah. All right. So chapter three is a court case and more crises. In February, 1969, it was not expected that the single session and the reduction of the student body would be a panacea for all the school's ills. Ten years. Ten years. of prolonged neglect could not be overcome with a simple administrative shift, but as a result of the Surakusa affair and the public outcry which ensued, the UFT chapter was successful,

at least in setting forth minimal safety conditions under which teachers would teach and children learn. The chapter has been forced into assuming a leadership role, a role the school administration and board officials had refused to play. With it went the responsibility criticism for the consequences of its actions. The faculty had brought to the public's attention for the first time that which educational officials had always kept well hidden. In carrying that burden, Lane's teachers were compelled to suffer intolerable abuse. They were accosted from the left and from the right.

Having adopted a middle ground position of favoring integration and opposing the black militants, the teachers had alienated both extremes. The aftermath of the January Anarchy was to take on added dimensions as the school year dragged on. I'll insinuate one thing here. Something to keep in mind is that there was real overreach underway here in terms of, I mean, just nationally, and in terms of the war in court. There was even talk, and this was shut down, and I cannot for the life from me remember the case site. But there was talk even of the federal government imposing statewide regimen. genes, like in the several states, where they could even integrate people living in the suburbs

into urban school districts, you know, going to proportion to accomplish a proportional representation within the schools. So, like, you could, like, if you were somebody living in some, like, farm town, like 40 miles outside Chicago, there was talk like, you know, your kids being dragged into some, you know, failing ghetto school, you know, to solve, you know, the, you know, the problem of, um, of, uh, you know, of an equality education. Like, this is totally, insane. You know, and people were talking about, like, outlawing what they call the segregation academies, like literally making it illegal to send your kid to a public school. If, you know, they could demonstrate that, you know, the primary motive for this, you know, was, you know,

was to avoid attending an integrated school. Like that, like, that should strike you was totally insane, even if you're some kind of, you know, moderate or liberal on the issue or race, you know, and it, um, that's kind of the backdrop for the, from like 69 to like 73, 74, The bird court, like, put an end of all that shit. And, um, but we're still talking like a tail into the Warren court, but I just want to insinuate that. Go ahead. Please control.

Well, during the three-day shutdown, January 22nd through 24th, which followed the burning, the school administration worked to reduce the size of the student body to the 4,350 figure, which could be accommodated on a single session. I mentioned this in the past. My graduating class in high school was 97. Catholic Catholic school. Selleb and his

assistants, Cohen and Todaro, had decided to utilize the services of the Bureau of Attendance to bring about the reduction. Truants who were over the age of 17 were discharged. Those under 17 were referred to the attendance bureau with the

expectation that those wishing to continue their education could do so at some other high school as assigned by the Office of Central Placement. In all cases, letters were sent to parents asking them to appear at the school if they wanted their drink kept on the rolls. Few came. Practically, all the 678 youngsters who were thus removed from the roles fell into either of two groupings. One students was known in the jargon as ghosts.

These were youngsters who were officially on the school register but had disappeared with neither the school nor the attendance were able to locate them. The other group was referred to as the drop-ins, youngsters who would come to school for a few days and then stay out for weeks, sometimes even months at a time. There were so many in this category who repeated the truancy pattern several times in the course of a semester that it was impossible for the school to keep tabs on them or to provide the kind of special services they required. The drop-ins were an especially troublesome group because when they did come, they only attended some of their classes. and for most of the day roamed the building, often creating turmoil. The fact that they were in school so infrequently made the problem doubly difficult since they were, for all practical purposes, anonymous. Yeah, good. I just wanted to insinuate something.

The whole public education paradigm, and one of the reasons, it's coming to an end, I believe, and the COVID foolishness was something of a catalyst, an accidental catalyst. for bringing it to more of an abrupt end than it whatever. But public education, it did not come about because people thought, you know, that we've got to send everybody's son to Harvard or something. Quite literally, even social worker types and, you know, kind of progressive urban planners, you know, in the first half of the 20th century, they'd call the public. schools, day jails, because the idea was, well, you know, all these people, when cities truly

were, you know, national economic, terrestrial production hubs and were worker barracks, you can't have, you know, a million teenage boys running the streets and causing all kinds of problems and like gangbanging and doing God knows what else. And you can't have their female counterparts running the streets and getting pregnant by those delinquent boys. basically you send the kids to school for eight hours a day to keep them out of trouble and to keep things manageable and um that also keeps their parents able to work in whatever factory environment they work in without you know having to worry about what the hell is going on at the homestead you know

um so i mean public education was really it was already becoming obsolete kind of by the by the 70s like as cities began to fail is that's one thing that's weird like you know Pritzker the Illinois governor I mean even even with the kind of not

even with the kind of grotesque history of Illinois gubernatorial politics Pritzker stands out as a real perverse individual figuratively and literally but trying to insinuate public education

is kind of this talking point or policy point. You know, Chicago's been, there's like no kids left in Chicago. It's like the kids are like cops and firemen who all go to private schools. You know, there's like the ghetto kids. And even there, even, even their number of dwindling that so many black folk are like up and leaving who can.

You know, um, this idea that, you know, big city public education is a thing that that's, that's not anymore, man. And like that it's, there's something like out of, out of, out of, of time about talking that way but it um that's that's an important thing to keep in mind too like aside from the you know aside of the obvious like liberty issues presented and you know the kind of social engineering catalyst for force integration you know why why in the 60 to 70 suddenly is like public education and in cities this huge priority it's like this it was kind of like already like that time it passed i mean not completely that was still about it

decade and a half off, but it's just something that really stands out. I mean, I suppose some people would say that that's Monday morning quarterbacking, but I don't think so. I mean, a lot of these, a lot of these problems were pretty apparent, like in the epic. But yeah, continue, please. Yeah. Great insights. Thank you. Yeah. All right. That anonymity prevented the school from either helping them or protecting the rest of the student body from dangerous behavior. It didn't take long for the anti-UFT forces to get themselves together into what they called an SOS, Save Our Students' Committee. The anti-poverty agencies operating with federal funds saw the reduction of the student body as a plot to rid the school of black students. The local agencies of Brownsville and East New York called for a mass rally at their headquarters a week after the terms of the January 21st agreement was disclosed.

They flooded the black community with flyers, which read, quoting, Have your son or daughter been transferred from Lane? The UFT is trying to get rid of all black and Puerto Rican students at Franklin Lane. Stop illegal transfers now. Organize. Save our students. During the next several weeks, a number of things occurred to undo the January 21st Agreement. Rushing to the rescue of the transferred students with school board vice president Milton Galaiman, a black churchman from Bedford Stuyveson with a long history. of leading school boycotts and of heading up a citywide rump school board.

Gallimison had been appointed to the DeJure Board by Lindsay as a result of 1968 interim decentralization law, which permitted the mayor to stack the board with four additional members who would be receptive to his own radical ideas for quote-unquote community control of the schools. Gallimison carried on a one-man crusade to find out what had actually taken place on January 21st and who was responsible for the transfers. He argued, and quite correctly, that other schools were far more overcrowded than Lane and cited some of the most affluent and predominantly white schools, which were much more overutilized. Why weren't these schools having difficulty? You want to answer that?

I mean, yeah, it's... The, it's interesting to read the sociological critiques the era changed rather abruptly. You know, initially, I'm talking even into the Brown v. Board era. A lot of these community activist types, you know, many of whom were, you know, in foreign by, you know, kind of lysankoist ideas and stuff by, you know, and kind of marks through the lens of Franz Bose and things like that. They're always making the point that, you know, well, public education is structurally biased, you know, and culturally, like, it doesn't resonate with our people and, you know, it's not right that, you know, the setting are, you know,

they're trying to, they're trying to insinuate us into white norms, you know, behaviorally and educationally and everything else. and then very abruptly and Christopher Lash actually he didn't usually write about race issues and who wasn't particularly right wing but he, I mean he was something of a culture conservative he didn't know to this like very very abruptly

you know you had kind of these self-appointed you know leadership elements in the black community who'd been corralled by Washington and kind of the education lobby like very suddenly like you know they kind of like lockstep

and started, you know, speaking the language of the education bureaucracy and very much accepting, not just its purported values, but identifying the same kind of alleged structural causes of, you know, like minority failure in schools and, like, you know, the failure of, you know, schools in communities afflicted by urban blight and neglect and all of these things, you know, and they very much took on the attitude that, you know, white flight is a conspiracy against our people to, you know, create, you know, segregated white schools, like outside the reach of the authorities to, you know, avail all students to a common educational standard. And that obviously was what was what was what was and is underway here. this Galamisen or

Glamison guy I'd never heard of him until you turn me onto this book but I'd be willing to bet that you know

like a few years before this he was saying exactly what I just indicated and then suddenly he changed his tune because had he not

he would not have been insulated into the role that he was if you follow what I mean you know a lot of these guys originated

as, I mean, whatever that, regardless of like any kind of merit to their positions or to, or whether they were good guys or not, they did kind of acquire an elevated role within their community, like, pretty organically. You know, it's not like that kind of first generation or like community activist types, you know, they actually were like guys who emerged from those communities.

And I mean, they became like very much, like, co-opted. But, you know, I, like I said, I haven't deep-dived into this guy, but I don't know, I'd all but guarantee that his career trajectory and the kind of development of his thought and policy positions mirrored pretty much like exactly what I said. So that's something to keep in mind, too. Plus, like, it's something, you know, the guys on the right of the time, including kind of the um you know everybody from the goldwater libertarians to guys who were genuine kind of white nationalists you know they were like why why the hell does it matter what like white people are

doing like either blacks are getting a proper education or they're not this doesn't really anything to do with like whether they're sitting next to white kids in school or not and that shouldn't matter honestly like wherever you fall on the issue you know this idea that it's utterly or that this this claim rather um by the integration is that it's somehow absolutely impossible for a publicly funded, like, majority black school to succeed, unless unless there's, you know, like, white kids insinuated into the mix, that doesn't really make any sense. Like, side in the fact, it's kind of like demeaning, you know, to the population of reports

to be tailored to serve. That's a strange way to come at it. And, but it's not really strange if you account for the fact that this had everything to do with stripping. people of of any kind of you know concrete ethnic identity and you know uh kind of um facilitating a a breaking down a a natural cultural authority and and modes of learning and behavior and things you know cultural nature so i think that's important um it's probably like a little bit outside the scope of like this particular study but i think it's important to keep in

mind if we're talking about integration in public schools especially um you know it applies the integration debate of the era across the board but particularly as regards public schools and the social engineering within the public school system i think it's important that's all i want to do say okay cool all right back back okay so going back he argued in quite correctly that other schools were far more overcrowded than Lane, and cited some of the most affluent and predominantly white schools, which were much more overutilized. Why weren't these schools having difficulty? Gallimicent wanted to know. The question seemed rhetorical, but to the board vice president, the reduction of Lane's register was nothing less than a monstrous purge of black youngsters

by the white establishment. It should be noted in passing that Gallamison and the other black leaders who were soon to enter the fray had been completely silent during the preceding three months of turmoil. Not a single voice had been raised, not an iota of leadership from the responsible black community was exerted to smother the racial fires. The absence of that kind of adult leadership from the black community was one of the great tragedies of Lane's story. Yeah. No, I mean, that's a hugely important point. It's like, what were these guys doing in the interim, exactly? Like, and why? I again, like that's the reason I raised the point about the focus on, you know,

the kind of misplaced focus on what white majority school districts were doing. It's like, why does that matter? Like just objectively, like that shouldn't feature into the equation. You know, like what blacks need. And if you accept, you know, if you accept that public education is a true like public good, um, as, you know, pretty much everybody did in the 60s, um, when people were less critical of government, um, you know, is across the board.

Like, there's an absolute standard as to, like, what, whether people are being availed of substantial justice. We're talking about basic social goods and fundamental rights. That standard, the standard isn't what white people are getting or what white people are doing. It's an absolute standard. Like, you understand what I mean? So it's, it's not, you know, not only does it, should it not matter, you know, like, what the proportional breakdown is.

of the racial balance, especially when we're talking about, you know, federal funding being earmarked to kind of like balance out, you know, what would be the disparity in the capital base, you know, subsidizing the respective institutions. But, I mean, there's something wrong with saying that, you know, well, you know, we're not overcrowded,

look at, you know, or, you know, look at this, look at this white school. Or, you know, like, I, you know, we, our test scores have to, you know, have to match the standard because of what's happening, you know, at the counterpart white institution. Like, that's not, that shouldn't figure into the equation. Not because I'm like some kind of, like, we need to be race blind. I'm saying there's an absolute standard for these kinds of things. You know, like it, it's like, it's like, it's like, let's say, like, let's say take like the public defender's office, okay? Because, you know, you're entirely due process, the federal right.

You know, that means even you can't afford a lawyer, like, one will be provided. for you. There's an absolute standard as to what competent representation entails. It's not like what are white people getting who go to the public defender's office. It's, you know, are you being represented to the fullest extent of, you know, counsel's capabilities? And is that up to snuff in terms of, you know, advocating for you in a way that, you know, your rights are adequately protected? You know, it doesn't have to do with, you know, what whitey is getting or like what white people are doing, you know, or what Jewish people are doing or, you know, it's not. So the fact that, like, it's being framed that way, I mean, it's well taken, like,

what the author pointed out, like, what were these guys doing when, you know, like, a third of their student body was going truant or something, you know, like, whatever the, it broke, whatever the statistic broke down to. But, you know, what, what's going on in white majority schools shouldn't figure into your mind, unless you're talking about an equal, unless you're talking about, unless you're talking a discrete equal protection issue, but that is still, it's, you know, it should be, it's an absolute standard because you're being denied an adequate education. It's not, we're not getting what white people are getting. Here's the absolute standard, and we are not getting services

up to that standard. That's all. I want to do insinuate. Okay. All right, so I'm going to go back one sentence. Yeah, yeah. The absence of that kind of adult leadership from the black community was one of the great tragedies of Lane's story. Even the prominent black legislators from central Brooklyn who were deeply involved with school matters, Assemblyman Samuel Wright, and State Senator Waldaba Stewart had remained on the sidelines during the conflagration. Galamisen wasn't alone in trying to find out what had happened to the 678 transferred students. A number of other black churchmen from the group calling itself the clergy vigil attempted to get the names of the transferred students led by Calvin Marshall, pastor at the Varick Memorial AME Church in Brooklyn, and a spokesman

for militant black ministers. They accused the central board of using stalling tactics and of purposely hiding the identity of the transferred youngsters whom they wanted to help. But the big thunder came when Kenneth Clark decided to inject himself directly into the dispute. Clark was the only black member of the Board of Regents, the highest policymaking body for education in New York State. He had written a number of books describing the educational deficiencies in ghetto schools and as a college professor at CCNY City College of New York, had achieved the reputation of expert par excellence in the area of urban education. Clark had taken a rather uncompromising position in recent citywide school disputes, was known to favor a very strong community control bill and was not amongst the best friends of the

Teachers Union. His imposing credentials and broad base of strength made him a feared figure in the city's educational bureau to the made him a feared figure to the city's educational bureaucrats. Clark secured the services of the New York Civil Liberties Union and as the new semester entered its second month, the New York Civil Liberties Union filed suit in federal court in behalf of the 678 transferred students. Citing the 14th Amendment, the suit charged that the student's constitutional rights had been violated since they were denied due process and equal protection of the law. The suit asked the court to declare the named defendants, Dorr, Donovan, O'Daley,

Selleb, and local attendance coordinator, Edwin Danon, in violation of the due process clause and to order the students readmitted, to issue an injunction against any repetition of such dismissals, to order the school board to provide the dismiss students' educational opportunities to compensate for the loss of instruction time since the suspension and for the board to pay financial damages. The filing of the suit had come about justifiably because the board had refused to back up the provisions of the local agreement. Students who had been originally transferred to the Bureau of Attendance and wanted to continue their high school education were sent from there to the board's office of central placement. Unfortunately, when they were assigned to other high schools by central placement, the youngsters were denied admissions on the ground that they did not reside in the school's districts.

Faced with a revolt by high school principals, many of whom were having their own. problems with student unrest, placement director Stanley Kingsley took the easier and less threatening course. He assigned those truants right back to O'Daley's District 19 off, dumping the problem back in a lap that was

at least partially responsible for creating it. This is an interesting question, too. I didn't mean to interrupt, sorry. Nope, go ahead. Because it is, if education being a fundamental right, I mean, it doesn't matter if you arrive, you with that way. I mean, that's what's been decided as a precedent.

So it does become a due process issue because, you know, you're entirely due process of law if you're being deprived of a fundamental right. You know, due process procedurally entails notice and opportunity to be heard, obviously, in most basic terms. But, you know, the courts really going to be hash with that, you know, substantive due process and all. I mean, that's kind of outside the scope of things here. But in the case of truancy, it's like, okay, you know, a 16 or 17-year-old student on the cusp of adulthood and who for some purposes are treated as adults, including,

you know, whether they want to attend school or not, I think in most jurisdictions, it's still, I mean, back then it was, you know, when you were 16, you could, you could stop going to school and you weren't in violation of the law. And you know, you know, neither you and your parents would be available to, to, or your legal guardians would be availed to, but, you know, if I, like, what would be the remedy here? It's like, so, like, these black kids, you know, presumably are just dipping into school now and again because, you know, they're, they're pushing dope or gang banging or whatever, you know. I mean, I mean, it's like, okay, I mean, so these guys were truant, you know, like,

you know, like 90% of the time, um, before like they're dropped from their roles. What do we have to do? We have to have like a hearing, you know, like a, like a quasi-administrative hearing, you know, where they, we have to assign them, you know, like, like a representative, if they demand that? Like, how would they even work? You know, I mean, even, even if, like, you know, I, even if one took the side of, of, of, uh, the move on, so we're claiming that, you know, this was, there be, they're being categorically denied fundamental rights. Like, would you set up? I mean, I'm not being up to, so I'm genuinely asking, like, would you set up some kind of like quasi court for truance where it's, you know, like, you just literally go through every delinquent student and, like, decide if he should be readmitted or if, I mean, that, that's not workable. And it doesn't really make any sense. And. You know, the idea, at least the way I understood it, I'm not an educational, I'm not, I've got an oasis in like the history of educational public policy or anything like that.

But I do know something about constitutional law. And it would be a hard case to make that a student who's of age where they can legally forego attending school without sanction. It's a hard case to make that them willfully not availing themselves to that public good that is available to them are being denied that social good. I don't see how you can make that case. I mean, I guess what they would say is that, well, these schools are failing and were they on top of things, you know, these kids would have been in school, but they weren't on account of A, B, C, and D. and conditions that, you know, weren't conducive to them getting to school, you know, owing to the fact that, you know, the incentives weren't there. I mean, I don't even know how you'd make that argument, but it seems very, very specious. And beyond that, too, even with a court that was friendly to the perspective that these people were being denied,

equal protection of law, you'd almost have to have that student population certified as a class for, you know, for, as, as a, as a, as a class of plaintiffs. I mean, I, I don't, I honestly don't see like how that would work. And, you know, it's, um, there's a reason why, there's a reason why once people reached age 16, they, they were no longer required to attend public school. It's not just because it was understood in those days more than today that people at that age are practically adults

and, you know, they're well within their rights or should be to make those decisions for themselves. But also, it's just not working. The alternative is not workable. You know, like I just said. I don't understand how that would even work. I didn't want to wait until the inclusion to invoke anecdotes about our own experience,

but I grew up in a super zay. And like I said, I went to, like, I was in, like, a rich public school system, okay? Like, you know, New Trier High School? That's where, like, Donald Rumsfeld went and stuff. Okay, I went to high school a bit north of there at Glenburg, North. We'd, like, play New Trier and stuff, okay? But if you were a real jig off, like, the kids who were genuinely bad kids, like, dudes who were, like, involved in, like, real criminal activity and stuff.

And, like, this one dude, like, up and, like, punched a teacher. Like, they just, like, kicked these guys out of school. You know, it's like you're done. You're not coming back. I mean, this was 30 years ago, but that even in, even in like well-off neighborhoods, that's like the way they dealt with it. You know, I mean, I like, because what's the alternative? You know, I mean, there's got to be some kind of, there's got to be some kind of authority

vested in public schools to do that. Otherwise, things just aren't workable where the rubber meets the road. You know, you know, aside, I mean, I think it's, I think it's weak legal grounds anyway, but pragmatically, that's about the only way you can work it. I just wanted to insinuate that. Forgive me if that was long-wended. Oh, it's fine. Perfect.

Yeah, go ahead. All right. Neither Donovan nor Kingsley wanted an open fight with the high school principals and the communities. They would surely rally in Lane's truants if Lane's truants were imposed on their schools. Now it was a Daly's problem again. Each day, more youngsters would show up at her office with a letter from high school placement, authorizing their enrollment in one of the District 19 schools over which she had jurisdiction. Thomas Jefferson was the only other academic high school in the district.

There were two vocational high schools, and it was even more overcrowded than Lane. She would not want the transferred students in Jefferson. With her back to the wall and the board backtracking from the January 21st agreement, O'Daley felt morally released from any responsibility to live up to the accord with the Lane chapter. Her next move was to get the truance readmitted to Lane. In her own mind, she thought that by sending a few youngsters back each day, she would be absolving herself of any wrongdoing connected with their removal, and with a court case looming, she was anxious to cover herself.

She hoped to extricate herself from, she hoped to ask Ms. through a private agreement with Selim to readmit a few of the truants every day quietly, hoping that nobody would notice. Mary Cohn, who had not been in on the January 21st agreement and who opposed it from the inception, would be the intermediary through which O'Daley's subterfuge would be accomplished. But teachers soon took cognizance of the readmissions and began voicing their protests. The UFT Council, by this time, convinced that Selib and O'Daly had conspired to breach the agreement, quickly resolved that we deplore those attempts to violate the agreements of January 21st, and that we reaffirm our intent to take all necessary steps to assure compliance with the understandings and commitment made to the Lane faculty.

The resolution went on to emphasize item three of the same. six-point agreement, which read, there will be a freeze on new admissions for the remainder of the school year, and no student, not included in the original 4,350 maximum student group, will be programmed at a later date for Lane High School. The cell of O'Daley Turnabout was a bitter pill for the staff to swallow, for the teachers felt they were again being deceived. If this provision could be unilaterally breached, they claimed, then the whole agreement was a sham, with faculty pressure beginning to take form, the chapter leaders notified the principal of their intent to call a press conference and announced a subterfuge. As O'Daly groped for a way out, the mayor's office was more than

helpful. Cutting through a red tape that would normally stall progress for months, Dix-Straitor of the School Task Force got clearance from the Fire and Buildings Department in a matter of days, authorizing the utilization of rooms in a local church as an annex for the returning truants. The Arlington Avenue Presbyterian Church in Cypress Hills was located about a mile from lane. School and city officials were hoping that the use of the lease space in the church for special classes for truants who wanted to return would satisfy the Gallimicin Clark, New York Civil Liberties Union's forces. It did not. Shortly before the actual filing of the lawsuit, students were being admitted to the new church annex where four classrooms had been refurbished and supplied with teachers, guidance counselor, and all necessary materials.

The annex arrangement while meeting with the appraisal of the staff, Selib O'Daley et al, didn't satisfy the Civil Liberties Union and the suit was filed in federal court in Brooklyn. Several days later, on March 5th, Assistant Superintendent Irving Anchor came to Lane as Donovan's emissary to try to get the chapter to back off from point three and let the truance return without raising a public clamor. Joining Anchor at the meeting were Selib, Cohn, and Todaro, O'Daley, and Kingsley of Central Placement. Also present was J. David Love. Anchor who a year later was elevated to the post of acting superintendent of schools came with the hope of convincing a general faculty committee. I'm lost. Okay. Anchor who a year later was elevated to the post of acting superintendent of schools came with the hope of convincing a general faculty committee to be handpicked by Selleb that the chapter's position on the readmissions issue was self-defeating and to try to compel me to accept the school board's noncompliance.

but Donovan had sent his man with nothing to offer as an inducement, and it was clear that the last thing the union chapter would do was keep silent. After I had convinced Anchor that an end run around the UF couldn't be pulled off, I was called into the meeting. Copies of the January 21st agreement were already on the table as various expressions were put forth concerning the administrative difficulties involved with point three. I maintain that the integrity of the agreement presupposed the fundamental honor of all parties, and their willingness to abide by their commitments, and that under no circumstances could we accept the unilateral approach to arbitrarily terminate any aspect of the agreement. I had hinted that we would certainly be flexible

if there was some assurance that a special educational program could be brought into the school and a single session maintained for the next school year. Banker didn't bite. He was either unable or unwilling to commit himself to any such innovative project. By the end of the meeting, the only points of general understanding, were that the students who were readmitted would be programmed for the Arlington annex only, that there would be no further readmissions until the annex program became fully operative, and that the 87 students referred to the district office by Kingsley

would be assigned to the annex. Irving. Yeah, that's a perfect example. I don't mean interrupted. You know, you've got, regardless of the merits of this union contract, I mean, I don't And regardless of the politics of the thing, within the parameters of the relevant precedent and the binding agreements,

you know, you had people who were trying to think outside the box and try and come up with a workable solution or one of the problems that this whole situation presented from a due process perspective, like we talked about. Like, even if one was inclined to litigate these things, like how the fuck would that be done? And even if, um, and even if one wanted to offset liability again, like how, how, how, how, how, how, how, how, how, how, how, how could you do that with, with, uh, with people who weren't, who weren't availing themselves to public education, you know, willfully and who were of age to make that decision. So, so, I mean, it's, we're, we're talking about bad faith, really, across the board here in terms of the move on, so we're declaring that.

You know, they were, they were being denied, you know, access to public goods or social services or whatever. It, um, this is probably too much of a global critique. But, I mean, I've wondered, I've wondered 30 years ago, I mean, when I was, when I was, like, mired in it. And, uh, I still wondered today, I, I don't really get what people ever thought they were getting out of public education. Like, I really don't. You know, I mean, it, um, it's like the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, it's like, the, the, the, the, the. brainy kids are basically going to find their way to their kind of brainy professions anyway.

Like the kids weren't going to be tradesmen or craftsmen. I mean, they're going to find their way to their vocation. I mean, like what? There's something very cynical about this. I mean, I don't think there was many, you know, the 1970s and the 1960s

weren't the 1920s and 30s. I don't think there were a lot of guys running around who still thought, you know, like the central committee, of East Germany did that, you know, you can, if you avail people to the right, you know, public education curriculum, they can, you know, they're, they're, they're, they're, they're, they're, they're, they're, they're, they're, being denied some great bounty of social goods

that can come from public education. I don't, I have a hard time believing that. I just do. What I mean, that's, that's not, that's not me as being, you know, like an anti-government type or something, you know, I mean, that's, I don't know. Maybe people can get them off base with that. No. That's good.

It never made sense. You're right. The smartest kids are good. going to find their way. Yeah. They just go. They will. They do every time.

I mean, even even, even in terms of the bureaucracy, I mean, you basically, you're basically get into college on your test scores. I mean, it was like that 50 years ago, too. You know, it's like it's not, they're not the kid who goes in, the kid who gets into Harvard on merit is, it's not because he, you know, he's got perfect attendance. It's because he got a perfect score on the ACT, you know, I mean, and stuff like that. But, but, yeah, yeah. No, go ahead.

I'm going. Yeah. All right. Irving Anchor returned to his office at 110 Livingston Street and drafted a memorandum to Donovan and his immediate superior Nathan Brown entitled, the Franklin K Lane situation, threat by UFT chapter chairman, Mr. Saltzman, that the UFT chapter was planning a press conference to charge the office of the superintendent of schools

and the office of the mayor with failing to comply with the understanding arrived at with the chapter in January. The two-page memorandum reported on the current status of the transferred students. Quote, of the hundreds of students who have been on the suspense register since last term at Lane, anchor reported, and who had been followed up by the Bureau of Attendance, only 138 had been referred to high school placement for further interviewing and placement. Of this number, only 81 have been referred to Mrs. O'Daley's office, and Mr. Saltzman seemed to be reassured and indicated no further. their plans for public confrontation. What had been initiated it as an emergency administrative change soon attracted the

intention of other groups. On March 19th, the Citizens Committee for Children released a statement, presented at a public meeting of the school board stating, quote, we asked for a meeting to discuss what was happening at Franklin K. Lane High School where children were being removed from school by illegal procedures. And your proposal for temporary annexes, certainly does not answer it. No youngster should ever be removed from a regular classroom or a regular school without a fair hearing where he has the right to present his side. Such was the confusion

about what had happened, nobody being quite sure who had done what and under whose authority. During those months of March and April, practically all of Selib's time was taken up in preparation for the court case. The school board's defense was hand. handled by the city's corporate corporation council. From the outset, the strategy of the defense was not to prove it had acted within the purview of its powers, but to try instead to work out an accommodation that would be acceptable to the civil liberties attorneys. After weeks of testimony, to which no UFT representative was called by either the plaintiffs or the defense, Judge Jack B. Weinstein of the United States District Court, Brooklyn, issued an interim ruling based on a show of good faith by the defendants. Well, essentially, too, is, I'm sorry, it's like, because this is, among other things, this is also a labor issue, because, you know, we're dealing with, we're dealing with the teachers union contract,

among other things. Um, you, and if anything related to labor, because there's implications for substantial justice and, and labor rights and things like that, you know, there's, there's, there's statutory provisions that go beyond even, you know, the demand required arbitration clauses and things. Like, I don't know, I don't know anything about this body of law, but I, there's something, there's something wrong with it being allowed, with being able, with this kind of bad faith litigation being allowed to reach this point.

You know, like, what's, what the hell was this district judge doing, not basically demanding, like, look, you know, you got arbitration or, like, you know, you're assigning, like, some mediator, you know, the equivalent of like a guardian ad litem in like a mediation capacity, um, uh, or something like that, you know, to, and say like, okay, you know, you got like 90 days to, like, reach an agreement, you know, and then, uh, and then if nothing comes out of it, you know, uh, even with, like, you know, they presume good faith of the parties, you know, that's like, okay, then, you know, you can proceed the trial, but it's like this, um, treating this like an ordinary, treating this like an ordinary plaintiff's complaint

it seems really misguided for all kinds of reasons. That that's just what I was thinking. I mean, the fact of the huge waste of time, everybody's time and money. I mean, too, obviously. But yeah, the whole thing seems completely for. All right.

The judge noted in his findings that Sullivan O'Daley were responding to the orders of superiors and to pressures beyond their control, beyond their control in making the decision which led to the denial of plaintiff's constitutional rights. Weinstein went on to rule that the transferred students had, in fact, then denied their rights of due process. Case was left open pending the implementation of the remediation and compensatory education plan put forth by Selvin O'Daley. The outcome of the court case was a severe setback for the Lane staff in terms of their long-range goals. Although less than half of the truants were actually returned, and with most of those dropping out again on their own volition shortly thereafter, what was important was that it gave the board justification to invalidate the other provisions of the agreement and return lane to the status quo.

In future talks with the union, both centrally and locally, board officials would hold the UFT responsible for subjecting it to the embarrassment of a well-publicized court case. Even the promises to give Lane special depending rezoning of Brooklyn High Schools could now be broken. They were. Another result of the court case was the fact that those groups which had rallied to the defense of the transferred students were also successful in ramming through the state legislature in the final days of the 1969 session, an amendment to the education law giving suspended students the right of legal representation at suspension. hearings, limiting to five days the amount of time a principal could suspend a student and preventing a principal from suspending the same student more than twice. The new legislation forced the board to modify its own policies on procedures and its

revisions adopted in the fall of 1969 made student suspense cases almost as legalistic as a jury trial. It literally almost turns them into like federal employees. You know, hard it is to fire a federal employee or no and it's like that's what i was just saying like see this is this is where it's going it's like okay like if we're i mean just in a truant issue um you know um what basically you're you're you're saying that the you know you almost got to like establish like an administrative court to you know decide if if uh if if if if it's going to be allowed to return like that that's not workable aside in the fact that it's preposterous to suggest that you know that's what should be required before such a decision can be made but i mean

it's totally insane. And like I said, another else, I mean, it goes to show you the I mean, I don't, I don't think I've got no illusions about judges. I think there's some of the stupidest people walking the earth in government. Like they're, there's as dumb as any other government

official, like sometimes even more so. But, you know, judges do have a lot of power. And especially in those days, I mean, you'd think that a district judge, regardless of his political persuasion, would be stepping up. doing something like I said

like saying like look you're going to reach some kind of agreement in X amount of days you know or basically you know I'm not going to be happy and you know you don't want to alienate the court if you're in if you're embroiled in that kind of litigation potentially

but yeah this entire thing is utterly absurd man even and people wonder why people wonder why there's like a negative view of the public education bureaucracy you know I mean it's it's like it's some kind of mystery or something. Yeah, go ahead.

Please continue. All right. So I'm going to read the last paragraph. The last sentence. The new legislation forced a board to modify its own policies on suspense procedures and its revisions adopted in the fall of 1969 made student suspense cases almost as legalistic as a jury trial. The net result was that high schools such as Lane became havens for politically motivated

disruptors, junkies, and drug pushers. few voices were raised against either the new legislation or the new legislation or the board's directive implementing it. Even the UFT was silent, but experienced schoolmen knew that this was but another political step toward the slow and methodical destruction of public education in New York. The school board decided to do nothing about the new suspense law that spring, and without direction from the top, many district superintendents refused to process cases. regardless of the infraction for fear of unknowingly violating the new law. Elizabeth O'Daly's resentment against the union, and Gen. We, in particular, had reached new heights with a court case. She blamed the union for getting her into that legal predicament, and now with the new state

law, she arbitrarily decreed that there would be no more suspense cases brought to her office. The situation became ludicrous when she ordered Selim to retain one particular youngster, with a long police record who had been suspended for the five-day maximum period for having assaulted a teacher. Within the school administration opinion, within the school administration, opinion was unanimous that this youngster was a menace and that his presence in school constituted a very real danger to students and teachers. Challenging O'Daley's refusal to support Selleb's efforts to remove the student, the UFT chapter, wrote, who will bear the responsibility if this youngster or any of the others you refuse to see commits an act that results in an unspeakable tragedy. Like setting a guy on fire, which had already happened, you know. Yeah.

But there was no, there was no evidence that those were students, but they were definitely activists. They were definitely sent. Yeah, but just the hyperbole involved, I mean, aside from the kind of dirty pool and the, and the kind of overt, you know, violence that was underway within this whole paradigm. It's, yeah, there's something, there's something approaching satire about this. You know, it's, yeah, you couldn't, you couldn't script something. If you scripted something with, with these characteristics, people would, People would act like it was some crazy hit piece and that like things like this don't really happen or that, you know, that's not real.

Like nobody really, you know, you're just trying to, you know, cast, you know, community activist types and a poor light or you're just trying to make, you know, school boards look crazy. But it doesn't literally what they are, you know. I mean, it's, it's, it's nuts. Yeah. Two weeks earlier, there had been another outbreak of the racial violence, which had continued on and off all during the spring term. and it was noted that the most recent round coincided with O'Daley's lifting of the suspense of militants who had been excluded from school and or arrested for leading a riot the week before. In the most recent outbursts on May 9th, black and white students clashed in the cafeteria and a number of fires were set. In criticizing O'Daly for having overridden celib suspense order after five days, I issued a statement to the press saying, quote,

The district superintendent O'Daley apparently felt that the health and safety of 4,300 students was unimportant. How does anybody expect to see an end to violence when administrators at all levels are engaged in wholesale coddling of student militants? You are never going to have peace in high schools as long as local school and district officials refused to deal with terrorism by quasi-criminal elements. Quasi? I mean, literally, I mean, come on, this is insane. I went to, a couple of the schools I went to were, you know, bad. We had fights. I mean, I went to New York public school up and through grade school.

Yeah. I mean, up through high school. I went to Catholic school starting in the ninth grade. We didn't have this. And I mean, this was only, I mean, I went to school, what, 15 years after this? You know, so. Yeah. Well, and I mean, it's also, yeah, you're talking.

talking about, you're talking about a state of genuine lawlessness and it, it gets to the, you know, like I said, one thing that's lost here, I mean, aside from the kind of bad faith that's shot through this entire effort, to, you know, to, to, to readmit these students that supposedly were, you know, denied, you know, their, you know, their fundamental right to an education of being dropped from the, the roles due to truancy. That's, uh, this, um, that there's, yeah, I mean, they're, you're, you're talking about, um, you're, you're talking about widespread, why, widespread violence, um, of, of, of, of a, of a, aim to force a political outcome. I mean, that, that, that, that, that, and so it, everything else aside to legitimize that, um, you know, by dressing it up as, um, as incident to, uh, you know, you know, some sort of, a, you know, you know, um, you know, some sort of, legitimate constitutional question is

fucked up. But the 60s were like, I mean, the, you know, there's like the, I didn't forgive the tangent, but like there's the old movie, the Star Chamber with Michael Douglas. Yeah, a good movie. Yeah, it really is. And it's, it's kind of the thinking man's death wish in some ways. But it seems dated because, you know, people, if you're your age or my age,

you know, you grew up under like the Burger Court or the Renquist court where the police and like law enforcement, it kind of had the advantage in terms of, in terms of, you know, where,

where appellate courts fall down on a matter of, of, of, you know, of due process rights and criminal procedure. But, um,

that film was a reaction to the, to the Warren Corps, the Warren Court was deciding crazy things, you know, like, and that's, they created a climate where, where garbage like this was,

was tolerated, you know, and it, um, it um it uh you know it's like uh like imagine um there's not uh any any public uh any public good there's no um i mean the due process is a flexible standard you know not in terms of i mean it's got to be abided if we're talking about fundamental rights but this idea that uh you know, there's got to be

a full-blown, you know, hearing structure, you know, to suspend a kid from school or to, you know, I mean, they'd be like saying that, like, before my driver's license could be suspended, like, I have to have, I mean, I have a right to a trial by jury. Like, it'd be that insane. You know what I mean? Like, aside in the fact that that's crazy, like, how would that even be workable? You know, like, I keep thinking about it.

And this is a school of thousands of students. like I went to my my high school had something like 2300 kids and it was like a big friggin high school you know like 4,000 students that's a huge fucking student body

you know I mean so it's like so we're we can't we're gonna give kids basically like you know like a full on like bench trial or it's equivalent before they can be suspended for like or that's it's totally insane

but yeah I was just kind of thinking a loud about that yeah I'm going to do one more. We're going to do one more full page and then we'll cut it. Okay. Yeah. All right.

So, all right. So let me read that last sentence again. Yeah, yeah, yeah. Oh, good. You are never going to have peace in the high schools as long as local school and district officials refused to deal with terrorism by quasi-criminal elements. O'Dalley's reaction was immediate and intense. For two years, she had resented the growing influence of the union and what she viewed as

its encroachments into areas such as community relations, which had traditionally been left as the exclusive domain of the district head. She had sincerely tried. She believed to establish and maintain a workable relationship with the UFT. But my having exposed her to public ridicule was more than she could tolerate. On May 13th, she decided to break off all relations with the UFT, except for the grievance procedure, which was mandated by the citywide contract. and she wrote to the chapter chairman in the district's 31 schools.

In recent weeks, your district chairman, Mr. Harold Saltzman, has resorted to several unjustified personal attacks against me in the newspapers. I find it impossible to continue my attempts to coordinate under these circumstances. The matter of suspense procedures was not settled in the spring of 1969. The militants continued to wreak havoc in the school. The cadres of disaffected blacks whom they continue to turn on, turn on and off kept the fires of hatred and bigotry burning. Few newspaper accounts addressed the naked horrors being enacted at Lane and at a score of other city schools. But at about the same time as a New York state legislature was guaranteeing de facto the right of racist to turn the public schools into battlegrounds, Joseph Alsop, a nationally syndicated columnist,

visited New York's high schools and wrote his own observation of the drama that was unfolding. Quoting Alsop, what is going on in plain truth is nothing more or less than an attempt to take over the New York City schools by far out extremists, both black and white. Their tools are hot-headed kids in most schools. Let me just stop with that first sentence. couldn't that that sentence could be uttered by any elected politician right now where it's just take out schools just the government what is going on in plain truth is nothing more or less than an attempt

to take over the the united states government by far out extremists on both sides yeah yeah indeed yeah their tools are hot-headed kids in most schools a small minority and those people in the black community again a small minority whom the black extremists can lead by the nose. Community control is the slogan. Extremist control is the aim, and behind this aim is the larger purpose of using the schools for propaganda and indoctrination, including black racist propaganda that might embarrass the Ku Klux Klan. And if all this goes on and gets worse, as seems likely, some very hard choices will unavoidably have to be made. And we'll stop right there. Yeah. No, I mean, it's, yeah, it's, it's, it's, it's faded that the school integration

issue is faded because for, I mean, Nixon, Nixon's Justice Department and then the burger court, I mean, really kind of like ended that as well as just like living patterns changing. And, you know, kind of the, the fact that there aren't, like, there's not like urban youth anymore in the sense that there was, you know, a generation ago. So, I mean, but it's, but it shows you how the fact that this was the focus. It was, you know, it was, it was, it was public education, you know, and forced integration of the education system. And, you know, like, the breaking of parish communities, like, why was that the priority? You know, like I said, like, it should have been an absolute standard. I mean, even if you accept, like, assuming, like, let's say you accept, like, everything that was, that was

put forward kind of by the, you know, the civil rights regime, you know, it shouldn't, again, like, it shouldn't matter what, like, white majority schools were doing. You know, there's an absolute standard as to what as to what um you know as to what um as to what um as to what a proper educational what a proper educational curriculum is it doesn't have to do with you know like what those other people are doing comparatively i mean this was obviously you know uh this obviously had an ideological purpose that had very little to do with with blacks like qua like blacks you know and like what what they were working and they'll do and i mean this should be i don't know how like relatively intelligent adults i can't see through that but i mean apparently they don't

but it um yeah i um and it's um it's uh bad as the uh bad as the supreme court is today and the federal judiciary is today at least they don't they they don't have the power that they did then like i think if uh if you had some crazy warrant type court today and let's say like they try to like force kids they try to force parents if they like declared like you can no longer homeschool your kids i don't think people would tolerate that like i really don't um you know i don't have a lot of faith in in middle america because they tolerate a lot of shit and uh where the rubber reached the road when push comes to shove like they they punk out a lot but i people tolerated shit during the era in question you know like brown v board until probably like 974 75 like a 20

people tolerated crap, they like would not today, I believe that, man. But, yeah, it's a compelling, that's a fascinating book. Like, I've been on and off. I've kind of a busy week, but I've been deep diving into the PDF file just sent me.

And, yeah, I'd never even heard of that text until you brought it to my attention. I mean, I was from, I had a basic familiarity. I knew that New York City, like, things were as bad and somebody's worse than they were here. You know, Owen do some of the peculiarities of, what was underway and plus

I got where you were at man that really was like ground zero for I mean you had you had these crazy like radical Jewish NGOs then you had like you had literally like the Rockefeller Republicans out there and like you know you had like the Ford Foundation which had been totally

appropriated by those fucking people you know I mean like in Chicago there's plenty of bad stuff here like that but it's not nearly the same you know I mean there's a reason why Chicago was like so freaking segregated to this day I mean, that's, that was the point that I was making, like, I, I went to, like, a super ethnic school, but there was, like, no, there was, like, two black guys there, like, literally. You know, like, it was a bunch of, like, ethnic, like, white people, you know, like, including about, like, a third, like, Jewish folks, but, um, so that, that wasn't an issue, like, where I lived, but, uh, it was, um, it was, like, a bunch of the, a whole bunch of the towns around. Like, the town that I grew up in, it, uh, it, it, it, it was, like, a 300 year old town.

Like, but a lot of the suburbs, the potentially, like, west of the city, they were, like, towns like white flight built, you know, like, most definitely. But, um, yeah. Yeah. Yeah. The Bronx, um, you know, where I, I went to public school up until eighth, up until eighth grade. After, um, high school, I went Catholic. but the it was one of those

the middle school, the 6th and 8th grade school was one of those ones that looked like a prison. Oh yeah. It was literally like a half, a half a mile from Fort Apache, I think it was a 41st precinct and everything.

And it was just, you never, you crewed up. You know, you didn't walk alone. Oh yeah. You had your crew so that you You can mitigate any kind of damage. Yeah, and guys, we're just going to, like, you know, beef you up and take whatever you had in your pockets or whatever.

Like, yeah. Yeah. And I would say that that school, I really don't remember first or fifth, that school much, but that school I would say was 95%, 97% black Hispanic. Yeah, yeah, yeah. No, that's what I'd figure. Yeah. Yeah. No, man.

it's um it's um it's um it's um that's very uh very um they're very very much a war on uh on middle america as well as uh you know the um you know the point a lot man not not just to score like ideological

points because I don't do that because that's arguing in bad faith but you know black people are very much victimized because they were I mean they were they were corralled and and exploited as proxy warriors and I mean what did they get out of this? Like, they, they, they, they,

they, they, they, a lot of men, up with real on prison sentences. I mean, it, uh, it's not,

it's, um, the government decide, the regime deciding that, you know, you're, you're, you're,

you're, you're their kind of designated proxy warriors of choice. It's not a really great position to be in. You know, I mean, it, um, and,

uh, when they, a lot, like when, when, um, when, when the regime realized that,

you know, these people were in more trouble in they were worth and it probably wasn't such a swell idea to inundate them with this kind of political consciousness like well suddenly then you have like black mass incarceration like I don't sound like some like Marxist or something but even like Tommy Metzger

like used to make that point I mean the guy he was like you know as national socialist as you can get yeah and also they flood they flood crack into the inner cities and I remember Samuel Jackson was talking once about how you know he was active in Atlanta politics around

1969, 1970. And he said, like, overnight, they were out there, like, smoking weed and getting high. And he said, like, in the span of, like, a month, like, two of his friends were overdosing on heroin. They had never had heroin in the, in Atlanta before. If it was, it was relegated to jazz clubs and stuff like that. Now it's flooding the streets. And then 10 years later, what do you have? You have crack being, you know, sends into, uh, sent into the inner cities starting in Los Angeles and, you know, we know who was responsible for that.

It cracks also a weird product. Like, it's not like hard to make or anything. You know, I mean, but it's, it's weird that suddenly it just became like a thing. You know, like for, like it just is. I mean, that'd be a whole good, like, topic for a stream into itself. But yeah, this stuff isn't, I mean, we're on the same page. It's wanting to make the point for people. Yeah.

maybe that like I'm not I'm not being some like left wing point or something. Like it's, it's, yeah, the, um, no, this is, this is history. This is, yeah, yeah, I mean, yeah, this, this, this, this happened, you know, yeah. Well, it's also, too, the fact, the fact the regime, like, screws black people over, like, that doesn't mean you accept, like, you know, that doesn't mean you accept the garbage that's promoted by, you know, people like BLM or something, who themselves are, like, part of that same tendency of kind of exploiting blacks as proxy warriors.

But the, um, you know, we, like, uh, it's not, it's not, uh, it's not, it's not, it's not, it's not, you're not like seeding ground to the enemy or something to point out that like the regime like doesn't give a shit about blacks either you know like and it doesn't it's not like singling them out for abuse or something but it doesn't give a shit about them it considers them expendable and when it causes when they cause them problems they they've got no problems with locking them down like literally i mean it you know that's that's that's something that's to deny that it's a kind of reality of um of racial of politics in america but the we have that's something that's to deny that's a Two plugs will get out of here, man. Oh, yeah, for sure. Yeah, you can find me at Real Thomas 777.7.7.com. I've got a presence on Twitter again, because I'm, I've got some things in the works. I'm launching my own YouTube channel. I've got this new Steelstorm book coming out.

Hopefully before the end of the year, it's finished. It's being edited. Imperium Press has the manuscript, and they're working hard at it. But, you know, they're a small operation. But it should be out before the end of the year. I'm working on another manuscript on international jurisprudence and the Nuremberg system and things. So it seemed timely to have, like, a Twitter account. It's at 3-7 Mafia, but it's number seven in lieu of some of those letters.

But seek and you shall find me on Twitter if you want. want to. But the main thing is so... I'll link to it. Yeah, yeah, thanks. And hit me up on Tgram. Tgram's kind of like where the people I'm tight with and I talk without filter. And like when I'm going somewhere, like I'm thinking about going to the Amaran conference to shake

up them people. I haven't decided yet, but I want a couple days. But I announce it something like that like my Tgram. And it's t.m.m. And it's T.m.m.m.a. 7-7. And that's where you can find me. And you can find me here with P a lot because he's kind enough to host me in places like that. I enjoy arts talks very much. Yeah, likewise. Thank you. Take care. Have a good night. We are going to continue reading this quite insane book,

Race War. And I am here with the person who actually pointed it out to me and let me know that it existed. How are you doing, Rose? Well, thank you. Glad to be here. Yeah. When you pointed out that somebody was posting quotes or screenshots from the book. And we looked at it. We're like, all right, let's find this. It's like, oh, crap, it's $600. Oh, boy.

I told you to crowd found it. Well, I found it for 200. Then the, I think one of the episodes we did covered, somebody covered a lot of it. So, you know, if people want to still donate to the fund for it, I actually signed up with Gab Pay, the new Gab Pay. It's at Pete Cignonas if somebody wants to do the first donation through Gab Pay, because we know what PayPal is. But yeah, so this chapter we're going to pick up on is interesting because it talks about basically the people bringing suits, lawsuits.

And it was nice having Thomas on for it because Thomas was a trial lawyer. So he had some good comments on exactly what was going on. And, I mean, you went to law school for at least a year. So you might have learned something. I did. I did. And the other thing is, I mean, I'm a Brooklyn night. And definitely know how the gerrymandering works can tell you about school districts, zones.

So very happy to bring my perspective and commentary. All right. Let's get this going. Let me share it. Get it up on screen. and we're going to pick up right where we left off. I'll just go back and read the previous paragraph because, you know, just for continuity's sake. But it was, there we go.

All right. So is this it? Yeah, this is it. Okay. So, all right. We're in the middle of chapter three, race war in high school, the 10-year destruction of Franklin K. Lane by Harold Sault. who I found out recently he died if he died a few years ago so would have been uh interesting to talk to him about this but um yep what is going on in plain truth is nothing more or less than an attempt to

take over the new york city schools by far out extremists both black and white their tools are hot-headed kids in most schools a small minority and those people in the black community again a small minority, whom the black extremists can lead by the nose. Community control is the slogan. Extremists control is the aim, and behind this aim is the larger purpose of using schools for propaganda and indoctrination, including black racist propaganda that might embarrass the Ku Klux Klan. And if all this goes on and gets worse, as seems likely, some very hard choices will

unavoidably have to be made. All right, picking up the text. But 1969 was a year when few dared to speak out against the terror for fear of being given a racist label at worst, at best being tagged a reactionary in an era of sweeping change. To expose bigotry was to be a bigot. Does that not seem familiar? Does that not sound familiar? Uncle Ted predicted this. We see this on Twitter.

We see this as an employment tool by the left. Oh, my goodness, you are a bigot. So let us continue destroying your society and your spheres of influence because we can destroy your reputation by calling you a bigot. Yep. When I had Aaron on, I think Aaron made one of the best points so far. He said he would love to see this book written. from the point of view of the black leftist activists who were doing this. Yeah, it'll be, that would be on par with rules for radicals.

It'd be amazing. All right. To expose bigotry was to be a bigot. Nor were our political institutions healthy in this climate of fear. It had been traditional at Lane for there to be assembly programs at election time in which student speakers would debate and support of the different candidates. But 1969 was a year when political differences couldn't be honestly and openly expressed in a social studies classroom, much less a school auditorium in front of a thousand students.

You mean, you can't talk. Back in 1969, they couldn't talk about political differences? No, I wonder why. I wonder what happened where the crux of segregation and racial problems. happened. What was that incident? While most white teachers and students favored the Democratic candidate, Mario Procacchino, damn, Degos, Procachino, over-incumbent John Lindsay in the mayoral race, most kept their preference well-concealed. The Comptroller's Law and

order campaign had been interpreted in the gang aimed directly at the black community and the black students of Lane equated support of Procachino with racism. There could be no political discussions at Lane when teachers and students were afraid to talk about the candidates and issues. Oh, an old friend, perhaps Rabbi Meyer Kahana, head of the Jewish Defense League, a militant, group that sprung up during the 1968 school strike and reaction to black anti-Semitism, best described the fear paralysis. He was writing about the takeover at Cornell University by rifle-toting black militants and act which shocked the nation.

But the man who saw in Cornell, another Weimar, could just as easily have been talking about Lane High School when he said, for 36 hours, they broke the law while the lemmings who proceed over the school also presided over the beginning of its destruction. In grandiose spinelessness, they watched. In magnificent timidity, they did nothing as hoodlums, masquerading as oppressed students, wreaked their havoc on the building and on the rule of civilization. Blame the student fascists? They are not the major culprits. They are the hoodlums and gangsters parading as aggrieved revolutionaries, but they are not the main culprits. It is the men who are allowed this incredible assault on democracy and society who must bear the main brunt of the wrath

of every sane and shaken citizen. The unbelievable scene of college officials capitulating, no more, no more than that, for here was capitulation with degradation. So, fun fact, let's talk about the Jewish problem. anyone in the know knows that yeshivas or any acidic schools and all the acidic enclaves are flush with public money and most of those private schools are not prospering they're failing and some of the leftists want to say it's because there's too much religion or there's a focus on religion Absolutely not. Absolutely not because there are plenty of Catholic schools that are succeeding and flourishing and they're not flush with public dollars. So think about what kind of process the Hasid's want to bring to public schools and look at their own homes.

They're striped with poor literacy rates, just complete degeneracy and unhappiness. So there is no merit in here. And I think that's what they wanted to do when they, when they conceived of the very problem we're about to get into. Well, you know, and let's just say that when we're looking at the, the means by which they're doing this, it's the same thing over and over again as being done today. I mean, it's 2020 all over again.

It's pretty much, pretty much anything you see. The takeover, what the hell was the name of that? college that they took over Evergreen or I can't even remember what the hell it was. One of the Weinsteins was that and became famous for that, even though, you know, he's the kind of person who pushed that and, you know, said, hey, you know, we have to be, we have to be nice to these people. We have, you know, and then all of a sudden they turn on them and he's like, oh, wait a minute, wait a minute, I thought I'm one of you.

Oh, no, no, that's, that's not the way this works. You crush these people or they are going to, they're never going to stop. No, they've been enabled. They own every single agency, at least in New York, Department of Buildings, it does not matter. Fridays, Thursdays, Fridays, all days. They're there. In hordes, you know, advocating, bribing officials, advocating for their communities. It's awful.

It's awful. And that's why you've seen the downfall. all of the burrows. Yep. All right. Keep going. These insulated theoreticians of life fail so miserably to understand the extremist mind,

the mind that is immune to compromise, to reason, to the warmth of interpersonal relationships. These grave diggers of the campus failed to realize that the extremist knows no limits, that no concession is meaningful to him, that self-hate and self-hate and self-hate. destruction drive him to destroy all others with him.

There's so much in there. There's like Uncle Ted is all through that paragraph right there. A certain group that rose up in the 1920s to basically who realized that if they were going to defeat this exact kind of thing, they were going to have to be, well, they were going to have to become worse than them. They were going to have to fight. Fire with more vigor. After the smoke had settled from the January disaster,

different approaches were taken to reach out to the militants who had destroyed the integrity of a school, and along with it, the dream so many had held for an open society. Ooh, there's a term. People were going off in different directions searching for the formula that could put the school back together. Once this happens, you have to be. burn it to the ground. Yep. And salt the earth.

Yeah. Not everyone agreed with the basic assumptions of the chapter leadership. For the 20 anti-union teachers who had broken into the school during the 1968 strike, a major cause of the crisis was the union chapter's reactionary posture. They formed the committee of concerned teachers, and 10 of them put their names to a position paper, attacking the UFT chapter and offering instead a constructive analysis of Lane High School in which they wrote. So any time you see constructive analysis or a repurposing,

it's when the left wants to take words and reconstruct them. And usually those reconstructed words are the words of grifters, liars, and corruptors. And this little section that we're about to read is the epitome, the epitization of what I just said. Go ahead. All right. In which they wrote, quote, the series of strikes by the UFT in the beginning of this term has produced an unfortunate atmosphere. The series of strikes has caused an increased student alienation and frustration. There has been a history of racial tensions at Lane for many years, including the distribution of anonymous, racist, and anti-Semitic literature. It has been suggested that it has been suggested that communication at Lane,

between staff and students had broken down. Yet it is questionable that there was ever any real dialogue at Lane. Communication can only exist in an environment free from fear and intimidation. The act of communication should neither assign blame nor fear pointing, nor fear pointing, accusing finger. Without this climate, the facade of communication disintegrates, and all efforts are doomed to failure. So when you look at this and like this sentence, communication can only exist in an atmosphere free from fear and intimidation. Where does that exist?

The glaring line that explains the entire situation is anonymous, racist, and anti-Semitic literature. That's all you need to say. And it's funny we're reading this. as we're coming off the heels of the, what's his face, Lex Friedman and Kanye West interview, where Kanye says the Jews control everything and Lex being, you know, a good puppet that he is, says, what do you mean? I'm Jewish.

I don't control anything. It's just grandiose irony in here. All right. Most of the Lane's teachers were angry at the insinuation that they were not concerned about and insensitive to the needs of black youngsters. Most of them had been raised and schooled in the liberal tradition and were deeply committed to progressive goals. Many had been active in the civil rights movement long before it became the in-thing.

Others had participated in boycotts and other kinds of demonstrations hand-in-hand with blacks. A great many had established close ties, indeed friendships, with black students, and several had offered their homes as refuge to troubled youngsters and gave financial assistance to students of indigent families. In short, they felt that they had done more for black youngsters without ever asking for ceremonial credit. How resentful they were at being called unconcerned. One instructor, Jerome Sager, responded to the concerned teachers

with an open letter to the faculty, expressing the dedication and frustration of most teachers of inner city schools who labor under tremendous imposts and often are the scapegoats for cowardly administrators, starving educational systems, and social ills. To the faculty of Lane High School, Sager began, quoting, I find myself I'm compelled to express certain feelings which I haven't until now kept to myself. I'm writing this partly because I am just one of the many who are content in knowing that they have tried their best to do their jobs, but mostly because I do not want to fan the fires of dissension which have arisen in our school and which apparently will continue to burn unless we extinguish them once and for all. I find myself feeling angrier each time I hear someone say to me, you must have genuine feelings for your students or your attitude must be improved. I have been teaching at Lane for seven years now and can sleep well at night knowing that I do a damn good job at school.

I, like most of my colleagues, work hard to try to help every student in every way possible. The students that come to school ready to be willing to accept the help we offer, receive this help from us without the slightest thought of color or religion entering our minds. The effort, that's an interesting clip. The students that come to school ready and willing to accept the help. help, we offer, we offer, receive this help from us without, so without color or religion entering our minds. So, so the ones that come not wanting help and want to, then all of a sudden you start thinking about color and religion? No, okay. That sounds very human to me. Okay. The effort, preparation, and diligence of our staff is, for the most part, unquestionable.

It is for these reasons that I resent being told in any general way that I, as well as others, am not doing my job. What rights does anyone have to imply that these things to the press? What rights does anyone have to imply these things to the press at faculty meetings or even at social gatherings? These implications so vague in general in nature are accepted as truths by many who hear them. Why must we be forced to defend ourselves against such untruths? We know in our hearts how hard we are trying. We know how much we want our students to excel. These efforts are the things we should be proud of.

Well, here, you know, I read a sentence like this. Okay, so we know in our hearts how hard we are trying. If you have to try, then, there's something fundamentally wrong. There's something that is systematically wrong. If you have to try to teach students, if there is an impediment there that cannot be quickly dealt with, I mean, you're going to have bad kids. I mean, I'm sorry. I don't believe everyone is good deep down in their core. No, that's retarded. It is. It's naive. Yeah. But if you can't be like, okay, well, we need to get this kid is a bad kid and we need to get this kid out of here so that we can do our jobs.

And they keep telling you, no, you just have to try so much harder with them. No, screw you. Think about it. Try, right? That's an emotive word. This is a process from the left. I'm trying so hard. You can try hard, you know, with an alcoholic or, you know, when you're trying to figure out a relationship, right?

If there's unhappiness within the relationship, sure, right? Those are matters of the heart. But in terms of education and metric, when you have so many other students and everyone's trying to get ahead of the curve, you're trying, is actually hampering them. And think about the most successful businesses. This is the problem with the government. It's not run like a business. The most successful businesses focus on one particular, right? And the particular in a school should be education, not social reformment.

Your socioeconomic factors can go home and rehabilitate themselves. I'm so tired of this forceful integration and we'll see, we'll see the problems that students and their parents especially will face because of these trying, you know, tactics. You know, and it's one thing that Thomas Sol pointed out in many of his books is that when they did this forced integration,

they didn't only basically destroy schools that had been predominantly white. They destroyed black schools that were doing, that were sending kids to the Ivy League. And they forced integrated them.

And they basically, what they did was, they brought these frigging, monsters in from the ghetto and mixed them in with these, you know, these black kids who were brought up in good families and taught that education was everything. And these schools that had on, that were, their average grades were right there with, you know, the best white schools in the country, predominantly white schools. And we have people and then we have socioeconomic factors. I don't want to sound like a laboratory.

Yeah, there's a great kid on Twitter who, and he's really young and everything, but he said that the degeneracy in Wymar was a direct result of the inflation. And I was just, I was like, oh, my sweet summer child. That's wonderful. Yeah. He'll learn.

In spite of these divisions, teachers with differing points of view did try to come together during the three-day closing in January by holding workshops on various aspects of a lane problem. One such workshop was on racism in the school. For three days, I'm sure this is going to be about how the black kids just gang up on the white kids. kids and, you know, it's racism against white people, right? I'm sure. I'm sure that's what this is, right? It's so good. I can't wait until we get three. I think it's like maybe three pages down. Okay. All right. One such workshop was on racism in the school. For three days, teachers met to express their views and opinions about what had caused the breakdown. The meetings represented a cross-section of teachers, male and female, liberal and conservative, young and old, union and

anti-union, black and white, all searching and blaming. The minutes of one of the workshop sessions recorded by its secretary Bruce Noble provides some insights into varying teachers' attitudes. We're getting into a discussion here. The chairman asked for a definition of racism. An unidentified woman says, it is discrimination solely on the basis of race. Mr. L says Spoke

Mr. L spoke of the history of slavery Of oppressors and oppressed The oppressor is usually bigoted Recently the black man Had rebutted that bigotry Mr. B All of the slaves were black They were?

They were, huh? Nope. Okay. Revisionist history. in the bad direction. Chairman, what are the general trends of how whites tend to treat blacks, particularly here at Lane? Let's show each other what we're doing. Mr. B.

There has always been some racial tension in this school and neighborhood. Formerly, there was a black minority in the school. Now there is a black majority. But there has always been racism. What is the old, what is the quote unquote old lane? Mrs. M. I understand that formerly it was student versus student, usually in gangs. There were no real racial difficulties between teacher and student. Mr. G. We'll never return to the old lane. Let's talk about lane today. Mrs. B. cites incident of discrimination coming from the Board of Ed. Fact that she was a wastes, and that wastes have been blamed for problems in the schools. Racism exists in all places and between whites.

Oh, Mr. T. Mr. T. Mr. T. says, perhaps I'm bigoted. Sites incident with black student in the cafeteria. Student resists. White teacher, white dean. The problem student feels he's being picked on because he's black.

what can we do to stop this now? Miss Kay, one possible solution is having a black dean. And there we go. Yep. You got anything to say? Well, it's always the same problem with the same solution. At what point do we realize we cannot keep playing these games? They were playing these games back then.

We're playing these games now. And someone has to stand up and say, this is orchestrated. We cannot keep adjusting our normalcy for other people. And this is the problem with many Walbirds. When I see one possible solution as having a black dean, I mean, it's, it's Liddrich von Mises talked about how in Europe, if like a border town in a country had been overrun by people from the neighboring country. So basically it's not even a part of the country anymore. It's basically that city is culturally, culturally belongs to the country next to it.

He said one of the most logical things to do would be to just give up that city. Yep. To just give it to the other country. At this point, when someone says one possible solution is having a black dean, that's when you just click every white person in the school, every white teacher whatever employee in the school walks out and says just fill it with black people here's the problem with this so this school right lane used to be a pretty good school then you know there were some issues and some tensions and now we're in this absolute absolute state of tension right

and when I say tension I mean there's no fixing it but the reason why The politicians love this is because this is an issue that cannot be tackled. It is the epitome of a catch-22. So you have white neighborhoods or white residential neighborhoods around the school because it used to be good, right? And the school can degrade, but the neighborhood around it doesn't necessarily. And we've seen this in many schools, like Brooklyn Tech, which was a school you had to almost, no, you did have to test into. Yeah, it was one of the three. It was Brooklyn Tech Bronx High School Science.

Yep, exactly. But the area was abysmal until, you know, the white people took over and gentrified it, and there was a whole issue with it. But then you have kind of like the reverse situation, and you had Sheeps at High School or Lincoln High School, and you had a lot of well-to-do families, immigrant families, Soviet families, and they forcefully integrated them with minorities. And there were fights in school, no one learned anything.

But you couldn't take the property values. So the families, the immigrant families didn't want to leave their enclave, but here they were forcing their children to commute or, well, to not commute because it was his own school, and to have to sacrifice their kids' safety, well-being, and education. And it's not a new formula. It's been ongoing and it's brilliant because your hands are tied. You don't want to leave your house. You don't want to leave generally.

good area because when you go when you leave that area you have to rebuild your network you have to you have to find a better school you have to figure out your own personal commute you know to work so what do you do right change is difficult all this takes time and money so you leave your your kid in this in this hellhole and your kid will probably get abused bullied and nobody cares because you can't play the race card racism is only one way and one way only new york school people have no idea. I bet Lane wasn't so bad when John Gotti went there. All right.

So Ms. Kay said one possible solution is having a black dean. Mr. L. Police to black people is a dirty name. When the police are white, we should import a black dean, if possible. Unidentified man. Color is not important. We've had a black dean. If we didn't have a tax, we wouldn't need police.

I mean, I want to know who this guy was because, geez, come on. Mr. L. administration and teachers are at fault to have let the situation disintegrate so that police were necessary. Previous speaker voices disagreement. UFT leadership was also at fault. The building was completely unattended. In the auditorium before the strike, there were 600 kids, two teachers. A whole bunch of cross-conversation is happening now. Mrs. M. Sites cafeteria. You'll get trouble even with supervision. Mr. L agrees, but we're approaching a police state. I don't have a solution. We, our society, can do anything we want. Why don't we get together and try? Chairman.

We're trying. Yeah, try. Many teachers didn't go on building assignments. The chairman says many teachers didn't go on building assignments. Mr. H says, I advocate limited teacher patrols, but women should not be. on patrol, cites incident in a hall where a girl student grabbed woman aid. Three men, including a policeman, were needed to control the student. Teachers should not be policemen. Chairman,

let's shift away from the issue of police. We can't discuss this because we're about to have some reality arguments and we can't augment reality with reality. Nope. Get away from police. Mrs. S, I was there at the time of the incident. I objected to the approach taken by the aid. Mr. S, let's get back to the committee on racism. What happened to the dialogue between teachers and students? What is causing these antisocial acts?

What can we do? The concerned teacher's statement emphasized patrol and control. What is really wrong? What can we do? Mr. B, as a signer of that statement, we want to approach the whole lane community. Our statement in part was a response to the UFT's attempt, attempts to speak only to Woodhaven Cypress Hills. Also, we should take long-range steps, as an example, changes in curriculum. Let's start dumbing stuff down.

We could have more remedial work. materials available for it in my field social studies also we could have more black authority figures in the school so can you just go up two lines i think it was i just want to get the areas woodhaven and cypress so cypress hills um all of that is in east new york and you as a new yorker um i'm not sure how many times you visited the glorious area of cypress hills But do you want to tell anyone about what a remarkable area it is? Because I can. It is.

Go ahead. It is. I tried not to leave the Bronx. It's all bad. So Cypress Hills is so downtrod and then forgotten. It's like the trains don't even want to go there. And God bless, because no one should go to Cypress Hills. Like the pizza in Cypress Hills is fucking awful.

It feels like the pizza from misery. I mean, Missouri. And that's how you know, it's been abandoned and it's part of, you know, it's just been given to the wolves. And this is the reason, right? It used to be a great area. Just like, you know, the Bronx used to be a great area. And when you give an inch, they take a mile, right?

So the minorities took over, quote unquote, white flight happened. de-gentrifications I call it happened and that area was abandoned and there is crime it's lawless everyone gets shot the police are like well it's a free-for-all we might as well just let that happen and that's what happened and all all of the areas that they're going to mention later on all the all the Brooklyn areas could have could have easily been you know safe areas easily could have been areas people wanted to move to. They're going to mention Bed-Stuy. No one really wants to live in Bed-Stuy

except the hipsters, you know, who are liberals who are just like, oh my God, I live in such a great, diversified area. No, it's diversified because you're in it, and that's about it. I don't care how much artwork you put on crumbling buildings. That doesn't make a good area. This is the metric to determine it.

Are the schools good? Does the teachers want to go to school, or are they fearful for their lives? Does your school have after-school activities, extracurriculars? And you're going to see this particular school lane. All of that is fizzling away because we're trying to integrate. Trying. The solution is right there.

We just don't want to take it. That's the most fascinating part about this chapter. Are you familiar when it comes to New York with the name Robert Moses? Of course. It's amazing what he did because I think Bird, Bird and I did an episode where we talked about Robert Moses. This is way back in like the episode 100s or something like that. And just how he would design.

And someone told me Denver pretty much got designed the same way too, where the good neighborhoods were, of course, where you would have to take a train or a bus and then walk. The train or the bus did not go directly to the good neighborhoods. And why was that? It's the same reason for what people talk, oh, redlining is such a terrible thing.

It's like, why doesn't Marta in Atlanta go all the way up to Kennesaw? Because we don't, because Kennesaw don't want that shit. So one thing that Robert Moses did, and unfortunately they dismantled this, but he made the buses like bigger. And he's like,

oh, I'm doing it. So everyone can see that the bus is coming. So if they need to run for the bus. No, no, the real reason he did it was because the buses couldn't pass through the damn tunnels. Anyway. Yeah, it's, oh, yeah. All right.

So, oh, we got here. Okay, let me read this. So, but also, we could have more black authority figures in the school. Mrs. S. The UFT is interested in a dialogue with the entire community. In regard to social studies, you can help with this. They're reading. Mr. B says I have. Dubious about the effectiveness of black authority figures in cutting down teacher antagonisms. Beating people up is an immediate problem.

Mr. P. coming back to the topic of racism. Oh, one, 101. How beating up people being an immediate problem. Let's try to tackle racism. Yeah. Coming back to the topic of racism says, Mr. B is advocating going back to black teachers for black students in black schools pre-1954. Our license does not stipulate the race of the students we are qualified to teach. Our license says we should teach, not be policemen. Teachers should help another when problems arise.

Mr. V. Times have changed drastically in the last 10 years. The Negro is searching for his identity. White people don't like it. Vietnam protests and college demonstrations have filtered down to high school students. Whites think they can do something to the Negroes to solve the problem. This is a corollary to our antiquated idea of education. What teachers do to students. Most important, students have an identity. Teachers tend to talk down to students. We should have a real dialogue with students, especially the troublemakers. I mean, the troublemakers are going to say, yes, you know what, my mom, my dad, my grandma, they couldn't get through to me. But you, who I have pretty much, you know, hanging as and dangling as I wish, I'm going to listen to you because you're

making me work and you're going to set me straight. As I read this and as I hear these solutions, I wonder, did anyone actually even try? Well, I mean, well, there's that word again. Yeah. Where is it? Oh, yeah, here we go. Most important, students have an identity. Teachers tend to talk down to students.

Yes, you talk down to your inferiors. You talk down to people who know less than you. And you certainly talk down to people who are just absolute scum. Yep. Yep. Sorry. You know, we have to have a real dialogue with students, especially the troublemakers. The only dialogue you have with the troublemakers is either get the fuck out or a dialogue with a friggin' bullet.

I'm sorry, they're talking about, this isn't like, you know, somebody selling, you know, black beauties or something like that, selling speed. There are, there is, there are, rape is going on. assaults is going on. They're talking about students who were strung out on heroin. These are high school students who are strung out on heroin. And you want to have a real dial. And let me ask you, is that the way he's searching for his identity? By being strung out on heroin?

Yes. Listen, Pete, just because you don't find your identity this way, how dare you infringe upon the rights of others? Okay. Absolutely amazing. It really is. All right. Mr. U.

There has been a rapid social change. A generation gap exists between most students and teachers. This is a white society. It is a white problem. Times have changed from the integrationist period of the early 60s. Now there is a lack of good faith. Students lack good faith in teachers. Black teachers frequently command more listening power

with black students than do white teachers. And our students are not unique. Students accept less now. They question things more and more, demand more. It's queer that there are no students here. It takes more and more and greater visible signs from us for blacks to accept us as concerned human beings. We should openly demonstrate more faith in students, for example, by giving them more power in making school policy. this is this is the problem that that we are confronted in in today's times no one wants to acknowledge

the pipeline you are a student you learn enough you become a teacher you want to dictate public policy or rather school policy great you know what earn the fact that you've been a student here you've studied you understand what the actual issues are and then try to tackle the school policy instead we're giving the problem makers right the the trouble makers right the the trouble lawmakers who are deteriorating the education given to some of these students. It's already bad because it's a public education, but we're making it works now and saying, you know what? Just let them tell us how they want to be taught.

Maybe we should offer courses in heroin, you know, shooting up 101. Just let the lunatics run the asylum. Why not? That's exactly what they want. Mr. O, I hope we aren't listened to because we're black or white. Our students will meet all kinds of people in our society. I object to the Lane Reporter editorial. I guess the editorial was called Photostatic Education.

Ms. B. I didn't write the editorial. It's a student newspaper expressing student opinions. No one has contacted me personally or the staff about the editorial. We have been accused by innuendo. The chairman, we're skirting the issue of racism at Lane High School. We should talk about quote-unquote not caring teachers, about excessive concern with academic students compared to general students. We do not look at him, the general student, as a person. People cry out, people start crying out, no, no.

Mr. O says, opinions in this school run the gamut of those in society. we should make our students aware of the diversity of opinions. Hey, Mr. T again. I've been a substitute for four years in many high schools. There has been a difference in approach and attitude on the part of teachers when they give me work. They give me lots of work with academic classes, say, do what you want with general classes. So basically what he's saying is in the academic classes, they, they just basically, the teachers that he's going to be substituting for, you know, give him a syllabus, basically.

But in the general classes, it's like, hey, do what you want. You know, roll the TV in so that, you know, roll the TV in so people, you know, you can watch a movie or something like that. This is a generalization. Academic students are mostly white. General students mostly black. Draw your own conclusions. We're not allowed to do that. We're not allowed to draw our own.

conclusions. You're not allowed to, you know, we see this, we see this with Kanye. You're not a pattern recognition is a sin and it's racism. And yet we derive these metrics for a reason. And if you give a syllabus to the general classes, the general classes are not going to do it. So what's, what's even the point of wasting your time and effort? Let them watch a movie, subdue them, let them be happy. And then, you know, they can say, oh, it's racism that we work for McDonald's. Let me go back and read this again. This is generalization.

Academic students are mostly white, general students, mostly black. Draw your own conclusions. Mrs. M. says, is this a racial attitude or discrimination based on whether the student is academic or general? Granted, teachers have more regard for academic students. At this point, there's a lot of conversation going on. Mr. G. says, the fact that these attitudes exist is important. That is, students do have attitudes towards education, teachers, etc. How can we correct

these attitudes? Oh, I know how. What is our role here in the classroom in the halls? Our attention has traditionally been focused more on academic students. Our general and commercial students are primarily black. The students realize this, that he is not getting as much attention. What can we do to correct this attitude. Miss R. I've seen 20 to 40 studies on general versus academic classes. No, you didn't. You didn't see 20 to 40 studies.

Stop it. Come on. Can you imagine trying to say that you've seen 20 to 40 studies on general versus academic classes pre-internet? No, no. Honestly, if we try to Google it right now, I don't know if we will find 20 to 40 studies. easily. We'd have to probably dig

because nobody cares. It's a broken system. Just burn it to the ground. So, Ms. R. says, I've seen 20 to 40 studies on general versus academic classes. In one study, five black students from general classes were placed randomly in academic classes, and they did significantly

better than they had before. It is the attitude of the teacher that makes the difference. Mr. D says, how is this racial? Ms. R, the one who just talked about 20 to 40 studies, says, most teachers subconsciously assume that these kids can't learn. There are cries out of ridiculous, I object, etc. We teachers fight against this assumption.

Deny that we have it. Mr. L. In Ocean Hill, Brownsville, black kids busted out to East Flatbush were called unlearnables. or let's do that. Let me read that again because I screwed it up. In Ocean Hill, Brownsville, black kids bust out to East Flatbush were called unlearnables. This is an example of attitudes throughout the city. Some things never change. Once again, okay, unlearnables seems like a pretty bad term. Is it true? No. Why? I mean, Can these kids learn?

No. Maybe. Maybe they don't want to. No. Because if you look at Brownsville today, it's the same problem. Bedstine, Bushwick, you know, Cypress Hill, like, it's just, it's all so bad. It's just, and it just gets worse. Yeah, it's like, why do so many people, you know, leave New York and everything?

It's like, well, yeah, here you go. All right. Mr. D. Mr. D has, says, in the health ed department, it's generally accepted that we treat our students equally. Students tend not to think of us as teachers. They talk to us like friends. We get more of that type of relationship. Therefore, we're in better position when it's student teacher confrontation arises. Well, yeah, throw them a basketball. Well, you're talking about health education. I mean, is it health education? I mean, is it health Is this Jim or are they talking about like sex ed or something like that?

So the problem, it's like the old adage, right? When you tell a parent, you could either be friends with your children in the beginning or in the end of, you know, your life, but not both. So if your friends in the beginning, they're going to be unruly. You can be friends with your kids when they realized all the effort you put in, right? The discipline. that's the key word that's missing from this rhetoric. It's the same exact problem.

You can't be friends with them. You are above them. It's a hierarchy. You're there to teach them. You have more knowledge. They're coming. They're sitting in the seat listening to you. Nope.

All right. Chairman pipes up. No cross conversation, please. Time is running out. Mrs. G. What approach does a teacher take to avoid? antagonism and confrontation. A barrier does exist. Chairman, this is important. Let's talk about this. Mr. B. Respect for the student is the key, not being polite. I resent that, Mrs. T.

says, I resent this kind of psychological approach generalizing about attitudes. Have you observed me in my class? Suggest that teachers observe one another in class, cries of good idea, etc. All right. Now we're back into the text. The faculty workshops were not the only attempts to provide dialogue and understanding at Lane. There were efforts to reach out to the students, especially to the militants who had been at the forefront of the disruption.

Instead of just crushing them, let's say, let's try and talk to them. Come on. Yeah. What can we do to help you make these other kids' lives more hellish? One venture in particular was supposed to establish meaningful liaison between students and teachers and between white and black student leaders. Through the auspices of the National Conference of Christians and Jews and the board's Human Relations Division, a special weekend session for March 7 through 9th for teachers and students to meet in an informal and relaxed atmosphere away from the school. school. It was hoped that student involvement would help lead to a solution of the racial crisis.

Optimistically, school officials had rented a motel in Stony Brook, a quiet suburban community on Long Island, about 50 miles east of the city. It was supposed to be an awakening and enlightenment for the eight teachers and 33 students who participated. It turned out to be a disaster. No show. Yeah. Yeah. This is, you know, what do they call it midnight basketball or something like that that they tried in so many whatever in charge of the trip was mary cone ding representing the school administrator with ed casson the community relations coordinator attending for district 19 for the district 19 office

friday's plenary session reflected a certain uneasiness a resistance to open up and discuss frankly the factors that had contributed to the school's problem. It soon became evident why. The militants had elected to use the conference as a point of escalation, and on Saturday they announced to the rest of the group that there was nothing more to talk about. Well, that's what you do when you're militants. The time for dialogue had long passed, they insisted, and although they were only eight in number, the militants succeeded in swinging the more moderate blacks to their position.

Oh my goodness. Identity. How does that happen? All right. Now constituting a majority block, the blacks walked out of the session and for the rest of the weekend, isolated themselves from the whites, refusing to associate with them. The white youngsters who were genuinely concerned and who had come with open minds willing to listen and to cooperate, found themselves shut off with nobody to talk to.

But the militants weren't satisfied with their sabotage of an honest attempt to open up an avenue of communication between the races and generations. They were going further. I got to write a note down. Okay. Meeting in secrecy, they drafted a list of ten demands, which they called non-negotiable, and presented them to Mary Cohn with an ultimatum that unless the administration method demands within two weeks.

There would be held to pay at Lane on March 24th. Mm-hmm. Mm-hmm. Oh, man. How, could you imagine? Exactly. You're speechless because the problem and the solution is so evident. I mean,

I'm starting around it. I'm speechless because it's like at that point you just start shooting. Yes. All right. The demands were not very much different from those which had been drafted and presented to the school board by various citywide student groups, see page 201, such as the high school student union and SDS counterpart and the Afro-American Students Association. The latter was the group with which Lane's militants were aligned. You want me to read you their demands? Yeah, go ahead.

Eliminate the general course of study. Stop me when you're surprised, okay? Suspend regents examinations, which are statewide term tests because they... Oh, I know. I graduated with a regist upon. I know you did. So did I, but some people are not from New York. And those regents were...

they weren't very direct. You had to, you know, you had to think a little bit. You had to write. You had to read. So obviously they were racist. Altered teacher qualifying examinations to make black educators proportional to the student population. So that means fire all the white teachers.

Checkbooks and educational materials to determine their adequacy. Which you know what that means. We was King's only approved types of textbooks. Uh-huh. Create school clubs along. ethnic lines such as all black organizations to be supported by the school's general organization fund. So now it means any white students, you're going to be erased, but by the way, you're still going to pay for it, sounds like our tax structure, provide music and lunch rooms and more dances.

Ah, shit, we're going to twerk? Such as all black organizations to be supported by the school's programs with rifle clubs, self-defense classes instead of games. Bro, what? Ensure that teachers have the background to teach courses such as Black Studies. Okay? That is the most important one, by the way. Create student faculty councils with equal representation to make decisions on curriculum,

staffing, discipline, and school regulation, and then reorganize high schools along community lines so black students will not have to attend schools in hostile communities. Listen, clearly, the militants are the black, are the white kids, not the black kids, because they're the ones who are providing a hostile community. It's a great. And here's what, for any liberal piece of crap who may have stumbled upon this, just know that even if they gave them all of that, it wouldn't be enough. Of course not. It's never enough. That's why you'd never give up an inch to these people.

Right. I mean, we learned that in the summer of 2020. Absolutely. Absolutely. All right. All right. Thank you for reading that. That's awesome.

There wasn't much for the white students to do that weekend. They were a minority to begin with, and now there was only the feeling of helplessness. several of them felt threatened by the hostile mood created by the militants and they called home. On Saturday evening and Sunday morning, a number of white parents made the drive out from the seat to take their youngsters home and spare them further psychological abuse. The actual demands were not brought to the attention of the faculty until March 17th by way of a flyer issued in school by the militants reiterating their demands and exclaiming, these demands are non-negotiable and must be met within the two-week period exclusive of Monday, March 10th, 1969, Monday, March 22nd is Black Monday. Exactly what was supposed to happen on Black Monday remained a secret. But fears and anxiety ran high as the week of March 17th opened.

Selleb called the faculty conference that day and presented the staff with copies of the demands. asking that they be used as a basis for the discussion. It was unclear to the faculty what the principal's response had been up to, had been up to that point, and teachers were noticeably concerned about the possibility of renewed violence on Black Monday. Had the police been notified? Had the superintendent of schools been apprised? Was the mayor's assistant, assistance requested?

Had the millets been told they would be held responsible for any damage to persons or property? Had the parents of the leaders been contacted? What local agency from the black community were being sought for help? Had the Parents Association been called in? Where was O'Daly in the local school board? Had a timetable of conferences been established for the remainder of the week to try to resolve the issues? What, in short, the teachers wanted to know was the administration doing to head off another explosion? Nothing.

Selleb had employed the strategy of underplaying the demands and the threat of Black Monday, hoping to avoid publicity and gambling that the pending rebellion would peter out. We held several meetings with the militants during the two-week period, but nothing was resolved. If the principal needed any reminder that he was again the man on the spot, a group of black students gave it to him as he opened the faculty conference on March 17th. Sticking their heads in from the rear of the auditorium, several students screamed, You got one more week, Morty. I mean,

you imagine going to work and you're just basically getting threatened by militants, quote unquote, militants? I mean, that's when you come armed and you're like, yeah, one more week? Cool. You start shooting. I mean,

the militants distributed some of the most frightening literature during the week prior to Black Monday. Quote, a majority of students in Lane High School are black, one flyer said, and the administration is bullshitting with the education of the black students at Lane. The teachers are totally racist. Not racist, clearly? Yeah.

It's amazing, you know. Flyers showing a coffin entitled Lane High School called upon black students to wear black armbands on March 24th to mourn the death of Lane. And one day for no reason at all, huh? One day for no reason at all. It was psychological warfare masterfully waged by the architects of disruption. Even if nothing happened on March 24th, they had won a stunning victory outfoxing the administration and causing further polarization.

More than a hundred policemen were on duty in and around lane on black, Monday. Can you, I mean, I mean, there's 40,000, 40, I think 44,000 NYPD now. But at this time, there were not 44,000. Can you imagine what, I mean, 100 people, 100 police? It's insane. And that's basically like one cop for every 50 students at this point. Yeah. Well, that's why you create an alternate PTA with all the white parents and give them, you know, AKs and tell them, let's go. This is how we're taking our school back. They want to cry racism. They're not going to cry racism when you have, you know, when you just walk around with a nice, with a weapon. It's just, you know, it's going to foster a great environment. And that would have been

the solution to everyone's problem. There would be no more mental scars, no more PTSD, no more trauma, no more cries of racism. Everyone would have sat in their seats and learned. But we're trying. We're trying to have a conversation. Oh, yeah. More than 100 policemen were on duty in and around lane on Black Monday. They had erected barricades along the 100-yard stretch from Jamaica Avenue, the main street, all along Dexter Court, where the student entrance is located. All traffic on the three-side street approaches, the three-side street. approaches to the school was blocked off. Black Monday had been given wide publicity in the local press and the city wasn't taking chances, but the fear of violence kept most of the 4,300 students'

home. Robert Sonny Carson, former head of Brooklyn Corps, and an adult who had become closely identified with Lane's militants, appeared at the school with his coterie of bearded, self-proclaimed revolutionaries and tried to gain entrance into the building. But the city was determined to prevent I mean, can you, it's third world. It's third world. Yeah. It's Banana Republic. That's what happens when you allow a banana republic into your own society.

You're like, come play by our rules. You want to be in our school and our district. And this is the problem with the state. You have all of these white families forcefully giving tax dollars to a school district to harm their children. That's preposterous. They should have, they should have went to the goddamn local city council and said, listen, we're going to burn your fucking house down unless you're going to do this to us. Either you're going to alleviate our tax burden for the school here, or we're going to make your life help. And that's how you galvanize the people and you create

your own community. Because as my, I'm sure. So, I'm sure politically, whoever was the representative here, whether it was a Republican or a Democrat, a conservative or not, their hands were tied because everyone always wants to get reelected and you should only get reelected with results. Your results are negated. You have militants walking into a school. But, you know, it's private property. Libertarians would say that's okay. because, you know, it is because it's, it's, it was unjustly taken, you know, it's like, it's like borders, you know, borders don't exist because, you know, it's like, hey, nobody, it's public property. It's no one owns it. It's it. So why can't militants walk into a school? Because they don't pay attention for it. I do. So it's mine. That's, that's, that can make libertarians. But the city was determined to prevent violence on this day. Carson was turned back. After registering his vociferous objections, he left quietly, followed down Dexter

Court by three policemen. Black Monday had come and passed with no outburst, no demonstrations, no violence, but the barricades stayed in place for the remainder of the week and the heavy police guard continued. It was a day that engendered a fear in the white community that would linger for some time. Yeah. And then one day for no reason at all. You know, what were they supposed to do? Just fight back, right?

But all the policies and all of the niceties of societies, right, the social norms. No, no, we can't do that. We can't do that. That's the problem. We keep inoculating ourselves to this, right? Oh, we can't do that. No, no, it's, you know, they're just socioeconomic factors. Think of the children, right? All of all of these stupid terms. No. If we just implemented Austrian economics, none of this would happen. You know that, right? I agree. Listen, I'm the greatest advocate of it. There would be no, there would be no social problems. There would be no violence. There would be no, you know, you wouldn't even have to have police. Everything would be great. It would be.

Economic solves everything. Good economics solves everything. It certainly is. Just like someone who believes, you know, that the reason why Wymar was so degenerate was because of inflation. Yeah. The only reason. I mean, listen, I'm not going to take away degeneracy. Degeneracy is a huge problem and definitely the failing of society, but that's more of a symptom than the cause.

That's one thing we need to start identifying. What is the root cause of a problem? and then what is a symptom? And if you have too many symptoms, you should know and you should have, you know, a viable timetable of we are this far in. And when we are,

let's say, you know, X amount into a situation, the only way to revert it is sheer violence. Well, you know, as our friend, Rachel always reminds us,

is that the social engineers would still exist, would still exist with good economics. They'd still be engineering, you know, pumping, you know, porn into cities, pumping drugs into cities that they wanted to see destroyed. I don't know how good economics solves these problems. And when you have people who, this is what they, you know, Yaki talks about this in Imperium. when you have culture distortors, when you have people that their whole goal is to go in and distort the culture that exists in a place so that it can be destroyed and then they can take it over. I was just my copy of Yaki. Yeah, absolutely. And that's why you have to create culture. And culture is probably one of the most underrated topics of conversation.

everyone wants to talk about, oh, we can build it this way, you know, or we can just have a bunch of agorists who, you know, believe in like a common goal. No, what is a common goal? If you have no definable goals, how can you possibly create a common goal? It's antithetical. What was the culture in 1969? What culture had they been dealing with for militancy? a culture of tolerance of, a tolerance of, you know, oh, we just have to understand the, yes, I know that they're violent, but we just have to understand them. We just need to talk to them. So peace and love, right? Peace and love is always the answer and the solution. Who brought about the hippie movement, the CIA? There's a reason. There's a reason they did this. It's to create

a docile market. And we are suffering the consequences. It's that so many people don't see this. There's so many people think you're just going to change one thing. If you just change the economics, if you get better economics, everything's going to. And I've said this a couple times, and I know it upsets some people when I say it. But, you know, if you're a loser now, believing that you're not going to, believing you're going to somehow be some winner because the, the state's gone and now you're living in a, you're living in Ancapistan.

If you're a loser now, you know, maybe examine that. Maybe examine. It's like the people who say, well, I don't want to make more money because then I'm just paying more taxes, and that's just paying for the war in Yemen.

And I'm like, if they weren't collecting taxes, they'd print money to, to continue the war in Yemen. So stop, stop making excuses. because you're lazy or a loser. Right.

And mostly a leftist, basically. Of course. Disguising themselves as somebody who loves liberty. I love the LARPERS, right? Like the libertarian and cap larpers. Yeah, I love liberty, but let me pose in the mask with Antifa or my Antifa company. But no, no, I totally believe in Austrian economics. No, you should be shot.

I mean, how many libertarians? and quote unquote libertarians and even anarchists and agorists basically went to stand side by side with BLM in 2020. Oh, but these weren't the people who were burning down the cities. Well, you know, very much like the group of militants we just talked about who were able to convince the more moderate black kids to join their side. That's numbers. Yep.

As soon as the first city got burned down, the people who were going out to, you know, as soon as the first fire started in Minneapolis, the people who were going out to protest, you know, George Fettinol's death, should have been like, okay, shut this down. Mm-hmm. But they didn't. They didn't. Where were you during the George Floyd riots? Atlanta? Atlanta? How was that?

I took my Uzi to work with me. The base. I love that. I took my Jewish girlfriend went with me everywhere. So I was in New York City living with my ex or staying with my ex

in the Upper East Side in our apartment and this was the first time in my life I saw New York City had a her a few. And I remember going out, buying something from, I don't know, the Whole Foods, which was a few blocks away. And I saw a bunch of cops. And I was like, you guys are just going to stand here and let them riot while the people who live in these nice buildings, and we

already have the goddamn section 8 housing homes that, you know, that were built right by the luxury communities. We have enough to contend with that, but now you're going to just let them run rampant. They're like, well, what can we do? I don't know. Shoot them all. NYPD are some of the worst trained officers when it comes to gunplay because there's, like I said, 44,000 officers and there's like three places at the most for them to go and shoot and practice in New York City. Okay, so break those numbers down and tell me how many times a year

you can make it to the range if you're doing it. I mean, it's like, remember the Empire State Building shooting like 10 years ago? Yeah. And then they, the two cops that were stationed at the Empire State Building chased that guy and

both of them unloaded 30, you know, they had 15 round mags. They emptied their guns at the guy. They hit him like once or twice. and they hit nine bystanders. The guy had stopped and he was just... So this is my problem with this. I don't think anyone can actually be such a bad shot.

I feel like this is orchestrated. I feel like they were trying. But what you were saying about curfew in New York, the only time I ever remember curfews when I was growing up as if there was a blackout. if there was a blackout, then the city would be like, you turn on WINS and they'd be like, there is a curfew, no one can go out after dark tonight. Because what happens when there's a blackout?

But yeah, the fact that, you know, and that was when the city was like, okay, we're, we can't allow people to go crazy. The fact that they let people go crazy. I remember, I remember going up to New York. in September of 2020 and actually sneaking into the city because you had to, you know, if you came off a plane, you had to fill out, oh, where are you going? You're going to have to shelter in place for five days. I mean, I just literally walked off the plane. This is a legend. I'm lying about this, okay?

Yeah. And there was a fat black lady there, of course, handing out papers to fill out. And I just looked at her and like immediately it came to my mind, oh, I'm connecting to, I'm connecting to a flight to Canada to Canada over there. And she's like, okay, just go right past. And I just went right out. I grabbed my, I grabbed my Uber and, you know, and went into the city and everything. But I remember going up there, and this is September of 2020, and going down to Soho and wanting to go shopping. And how many places, I mean, the fry, the fry had been looted.

All these things. Soho had been looted. I was happy that like the Doc Martin store was like only one of the only things it wasn't looted. And I'm like, how did that happen? And I remember just it's like you're walking around and you're just like, how did they let this happen? Because we were told to go to our homes while the riots were happening. And I told my ex, I said, listen, open up the window, let's heat like a cold drink of hot water. And let's just like throw it out the window. He's like, rose, we're on the 26th floor. It's not going to be very much. I was like, we need a better process. So I'm trying to figure out at what point, you know, the hot liquid is going to cool down. And he's like, if we were on the third or fourth floor, maybe, but not on the 26th floor.

man, it was so awful. I was like, we're just going to start throwing bricks out in Minecraft. Oh, no. Piss balloons. You had people used to throw water balloons. Just fill them with piss. We used to do that all the time. Sadly, I didn't know you back then, but that would have been a great idea.

All right, let's get out of here. You got anything to plug? No. Nope. Nope. But it was great seeing you. speaking to and I'll see you later. Well, thank you for giving,

thank you for pointing out the fact that this book existed and that, you know, you indirectly or directly gave me the idea to do this and a lot of people are really like this. And now a lot of people, I saw somebody yesterday who was like posting a whole bunch of screenshots from the book and everything. So I was able to go in there and give them the link to the YouTube page and

put the YouTube page in there and hopefully drive some traffic and everything because, I think the more people start seeing and reading things in this book, they're like, oh, this has happened before. Of course. Yeah. I mean, my whole, you know, my whole idea is to open up people's minds, right? And do it, do it with an idea and ideology. I'm all about building and I'm all about improvement.

I mean, I spoke to you on my game theory episode about that. And that's just who I am as a person. and it's never going to change. I appreciate it. And like I said, thank you. Of course. All right. I think we're live.

I'm here with the Prudentialist. How you doing it, sir? I'm doing great. How about you? Doing good. Let me see if I can get entropy up here. I probably should sign in.

That'll help. So what have you heard from this book so far? And what are you thinking? Great things so far. I mean, this book hit my radar a year ago on Twitter telling me just a short thread comprehensively going over it bit by bit. And I tell myself, I got to get a copy of this for myself. And then you look it up and it's like, 280 bucks. And I'm like, oh, well, I don't think I want to do a vanity purchase for that much.

But you started covering it and then Reactio started doing the audio book version of it. I was like, all right, let's go. So, I mean, this book has just been a really great comprehensive case about why, you know, busing and integration. doesn't work. Yeah. Yeah. I mean, it's, and it's so brutal. The way he wrote it is just, I mean, it's so raw. I mean, this is obviously a very intelligent person who's writing it. He could write it from a scholarly standpoint. No, he's literally writing it like a guy from, you know, the neighborhood in Brooklyn or Queens or something like that. And, you know, that's something that's really appreciated as well. So, all right, let me,

Put this, let me share this onto YouTube and Twitter. Not YouTube. Share it onto Twitter. And then share it over to Facebook. Might as well utilize that while I still have an account. And let's see what we got here. Facebook. Sorry, I know this is excellent podcasting right now.

I mean, you're taking advantage of Facebook. You're probably better than most podcasters out there. All right. Well, just wanted to announce, let everyone know. You can do the super chats. We will read super chats if you do it on Facebook, on YouTube. But if you go to the chat and you look at the pinned comment, that's an entropy link. and entropy keeps a whole lot less of the money than YouTube does.

And if you do it on YouTube, it's just going to Google. So part of that's going to Google. So I would avoid that if I were you. All righty, let's get this up on the screen. All right, I'm going to start reading. Interrupt me when you want to comment. This is chapter four of Harold Salky. Altman's Race Warren High School that's hanging your destruction of Franklin Lane High School.

So, all right, chapter four is titled, Integration, Racial Strife, and Enter the Community. I start reading now. The turmoil that Lane struck at the very basis of the belief in integration in the public schools. Like I said, this guy does not waste a word. It's just, he's straight ahead with this. It was widely accepted in New York school circles that an integrated society could only be achieved if children were schooled together regardless of race. But in the midst of all the name-calling and blame placing, few people remembered that Lane had been the first co-educational academic school in the entire city to become more than just tokenly integrated, way back in the early 1950s. Sadly, there had been a long history of racial antagonism among the student body, and no one had to be.

ever made an effort to solve the problems created by integration. It really does say a lot when the first thing that you really hear out of this is more than just tokenly integrated. And what immediately happens once you get past that is just violence and strife. It's absolutely amazing. For years Lane was something of an orphan of the community. Did I, did I, did I say, yeah, sadly there were a long as stare at about, but for years, Lane had been something of an orphan in the community. Few if any of the community civic leaders had become involved in the school's life, and there was no broad base of support to sustain the school during a period of storm. Instead, white parents had avoided sending their children to Lane as the black

enrollment soared in the 1960s. In 1962, 67.1% of the student body was white. In 1969, with the enrollment population up to more than 5,000, the white enrollment had declined to, 30.7 percent. A variety of conditions had brought on the sudden change. While the New York City School Board was publicly committed to a program of integration in the early 1960s, there were no significant efforts to integrate the high schools or to prevent already integrated schools from tipping over and becoming all black. Various art.

You got something? No, just, well, gee, you know, what are the consequences? I was listening to this earlier today, and I'm just, the first, like, 20 minutes are going over at, like, the setup for the schools and no one had considered, well, what might just happen if, you know, we just replace everybody? Various artificial devices were introduced to break the neighborhood school concept, which, because of segregated housing patterns, fostered de facto segregation. One such change was the abandonment of the traditional 633, elementary elementary, elementary, junior high school, senior high school arrangements and replacing it with a new 444 setup, which allowed the school board to manipulate large numbers of students for the sake of integration. For a lay, it meant the doubling of the size of the incoming class as the ninth grade was

lopped off the junior high schools. Yeah, just stacking in a bunch of freshmen into now a newly integrated environment. And I mean, anyone, I don't know, Pete, if you went to a high school. school where ninth grade was still with junior high but like no you know it's a night yeah in our high schools yeah right so i mean like you know what kind of a vastly different environment that is for someone just coming out of like eighth grade or whatever and now you're in this whole different environment but now we're going to throw racial integration on top of that when you weren't racially integrated previously outside of like it said earlier just something token uh we're just throwing kids into the meat grinder yeah that's uh and that's exactly what they do in public schools in

New York City when I went to school, public school in New York City, in grade school, even in grade school going from fifth to sixth grade, you switch schools. And it was a leap. I mean, it was fifth to sixth grade was just as much a leap as most people would take going from eighth grade to ninth grade as far as in high school, especially when it comes to academics. And they don't prepare you for that. Obviously, how do you prepare? hair somebody when your schools have five and six thousand people in it. Yeah, I mean, like my graduating class in my high school, like I finished high school in El Paso, but I mean, even then, I think our graduating class had like just under a thousand kids. But when you're in that area, it's different because

it's mainly ethnically homogenous. But, you know, the school system for the district was organized by like, you know, what which are the feeder schools, which are the charter schools that you want to, like, you know, which neighborhoods have them. And well, which ones have magnet programs that kids want to apply for and do so. In that kind of environment, and dare I say, a more homogenous environment, you've got options and choices. But if you don't, you know, you're going to go anywhere at any time and it's going to be a totally alien environment. And especially for kids back then, I mean, oh, on top of this new environment academically, socially, et cetera, you're going to be dealing with the untold, you know, issue of race that no one really was prepared for either. Yeah. My, my graduate in class

was 97 or something like that. I went to a really, really small school. And I was happy for that because I had friends who were in schools that were four and 5,000 people. And I don't know how they, I don't know how they handled it and how they got out of that with their sanity. Really don't. Let me see.

What was that? Okay. Another reason for the rapid, rather rapid increase over a relatively short time span was the new accent on vocation. education. Black youths who had not learned to master the most fundamental skills in the early grades were, for the most part, unable to compete in the academic high schools, which by nature were geared to prepare students for college. In 1962, Lane was still a fine academic school. It's graduating class able to compete with most for the state regent scholarships and merit awards.

there's um there's two levels of like diploma when you're graduating high school in new york you can just get a regular diploma and then you can get a regents diploma and regents you just have to take extra class you just have to take extra tests and everything and i mean i got my regents and i didn't even try it wasn't like very difficult but most of the people i know did not get their regents diploma so yeah i mean texas is the same way where you just have to take like an additional couple of credits and then you're qualified for a different type of degree. Right. Right.

Or diploma. Cool. All right. Meanwhile, the 28 vocational high schools had become literal dumping grounds where academically retarded and disoriented blacks could go if they failed to meet the minimum reading grade level required for admission to the academic schools. I wonder why the reviews of this online are just so, you know, like people just really want. wanted to kill this guy.

Oh, yeah. I mean, they wanted to take him out, like those kids tried to take out Caruso in the first chapter of this book. I mean, yeah, like, let's just shine a light on the brutal reality that there are a lot of schools out there that are just, like it says, dumping grounds. And, I mean, there are places in certain, I mean, even in classes where I went to school, there were just places that, yeah, this is where you dump kids to just,

you know, kill the time and pass the day. And, yeah, like Steve says in the chat, just tell the truth and then run. For most black youngsters, the vocational school experience was only a waiting period, a place to hang around until he reached the age of 16, when with his parents' consent and a job, he leaves school. But in the late 1950s, the supporters of vocational education began to marshal their forces to win a reversal of this trend, which had all but destroyed the trade schools.

and the school board, anxious to get more blacks into academic high schools, agreed to allowed to trade schools selectivity in choosing students. Damn, it's almost as if there's been a war against the white working class for almost a century. Oh, man. Tell me what we're on. Okay. Soon the vocational schools were giving their own entrance examinations, barring students who hadn't acquired the competency level they felt was necessary. to handle the type of technical training they offered.

By the early 1960s, the academic high schools began feeling the impact of that policy shift as they were forced to take in those students, mostly black, who were rejected by the vocational schools, and who were also totally unprepared to achieve in an academic college-bound course of study. These were the students who started entering lane in ever-increasing numbers in the early 1960s. the school was unprepared to meet their needs and they all too soon became alienated from it placed in a general or non-college preparatory course of study they had little extrinsic motive to succeed yeah i mean i mean people want to defend themselves from this stuff i mean you set up the entrance exam you want to make sure that you're giving the people that you're meant to service a proper opportunity dare i say a barrier to entry for freedom of association

and it all backfires and the school gets the brunt of those academically, you know, troubled and forced to sit there because it's public school. And I mean, the previous chapters talk about truancy as well. I mean, just this was a disaster that blew up right in their face. Well, you also have to take into consideration that while all of this is happening, radicalization is happening too in black neighborhoods. Oh, yeah. So, yeah, they're hearing this from their parents. they're hearing this from friends on the street. And, you know, while they're being told they're academically retarded, they're also being,

you know, being told, well, violence may be the answer. Yeah. Yeah. So, all right. Nor was the school board especially concerned with the severe overcrowding created by these shifts. Coupled with the general population rise, schools like Lane nearly doubled in size during the decade of the 60s. Meanwhile, the city's school construction program lagged well behind the rise in high school enrollment. Imagine that. During this period of growing registration, only two academic high school

were built in the entire borough of Brooklyn, while one girls high school was actually closed down. Not a single new high school was built in the core area of Bed Stuyveson, Brownsville, and East New York. sharp increases in student populations forced the high schools to go on to overlapping or multiple sessions, beginning frequently before sunrise and running until 5 to 6 p.m. With students and teachers coming and going in shifts. I mean, like this is where you're going to see strikes and people wanting to just say, screw this, so you're going to get teacher burnout and people are not going to want to do it or, of course, you know, traditionally white flight.

I mean, and of course, they're not keeping up with the construction or meeting the demand. It's almost as if, you know, this was intentionally set up for failure. Well, that, we definitely argued that. All right. By 1969, schools had been built for 3,000 students, schools that had been built for 3,000 students were carrying registers of 4,500 or more. In 1968 of the 17 academic high schools in Brooklyn, only one was operating below capacity while the rest were overutilized at rates from 116% to 166%. I would really like to know which school it was that was operating below capacity and whether the majority of the people in the neighborhood going to that school wore tiny hats.

Yeah, I wonder what part of Brooklyn they were from. Yeah. During this period, Lane's enrollment jumped from 3,650 students in 1958 to 5,374 in 1968. Oh, my gosh. Can you imagine? I mean, 1700 is... At the same time, the school board never did implement an integration program for the high schools on a borough-wide basis. Yes, Lane could be integrated. There had been little... Yes, Lane could be integrated. There had been little opposition to it as far back as anyone could remember. But it was a different story for the schools in most other parts of Brooklyn. Even in 1968, most were either only tokenly integrated or almost exclusively white as a result of segregated housing programs.

Hmm. Hmm. Even the board, that means, yeah. You know, it's sad. We look at the consequences of today, and we're just watching, oh, these people are rethinking what they sell, and we're living in the ashes of it. Yeah, exactly. It's like we look at it now, and I tried to trace this, you know, all this stuff happening, late 60s, going to the early 70s. And then, you know, in the later 70s, you really don't have any, in the later 70s and into the mid-80s, really don't have any problems.

And then when the problems really start again in New York, as far as racial strife goes, well, one happened to upstate. It was the Tijuana Brawley debacle. And then it was... Morton Downey Jr. made an ass of himself. Yeah. And riots between blacks and Jews in Brooklyn. Oh, I know. I started, I was, I'm recent, this is a tangent, but I started reading Marie Friedman's, what went

wrong, the creation and collapse of the black Jewish alliance. And yeah, it's the, the site's the 1990s. That's really where it does fall apart. Yep. All right. Where the hell was I? Not only, okay, let me see. Even in 1968, most were either only took only, even the board's open, right, okay, not only did the school board do little to integrate white schools or to build new high schools in the black areas, but its zoning plans had the effect of creating reverse segregation in schools such as lane, which were already well integrated. By gerrymandering Lane zone and extending it further and further into the central Brooklyn ghetto, more blacks were added to the schools each year.

This seems like a social, like a social engineer's wet dream. I know, right? This is like if, you know, this is John Money meets race. It's just, yeah, we're going to see what. It's like, it's like out of a fallout story. It's like, okay, we're going to put some nice, highly educated middle American suburbs guys, and then we're going to just bring the entire ghetto into them with the vault and see what happens. Oh, man.

All right. Where was that? Where was that? Okay. While there was a rather complete population change in the core of East New York during the 1960s, the immediate neighborhoods of Cypress Hills and Woodhaven remained exclusively white. Nevertheless, the local high school became predominantly black. In making these zoning changes, the school board never admitted that it was politically impossible to bust large numbers of black youngsters to all white schools.

At the same time, it followed a policy of not building new high schools in central Brooklyn, the core area which in 1969 was home for most of the borough's 650,000 blacks. That's one borough. Good word. Borough. The excuse was that the whites would never send their children to a school located in a black community. Duh? I hate to just say it like that, but I mean, come on. It's, I, oh, man.

All right. I feel like you're, like, I've been watching the series so far, but I've been watching it. And I'm just thinking to myself, well, obviously, but we're going to do it anyway. The path of lease resistance and the one ultimate adopted by the high school zoning unit was to transport into Lane more black youngsters and turn an already integrated school into a segregated one. Such was the disregard with which Lane was treated by central school authorities during the 1960s. Let me read the footnote here. On April 12, 1972, as a result of a suit filed in federal district court, Brooklyn, by six Lane parents, Judge John R. Dooling ruled that the zoning, of Lane High School resulted in de jure in de juries segregation. The court is expected soon to order

the book, the Board of Education to draw a new attendance zone for the school. So this is, he's writing this, this is being released in 1972 and he's, this comment right here is on something that's actually happening and underway at the time. James O'Connell, James J. O'Connell, Lane's new principal, saw the handwriting on the wall as the white population dipped from 67.1% in 1962 to 45.2% in 1966. Along with the UFT chapter chairman Carl Golden, he attempted to get a reversal of the trend. O'Connell appealed directly to the school board's central zoning unit and listed the support of his immediate superior, Dorothy Bonowit, the Queens High School's superintendent, and

work cooperatively with Golden. But when push, yeah, but when push came to shove, O'Connell backed off. He was still on probation in 1965 and he wasn't about to make a lot of noise in an open fight with those who could determine whether or not he would be granted tenure in his new rank. Yeah, tenure. Tenure. Based with the choice of rocking the boat and incurring the wrath of his superiors, risking the denial of tenure, risking the denial of tenure at worst, at best being ostracized as a Maverick, O'Connell backed off.

The struggle to preserve integration at Lane was lost in 1965 after a half-hearted fight. There had been meetings with zoning head Jacob Landers, Golden, O'Connell, and Bonowitz, but they resulted in little more than promises which were never kept by the zoning board. The very transportation... The owner who was on the zoning board. Oh, the zoning board in the late 60s. I can just imagine.

I think a lot of the same people with last names like the ones were just mentioned. The very transportation routes laid out by Golden were used instead in 1965 to relieve another school, George Wingate High School, which was able to mount more community

and faculty pressure for a zoning change. The racial strife of 1969 was the logical culmination of eight years of zoning by the central board. As early as 1965, the local UFT chapter issued a detailed analysis entitled Statement of Principle and Nature of Complaint, focusing on the school board's discriminatory zoning against Lane. In this comprehensive study, Golden pointed out that quality integrated education has

been a goal best exemplified by Lane for many years. Really now. These kids never had a chance. No, they didn't. I mean, neither side, right? I mean, let's not, no one. And I mean, it was just set up to turn up the heat on the pot. Yeah. Yeah. See raging mandrel in the chat. How are you doing, sir? All right. Uh, bu, blah, blah. It noted that the school was ideally located to maintain integration and prevent an exodus of whites from the school system in the city. The paper appealed to the board to enable the school. The state, the paper appealed to the board to enable the school. school to provide an environment in which racial enmity would be minimized and diminished and mutual respect encouraged and increased. I love those buzzwords. I mean, this is just, the study predicted in 1965 that the city's zoning policy would turn Lane into a segregated school.

It noted to that while the non-white population of Lane had already exceeded the 50% mark, the four other senior high schools closest to Lane in each direction had non-white enrollments of only 33%, 4.5%, 22%, and 16.8%. Quoting, these figures clearly indicate the study charged that Lane alone amongst its immediate neighbors had become and will remain a segregated school as defined by Commissioner James E. Allen, New York State Commissioner of Education. The school is barely over 50% white, and that's de facto segregation for you. Back in the 1960s, unbelievable. Yeah.

The paper went on to show that transportation and space could not be used as excuses to justify the mass influx of blacks into the school. Public transportation facilities were available with no increase in travel time to other non-integrated schools. It was also noted that none of Lane's neighboring schools were being utilized to their fullest capacity according to the board's own figures. There again is further evidence that this school was just basically a petri dish. Yeah, I mean, no construction, but they're saying that they're working on at capacity when it's overfilled. This was a social experiment, nothing more, nothing less. The move toward reverse segregation had to revert. resulted in a serious decrease in the level of educational opportunity available at Lane.

Really? Say it ain't so. The study revealed that the science curriculum had suffered as classes in physics and chemistry were dropped. Oh, man, those were the classes I even liked in high school. The modern language curriculum was truncated by, the elimination of German, Latin, Hebrew, and Russian. So Latin is taken out. I noticed they weren't even teaching Greek at all.

You think they replaced it with Ethiopic? For the first time, there were no honor classes at each level of English and social studies, as had existed in all the years prior to 1965. There were honors classes when I was in school. This is ridiculous. The number of new members inducted into Arista, the Honor Society, had dropped from the usual six-year more each year to less than 30. Doing a really good job of, you know, educating here.

The education is definitely leaning more towards social than academic. I think that's pretty clear. The local superintendent had even directed O'Connell to drop a number of special courses because of low registration. White students began using this lack of educational opportunity as a convenient means of getting a transfer to a nearby school, which did offer subjects that Lane had dropped for lack of academic talent. This reduced educational program was in direct contradiction

to the concept of quality integrated education, which the school board was publicly expounding. So, I mean, it's just exactly what we would expect from like what we see what we've seen with affirmative action where oh yeah i mean i was reading some of the transcript stuff that the um you know the plaintiffs were we're putting out there is sort of their the issue of um of affirmative action and they're like yeah you know like a a sub-1300 sAT score you know poor GPA and they're like oh yeah we definitely have to help this brown girl get in put her on some sort of like merit scholarship

fund. And then the next one was like, I don't think I can defer or help this student, you know, like perfect SAT score, 3.98 GPA. We're ready to go. And they're like, why? Isn't she brown? And it's like, no, Asian. It's like, oh, well, you got to help out the friends. And it's just like, now 60 plus years of that being institutionalized. This is what we get. And this is like the genesis of it, really. $5 super chat from death over on entropy. All I see that is to result from integration is cultural enrichment. This is the benefits of diversity.

Yes. Star Strength. The sudden dramatic shift of student population also led to a decline in extracurricular activities. There were fewer clubs and even a victorious basketball team found it difficult to sell tickets. Oh, they should have learned from Don Haskins or something. You only pull out the black guy when you're near the end. So I even need to make the joke.

Basketball Americans can't sell a basketball game. Once popular attractions like the senior dance and the senior faculty basketball game no longer drew crowds, and as a result of student drunkenness and racial clashes, practically all evening social activities were discontinued. Students stopped participating as readily in. student government, and there was general aptity toward extra curricular activities. I mean, this is a microcosm of what we're seeing now. Well, yeah.

How many articles have been published about, like, decreased democratic participation, the more diverse it gets? Or how Amazon prevents unions from being formed by diversifying their workplaces at Whole Foods. It's just, here you go. Here's the proof. All right. Students stopped participating as readily in student government. Parents told their children to come home right after school as it was being dangerous to remain after 3 p.m. Because of the increasing number of fights.

As a consequence, the enriching extracurricular activities were quickly disappearing, making it impossible for either black or white students to enjoy opportunities available to almost every other high school student. the dream of integration academic enrichment for cultural enrichment yes well i mean there's you go from academic to the social the the dream of integration was turning into a nightmare lane was the safety valve putting off real integration in the high schools of brooklyn in 1968 commissioner allen's office responded to the uft chapters allegation that the board's zoning policy had segregated lane the state Education Department wrote. Quoting,

In investigating the situation of Franklin K. Lane, I find that it is essentially as you report. However, I am sure that this is temporary. There is presently a thorough study of the entire Brooklyn zoning in progress. Franklin K. Lane will be included in this study, as will all the high schools in Brooklyn. This state finance study is in operation presently, and the results of it will be known in November of 1968. By saying that the study will include all of the other high schools in Brooklyn, the stats from Franklin K. Lane just get mixed into a soup with everything else. And you're not going to, they won't be singled out.

It will be, it will just be all mixed together. And from what they've already said. What was that phrase, the manipulation of procedural outcomes to get a desired result? Yeah. Oh, man. Let's see if we got any here. I think here. Okay.

Moving on. The results of that study were known in 1968, but there were no comprehensive borough-wide rezoning. In May 1969, after a local protest forced the board to back off from a general rezoning plan, there was an interim move to shift 2200 black and Puerto Rican students into 10 predominantly white schools to alleviate the racial imbalance in four other. one of which was Lane. The plan drew a loud howl from John Lindsay and the mayor publicly criticized the board for daring to zone black youngsters into white schools. It was an election year and how the mayor thought and how, it was an election year and how the mayor thought, could he let the school officials put him in such an embarrassing position when he was actively campaigning to win back those white middle class votes he had lost, when he sided with the Ocean Hill extremists in the Great School Strike.

The New York Times, which usually supported Lindsay on controversial issues, was critical of the mayor's protest and on its editorial page said, Quoting, In as much as only slightly more than 2% of Brooklyn's academic high school students are affected, it is difficult to understand why Mr. Lindsay considers that the measure requires policy review, either by the Board of Education itself or by City Hall. Indeed, the suggestion that the mayor's office should be involved in such changes, which can never be expected to please all students, parents, or principles affected,

can only increase the risk of politicizing what ought to be a strictly educational administrative decision. Mr. Lindsay's reaction, whether he realized it or not, is certain to be cheered by those least enthusiastic about integration. You mean his voters? Heaven forbid. Yeah. Imagine somebody pandering to their voters. It's shocking. Imagine a politician wanting to court the people that he lost and voted like an actual public servant. All right. Unheard of.

No. And retiring school superintendent Donovan chimed in with, I do not think we deserve any condemnation from the mayor of he is as devoted to integration in the schools as we are. If the mayor doesn't share our goal, then he should say so publicly. The temporary and modest change was to result in about 300 fewer black students enrolling in Lane in September 1969. A key factor in the board's move was the increasing pressure from community groups protesting the growing racial imbalance. The UFT chapter at Lane, the Parents Association, and the newly formed Woodhaven Cypress Hills Community Association, had all taken firm public stands on the issue of racial balance. All three groups had come out strongly in favor of the concept of restoring Lane to the status of an interborough school serving white students from Queens on an equal basis with the blacks from Brooklyn.

but even there, the forces within the body politic and the educational bureaucracy itself were stacked against any such change. There's that word again, bureaucracy. Yeah, yeah, there's that word again, change. The issue of race had been so explosive that public officials, even the local politicians, avoided the Elaine issue like the plague. Well, duh. I mean, like it said earlier,

Like, it's the release valve. Like, okay, we can dump the problem somewhere and sweep it under the rug. It's the ultimate form of, like, not in my backyard. Oh, nimbie. Oh, yeah. NIMBY rules. All right. In May, the mayor reneged on commitments about rezoning given by his own representative,

Jay David Love. The board had first published a preliminary as rezoning plan in March, 1969, which, if adopted, would have cut off the small. small remaining portion of Queens from the Layton Zone, sealing forever the school's fate as a segregated institution. Only a leak by one of the local superintendents in Brooklyn, revealing that the plan would bust out students from his all-white district into predominantly black high school, Thomas Jefferson High School, resulted in a white reaction which forced the board to kill the plan. Good on him. It had been released to the district superintendents as a confidential document, but the outcry against the busing killed any general rezoning for 1969. There weren't many people around that spring who were willing to talk about integration and rezoning for Lane or any other school in New York.

Six months earlier, Selleb had said, this is the 1969 principal of Lane. I feel rezoning lane is advisable, but just how it should be done, I don't know. I think the teachers are right when they say the racial imbalance should be restored. The school is becoming tipped over, and that isn't good for anybody. The ethnic balance in the school doesn't reflect the school neighborhood in any way. I would think that the proportion of non-whites should be closer to 50% and arrange so that it wouldn't tip over. That way we could provide for the needs of everybody. Privately Selleb and almost everybody else close to the lane situation conceded that the only way it could be done was to shorten the Brooklyn side of the district while extending it deeper into Queens.

But zoning itself was a highly political issue and it was for this reason that the Woodhaven Assemblyman, Frederick Schmidt, broke with the Community Association. The association's plan supported by parents and teachers called for pushing the lines deeper into Queens and extending them into Ozone Park, a community which was also part of Schmidt's 20 assembly district. As soon as something affects him, you know. It didn't take a political genius to realize that the people of that area would have put a plan and that it was political suicide for an elected official to be anything but unequivocally opposed. to such heresy. When the chips were down. Yeah. I mean, I was just like it's like they said earlier.

Like we can't touch this issue. It's too much of a hot button topic. And he wasn't going to, you know, put his neck out on the line for, you know, the well-being of actual people. But here we are. Yeah. Check in the chat. Okay.

All right. When the chips were down, the assemblymen abandoned Woodhaven and jumped on the bandwagon with the rest of the Queens County Democrats who were attacking the proposed. It killed any hope of reviving Lane as an inter borough and integrated school. Thanks, Dems. Fred Schmidt wasn't the only local politician to abandon Lane. For years, the school had gotten its very best students, those who were admitted to the honors program from the Forest Park Housing Cooperative in Woodhaven,

a complex of apartment buildings. But when the trouble began in the fall of 1968, the parents of these youngsters united in a concerted effort, united in asserted effort to get their children transferred out of lane. Nobody could blame them. Their children came home each day with Macaw stories of white girls being attacked by black girls, of extortions of the fear. I thought that was going in a different direction.

Of extortions of the fear of entering the study hall in the auditorium or of going into a laboratory for what might be lurking there. So hold on. Macarab stories of white girls being attacked of extortions of fear so are they saying fear of like being labeled a racist or just the general fear of you know not wanting to be in an unsafe neighborhood

you know in a school for good to sakes this this also reminds me about a lot of what happened in Loudoun County since they basically more or less swept that quote unquote trans student sexual assault under the bus and here we are hearing the same story as just you know 60 years earlier

Mm-hmm. Sorry. Trying to clear my throat. All right. These parents have developed real prejudices, a reaction which was in direct contradiction to the liberal traditions of their Jewish heritage. But they argued the safety of their children comes first. It was not at all actual then that the parents in the middle income housing cooperative enlisted the help of their city councilman, Arthur Katzman of Forest Hills. The first city Democrat to endorse Lindsay's re-election bid a few months later. They wanted Katzman and avowed liberal. Did he even need to add that? It was redundant. They wanted Katzman and avowed liberal to get their housing unit zoned out of Lane's district and into the more severely overcrowded Richmond Hill High School located about two miles farther east.

Richmond Hill was a quiet local school, which in 1969 remained rather isolated from even the general movement of student unrest. But what was most important for these Woodhaven parents was the fact that in spite of severe overcrowding, the black minority in the Richmond Hill School had not created the furor that was sweeping lane. Katzman discussed the matter of rezoning with Richard Strider, the mayor's education aide who communicated with Deputy Superintendent Brown. that zoning change was made, and Lane was moved a little closer to becoming an all-black school. You know, this kind of just reinforces that Rosedale study, like the few people that had integrated, tokenly integrated, were just like, yeah, no, this is good. We don't want to ruin a good thing here at the moment you throw it over. There you go. The Community Association's own rezoning plan was given wide publicity throughout eastern Brooklyn,

and Southwestern Queens, with some 50,000 copies of the proposed zoning changes distributed. The goal of changing the lines to achieve integration was one which had the endorsement of most local groups, and although the teachers were somewhat suspicious of the association's politics, they did support the rezoning idea. The association's leaders asked me to attend the zoning meeting that had been set up with Nathan Brown at board headquarters. The conference had just gotten underway when I arrived at the deputy's house. Assembled around the large conference table were Brown, zoning director Hillary Thorne, assistant superintendent Frederick Williams, and the association leaders. The fact that both Thorne and Williams were black further aroused the suspicions of the association leaders. William Hoffman of Lane, Michael Long and Joseph Gulliani of Cypress Hills, and Tony Sadowski of Woodhaven.

As the secretary showed me to a seat and announced my presence, Brown looked up and asked, Are you the Mr. Saltzman from the UFT? I am, came the reply. Mike Long quickly interjected, explaining that he had asked me to be present in advisory capacity. I'm sorry, but I don't mean. meet with teachers and community people in the same meeting, Brown replied, obviously annoyed at my presence. If Mr. Salzman wants to meet with me on this matter, I am always happy to meet with teachers, but he has no business here today. Ah, that ethnic gangsterism that, you know, Beth was just talking

about yesterday. It was a closed case. Knowing Brown's reputation and not wanting the meeting to break up, I rose to leave. Gagliani, the most most vituperative of the, what the hell does that even mean? Oh, we're going to find out. The most retuperative of the association leaders had some choice words for Brown and bitter and abusive. Bitter and abusive? Yeah.

I can't remember that one. What a good word. Galeani, the most fituprative of the association leaders had some choice words for Brown and followed me out as a gesture of protest, hoping that the others would follow suit. They didn't. And after Galiani had called off, he returned to the conference. What a good Italian. Just go right back in.

The deputy superintendent, however, was less concerned about resolving the issue of Lane Zone than he was about sizing up the association. He had read newspaper accounts of meetings where nearly a thousand local residents had shown up to cry for the principal's head. and he knew two of their successful demonstrations outside the school and of their political expertise in rallying large numbers of people to their cause. But Brown had the same feeling of contempt for the association that he had these black militants who had taken over schools by force and held him captive in his own office. Good Lord. Like what do you say about that? Just other than the fact that no one, and this is the power of, like, this is the power of, like a mind virus, right?

Like everyone is so deathly afraid of being called a bigot that, yeah, I'll be held captive in my own office by people that look like me, for the sole sake and purpose of not wanting to be, you know, labeled a bigot or kicked out of my job. The same things we faced today, you know,

60 years ago. Yeah, that's why this book, I thought this book was so relevant. To Brown, the Community Association represented a white backlash, certainly a force to be reckoned with and not to be taken lightly. The meeting itself accomplished little with each side accusing the other of stimulating unrest in the school.

They were on different wavelengths. Imagine. Imagine. Oh, yeah. We're stimulating unrest, sir. My people haven't held you hostage in your own office with weapons, but okay, go off, sir. It's the same way, even to this day. Yeah.

The UFT chapter was quick to take brink. to take Brown up on his offer to meet and requested such an audience. Brown responded by having Selib set up a luncheon meeting in the principal's office on April 22nd. Altamare and I spoke in behalf of the six-member teachers' committee we had assembled. The school had been on a single session schedule since February. We reminded the deputy superintendent and he had endured what no other school had been through. And we had endured what no other school had been through, both qualitatively and quantitatively. Give us a chance to recover.

Time for wounds to heal, we pleaded. Keep the incoming freshman and sophomore class down to about 800 pupils in the fall. Let the school get back on its feet, at least with the maintenance of a 4,300 student body and a single session day we could begin to solve our problems. Moreover, if the incoming class was kept down to 800, that would also assure an eventual return to a 50-50-blank-white ratio

and help restore local confidence among whites that their children weren't going to be outcast in a black school. We had all the statistics ready for Brown, feeder patterns, the size of the junior high school graduating classes, maps, and transportation guides. We had done our homework well. How could he refuse us? Surely our arguments were responsible. Our goal legitimate. It's so cute when you think, you know. Oh, you did all this to work, and they're about to trample on you.

push for your complete removal. Here we go. All right. But Brown had come to Lane not to save a school, but only out of the necessity of fulfilling a commitment made out of expedience. Cynically, he suggested a plan to reduce by 100 the number of black students coming in from the Brooklyn side and to add 100 whites from Ozone Park, with a contingency that the white parents consent to going along with the shift. To go along with the shift. They would never approve such a plan. They were never approved such a plan we argued if given the option. And the minimal number of students involved would have no immediate effect on the school either. It would hardly alter balance, wouldn't reduce overcrowding,

and would not facilitate the maintenance of the single session we needed. It was simply too little, too late we protested. Sounds a lot like today's immigration debate. Yeah. Nathan Brown's announcement of the proposed zoning shift went even further into Queens and the Community Association had requested. And it came right in the midst of the Democratic Party's primary campaign for Queensboro president, a wide open affair. In a borough where the Democratic enrollment was two and one-half times that of the Republicans, a victory in the Democratic primary virtually guaranteed victory in the general election. On the eve of such an important county election, the three major candidates seized upon the zoning question and came out in vehement opposition to

any such shifts. An emergency meeting have been called by civic and political leaders of the Ozone Park, Howard Beach neighborhood to protest Brown's proposal of zoning their youngsters into lane. I just like how all three candidates all came out in sort of this opposition. Just, you know, remember, guys, it doesn't matter what party you're on as long as you're not racist. President at the meeting were the three major Democratic hopefuls.

for the borough presidency. State assemblyman Leonard Stavisky, State Senator John Sintucci, and incumbent interim, Sydney Levis. All three spoke out against the change and in favor of retaining John Adams as to Neighborhood School for that area. Joining in the public protest

and pledging their support in the fight against the rezoning were city councilman Walter Ward of Howard Beach and Woodhaven's Assemblyman Fred Schmidt. The 18,000 petition submitted to Brown from the residents of Woodhaven and Cyprus Hills was not nearly enough to match the pressure that was being mounted from nearby Ozone Park. A potent coalition of parents, politicians, and civic groups came together to blast a proposal and muster opposition to it.

There was little anybody could do or say that could lessen local hostility as they held rallies and mobilize community antagonism against the plan. Emotions were running to even Tom Pappas, the UFT chapter chairman of John Adams High School, was dragged into the fray, warning of internal union division if the Lane chapter continued to push for a rezoning that affected his school. I just like, what do you say to this other than we've watched this take place for years now? I just, oh, I mean, the same issues of today, union infighting, the massive, all of a sudden, sudden and spontaneous, you know, arousal of public opposition from civic groups, concerned citizens, organizations and politicians, just, it's almost as if time really is a flat circle. It's been a lot of years since I've talked about it on a show, but, yeah, I grew up in a union family. My grandfather was Teamster. My dad.

was the UTT and the Bronx and everything. And I mean, this is just, I sigh at this because I know exactly how all of this works. I mean, I grew up hearing the stories. Soon Brown begins stepping back and in response to a Lane chapter telegram endorsing his plan, the deputy superintendent wrote, may I point out to you, however, that the parents of the children concerned have mounted a very strong campaign, in opposition to this proposal. If the mail, telephone calls, and other public meetings taking place are any indication,

it seems to me that the community groups which indicated support for such a zoning plan either do not have children in the public schools or do not speak for the majority of the community. Sounds about right. No skin in the game says everything. Yeah. Come on. On May 19, 1969, after Brown decided to drop the plan in time, entirely, less than three weeks after proposing it, he wrote to the president of District 27

local school board declaring, since the parents involved are not receptive to the change, we have decided to withdraw the proposal. It was never our intent to force any zoning decisions on the community. While the zoning question remained cloudy, a great many of the truants who had been transferred out in January returned, and more could be expected back in the fall. Another 1,300 new students would be added to the roles, and almost a thousand more would be taken in on transfer from vocational schools or as new residents in the Lane District. The register would again sort of 5,400 with no solutions to the problems that had caused a breakdown that term before. More the same. Yeah, this along with the presence of an astute.

This along with the presence of an astute politically aware and separatist-oriented cadre of militants set the stage for a reenactment of the previous false disruption. I mean, how could it not? I mean, man. Just read a comment that said, I'm so enriched. historically and culturally enriched. The struggle for integration was being lost and many were beginning to lose faith that it could ever be won. Perhaps Mary Cohn, a lifetime integrationist, put it best at a November 3rd conference with the UFT and high school superintendent Jacob Zach. facetiously, she suggested that if the board was unprepared to move to make Lane viable,

then the school should be taken apart brick by brick and rebuilt in Bedford-Stuyvesant. It was her contention that at least with an all-black student body, there would be no racial classes in the school would be insulated by the local black community. You don't say. Now, there is an idea. It's just amazing to me that it's, it really, really is what we see now in that people just are scared of being labeled racist. Yeah, I mean, remember, Mrs. Cohen said it facetiously.

Yeah. I'm trying to see how much fun. All right. Let's keep reading a little more. All right, cool. Yeah, we got 56 in. Yeah, we can do a little bit more. All right.

So I'm hitting the community. Morton Selleb was a youngish 48 years of age when he assumed the principalship of Lane High School in the fall of 1967. Since 1961, he had been the chairman of the English department at Martin Van Buren High School, a school located in a very affluent residential neighborhood of eastern Queens. In 1966, its black enrollment was 10.2%, mostly middle class, giving Celib little recent experience in dealing with the kind of student he would come in contact with it, Lane. I just love sentences like that. I just couldn't get away with writing them anymore.

And this is a firsthand account of everything, right? And he's just like, yeah, no, like I lived through this. I experienced it. This man was unprepared for dealing with not middle class plans. And to me, the best part, I mean, one of my favorite parts of this book is that, you know, just the fact that the guy who wrote it is, you know, that last thing. The last name is just, I mean, it's just. The old, the old school Jew in New York who's just like, fuck this shit, man.

Fuck you. Fucking Schwarzis, motherfuckers, you know. You can just hear him going home and complain about the night. You just know he's washing all this fall apart and go to shit. And he's just ketching over and everyone else is like, what is wrong with this man? It's just like, oh my God. $5 super chat over in an entropy from BK. I both love and hate this series. Thanks.

Oh, man. That's so good. All right. Baring a startling resemblance to comedian Danny Kay, Selleb even had the entertainer's sharp wit and sense of humor. Wearing flowered ties and plaid sport jackets. He was anything but the stereotyped high school principal. An outgoing, pleasant, likable sort of guy, he had a ready smile and friendly word for everyone with whom he came in contact. At his premier address to the Parents Association in 1967, he said, almost jokingly, people asked me why I chose to come to Lane when I could have been appointed principal of a nice, quiet school in Staten Island. My answer is because this is where the action is.

Famous less words. How many times over the next three years would he regret having made that decision? The son of a pharmacist, Selib attended public schools in the Jewish community of Brooklyn where he was born. After graduating from high school in 1935, he began his college studies at night

at New York University while holding down an assortment of jobs during the day. In World War II, he was a first lieutenant in the Army Air Corps and saw action in the Mediterranean Theater. After the war, he began his teaching career in the city public schools. But in 1967,

Morton Selleb came to a troubled school that was crying out for vigorous and dynamic leadership for imaginative and creative direction. It needed, above everything else, a wise and time-tested administrator who knew the pitfalls of dealing with the school system bureaucrats. For all his charm and wit, Morton Selleb, non-tenured and insecure in his new post, was exactly what Lane did not need in 1960s. There was a job to do in 1916. If the school was to be saved, the parents association once a supportive and active organization, had steadily declined in both membership and stature in the 1960s as the composition of the student body changed. Every year, fewer parents from the local community joined as the number of white youngsters attending lane decreased. The school became less a part of the community's life.

There was little incentive for local parents to get involved. At the same time, the parents of the black students, living in the outlying areas, had neither the time nor the inclination to travel to lane for an evening meeting of the parents association. Anyway, it wasn't their community. It wasn't their community, and why would they bother to, you know. Oh. Yeah. All right.

It wasn't a community. And just as their children felt embittered each day about making the reluctant trek into what they sent. was hostile territory, so did the parents refrain from any active involvement with the school. Even on open school night, Lane was not a place of many black parents visited. So it was the parents' association became a paper organization, his total membership down to 117 by 1969, with rarely more than 25 parents showing up for the monthly meetings. It was a far cry. Yeah.

Yeah. And I mean, you're talking about, what, 50, 5,000 students? Yeah, 5,400 or whatever. It was far cry from the 500 to 600 active membership it had known just a few short years before. There was no concerted effort by the administration to build up the dying organization, and the only real drive to save it came from the UFT chapter, which in the fall of 1967 tried to spearhead a membership campaign. It met what little or no success. When the school found itself in the throes of the worst disruption in its history, there was no influential parent group to give its sustenance to help bring about a detaunt between the warring blacks and panic-stricken whites. So between the warring blacks and the panic-stricken...

You can't write this anywhere. This is the kind of stuff that you have to go to, like, the Occidental Observer to find. Help bring about a detente. Isn't a detent between two warring factions? Yeah. We talk about detaunt with Nixon in the Cold War, not racist. Only after two months of violence when the UFT chapter distributed a bristling letter on open school night. Oh, I bet that's an open letter versus bristling violence.

Yeah, yeah. I bet that just struck so. hard. Were the parents even apprised of the hazardous conditions in the school? This reminded me of a stream that Sargon was on with AA a while back, and he was just like, if we just wrote a strongly worded open letter telling people not to come to this country, this is what it feels like. If we just write an open, an open letter, maybe we can stop these blacks of waging war kids panic-stricken whites. If sell in the boat with the parents, groups of whom were later, to descend upon him demanding that their children be protected or transferred out,

he was a total failure in the eyes of the local community. In the end, he would find himself alone, challenged by both the immediate white community and the blacks. Just as he had chosen not to weld a close alliance with the parents group, he rejected the notion of establishing close ties with the neighborhood. To the progressive and very liberally oriented principle, the Woodhaven and Cypress Hills communities represented the polar rights. exclusively white, their population of German, Irish, and Italian descent was decidedly conservative. A. Frederick Myers, the Democratic liberal state senator whose East Brooklyn Polyglot district takes in Cypress Hills,

had once observed in a meeting of local chapter chairman visiting him in Albany, the state capital, that the people of Cyprus Hills harbored some of the most intolerable reactionary views in the entire. city. I want those guys as neighbors. Yeah. Just using that term too, you know, it's like that term's not going away. The reactionary is not going away. Oh, I thought you meant intolerable. Well, I mean, even though Cypress Hills had been the home base of Anthony Travia, the forward-looking Democratic Speaker of the State Assembly from 1965 to 1968, the reactionary label was firmly imprinted on the community. Travia, a veteran. of 21 years in the Assembly had also avoided getting involved in Lane's problems.

A good politician. He resigned. Yeah. He resigned his assembly seat in 1968 to accept a federal judgeship and was succeeded by Vito Batista, a Republican conservative who, after years of campaigning for various state and city offices, finally won an elective post. But, but, but, but, but, but, but, but, but, but, but, but, but, but, but. Sounds like New York politics.

Yeah, pretty much. Yeah. would totally. But, but, but, but, but, but, but, but, but, but, but, with an eye toward the 1969 mayoral race in New York, refrained from any active involvement in the drama unfolding at length. I finally won a seat. I ain't fucking that up.

I ain't touching that shit with a 10-foot pole. I'm keeping my job. Even in the early 1960s, when the school zone was being gerrymandered to bring in more blacks from central Brooklyn, there was no audible voice of protests in the community. All the local politicians, realizing they needed a broad base of support in a general geographic area that was becoming increasingly non-white skirted the issue of Lane.

Fearful of alienating the black communities of East New York and Bushwick, they left the school bureaucrats with an open field to exercise the death blow. The neighborhood residents, leaderless, and ignorant of the changes being manipulated by the school board, could do nothing to hold back the deluge. Here comes the enrichment. Selleb had assumed the principalship of Lane on the eve of a tremendous citywide struggle over the question of decentralizing the city's 947 public schools. 947. That's an unfathomable number to me.

I just can't imagine New York. like that. I mean, nowadays it's like what, one person per anchor, you know, but everyone's done vertically, but 947 public schools. Oh my gosh. And this is in the midst, right, of like the baby boom. And like so immigration,

birth rates, I mean, an unfathomable amount of numbers all clashing together ready for conflict. And it was coming. I mean, it was being, well, it wasn't coming. It was being engineered. Yeah.

At issue, the question of how much real control neighborhoods should have over their local schools and the amount of authority exercised over them by the Central Board of Education. The mayor had commissioned McGeorge Bundy, head of the multi-million dollar Ford Foundation. And he, dude, he has to be rolling in his grave. Oh, yeah. So the mayor had commissioned George, McGeorge Bundy, head of the multi-uner. million dollar forward foundation and former advisor to president kennedy to do a comprehensive study of

the public school system and come up with a plan to decentralize its massive bureaucracy we're getting libertarian here but the bundy report released in november 1967 shook the very foundations of the school system striking fear into the hearts of its 60,000 professional employees 60,000 employees It called for breaking the central authority and replacing it with 30 to 60 feet autonomous local community boards. The hiring and firing of teachers, signing of union contracts, disciplining of staff, and promotions to supervisory ranks were all powers. Bundy suggested to be removed from the central authority and given over to new locally elected school boards. Now this is a man who read the Moynihan report in 65. In a city where 93% of the pedagogical staff were white and 51% of the public school students black in Puerto Rican and where the Bundy-Lindsay aristocrats were pitting the lower and middle class against each other, the concept of community control of the schools was a most serious threat to the job security of teachers and to the union which exercised the power in their behalf.

Hey, there's that high, low versus middle again. Everybody's got anything. All right. Onward. It was against this backdrop that the struggle was waged in Ocean Hill, Brownsville in 1968. Never was the real issue the job rights of the 19 teachers who were summarily dismissed. The union had agreed behind the scenes before the firings to permit the quiet easing out of teachers, the local school. board didn't want, the local board didn't want, but rather about the kind of decentralization bill,

the legislature would eventually pass. While most school administrators for reasons of self-preservation sought to establish closer ties with the communities in which they worked, Sella moved into the exact opposite direction, that hectic 1967 to 69 period. The new principal never made an effort to build a bridge between the school and the local community, finding the consent. Conservative flavor of the Woodhaven and Cypress Hills community neighborhoods distasteful. He used it as convenient rationalization to remain aloof from them. Yeah, I'm not going to talk to the chuds. In today's parlance, that's correct.

Even in the early days when Lane was more of a neighborhood school, there had always been a certain standoffishness between the school and local community, and Selleb was by no means the first Lane principal to isolate the school from the neighborhood. In a sense, the school was always a bit too left for the neighborhood. The neighborhood a little too right for the school. With two opposing sociopolitical orientations, the barrier was never breached. And both just politely swept it under the rug. Yeah.

Oh, man. Let's see. All right. Selleb, meanwhile, and somewhat of a mystery to the community. and it was not at all unusual that they later turned on him, placing on his shoulders the entire blame for the breakdown. He almost never visited a civic or fraternal group in either Woodhaven or Cyprus, except for the infrequent meetings of a school community council,

an advisory group of local clergyman and parent, parent and civic leaders. Selham chose to conduct his business exclusively from his first floor office, perched atop the Dexter Court Hill looking at the end. area. Rarely did he return to the community in the evening or on a weekend to attend the civic meeting, a bizarre, or some other local affair, which brought together a large number of local residents and community. Rejecting the white community, neither did he make any overt gestures of friendship to the black neighborhoods. He had been equally inaccessible and aloof from both. Oh, this man just said himself up to be a patsy, like a scapegoat. Like, you're not going to talk to

Anybody, you're not making any friends. Oh, it's just, yeah, I see why your career was short-lived. Yeah. Let's see. The principal who had hidden himself from the masses and the masses who had voluntarily disassociated themselves from the school clashed bitterly when the horrors of Lane were unveiled early in 1969. If the school administration, even before Selib's arrival, had failed to involve the community

in Lane's affairs, there was another side to the coin. Tragically, none of the established civic groups in either Woodhaven or Cypress Hills had made the Lane problem a chief organizational concern. The first inklings of trouble appeared way back in 1965, and during the five-year fall, there was no movement in the community to come to the school's assistance. With the established greening, and there were many, and with the parents and local residents crying out for help, there was a leadership vacuum. It was in that atmosphere that the Woodhaven Cypress Hills Community Association was born,

a militant organization emerging out of anger and fear created by the racial strife. Its leadership sounded the call, and an agitated community responded. It was the very first time that a local organization had come together for the express purpose of finding solutions to the school's crisis. All right. reactionary. Let's go. Right-wing friend squads. Anchoring the new association, which had its organizational drive in late December, 1968 and early January, 1969, was a Lane social studies teacher, William Hoffman.

It was only his second year at the school, but unlike many other teachers, he recognized the need for strong teacher community cooperation. Strategically inclined, he viewed the battle as one which had to be fought with the same weapons employed by the black militants. demonstrations, confrontation, coercion. Based. Let's go. When finally, when the Saxon began to hate, like, here we go.

LFG. All right. Hoffman believed that the school board and SELOB wouldn't move against the lane disruptors or initiate any zoning change unless there was a countervailing force exerting pressure with equal intensity from the other end of the political spectrum. He served as the association's inside men, supplying information and suggesting tactics to the other four members of the executive committee. What a hero. Yeah, man.

Joining Hoffman as the one-two punch of the association was Michael Long, a 30-year-old conservative party district leader from Cyprus Hills. Tall, blonde, and extremely good-looking. Let's go! I know where this is going. tall blonde and extremely good-looking long-hatted charisma that attracted a large following, a dynamic speaker, fiery and dramatic, and claiming to be totally devoted to the salvation of Lane, he became the group's chief spokesman. What a Chad.

Yeah, man, this is the good stuff. To the chariots. The third member of the executive committee was Joel, was Joel. Joe Galyani, a youth worker and grassroots Cyprus Hill Politico, who ran the 38th Assembly District Independent Club. Highly charged and vitriolic, Gagliani gave the group a bombastic tone that often threatened to spill over into violence. I like this air already. With Hoffman school-based and Long & Gagliani rallying the forces in Cyprus Hills, it was essential to balance the leadership with Woodhaven representation since a major issue.

was the fight for a general rezoning that would restore the school to its inner borough status. Walter Donovan became the fourth member of the leadership. An attorney and a Woodhaven resident, he had run unsuccessfully as the Republican candidate against Schmidt for the Queen's Assembly seat in 1968. He gave the association the political and geographic balance it needed. From the very beginning, Woodhaven Assemblyman Fred Schmidt, a Democrat, was fearful of the new group. That's what you want. You have to scare the shit out of your enemies. Otherwise, they'll kick you around.

Become what your enemy fears the most. Never forgetting political realities, he saw it as a possible power base that could be used in a campaign against him. Donovan's involvement with it intensified that concern. Schmidt was the darling of Woodhaven and had behind him most of the established civic groups, including the Woodhaven, interfaith council, a committee of local clergymen with a strong liberal point of view. This is why ecumenism is a sin, folks. In 1965, a smear campaign totally unfounded had been waged against him by political opponents and the assemblyman was forever wary of moving too far right.

Does this sound familiar at all? Oh, all the time. The playbook's been around for 60 plus years. Okay. Giving his enemies ammunition to use against him. Schmidt's close identification with the interfaith council gave him the liberal balance he needed to answer his critics, and he could ill afford to alienate the group by throwing in with a conservative association. But even more important was his anticipation of their program to push to lane zone further to the south and east to draw white students from Ozone Park, part of his own twice. 29th Assembly District. While Schmidt was fearful.

I like a comment here in chat from Raging Mandrill. Why, yes, I'm far right. It's like, stop denying that. Say who you are. While Schmidt was fearful of the association, the Woodhaven Democrats realized a potential appeal and political cloud of the New Bike County Association.

In just two weeks, it had enrolled more than 500 dues-paying members, and there was no telling how high or in what direction it would go. Lane itself was becoming more of a political issue in Woodhaven. The racial unrest at the school was a contributing factor in keeping young people from moving into the residential middle class neighborhood where the local high school was considered a community menace. Imagine not wanting to, most people want to think about what school, what the school is like of the neighborhood that they're moving into because of where they want their kids to go. They're not thinking about,

I don't want to move into that neighborhood because the school's fucking dangerous. I mean, it's always been like, you want to go to a nice school, and liberals will be like, oh, you're just a racist. But like, no, these people just don't want to move here because there's going to be a war that breaks out.

Oh, my gosh. Yeah, this is something for sure. This is wild. Ever since his election in the New York State, in 1964, Schmidt had avoided the lane issue, realizing that the ultimate solution of rezoning had to hurt him politically. Complicating the situation for him was the fact that there were some residents who wanted all of Woodhaven zoned out of the Lane District and into the high schools serving the adjacent communities of Richland Ozone Park. It didn't matter to them that

those schools were more severely overcrowded than Lane, with both having annexes to house the overflow. The only important consideration was the fact that they were predominantly white schools free of racial violence. Originally, the Queens Conservative Party had broken with long on this issue, advocating the removal of all Woodhaven youngsters from Lane, but other Queens county legislatures, four key assemblymen, John Flack of Glendale, Rosemary Gunning of Richwood, Joseph Kuntzman of Queens Village, and Alfred Lerner, of Richmond Hill, all Republicans elected with conservative support had made the neighborhood school notion a key issue in their political campaigns.

If Lane was the neighborhood school for Woodhaven, it just didn't jive to move its youngsters to schools and other communities. Yeah, I wouldn't jive move into a place where they speak jive, but you know. The Queens conservative organization quickly. changed its stance. The overwhelming majority of Woodhaven parents and residents were tired of running fearful of drops in realty prices, concerned that Woodhaven had become a community of elderly people as its young left and angry overrepeated acts of vandalism by as its young left and angry overrepeated. It's a weird sentence. Let me get this again. The overwhelming majority of

Woodhaven parents and residents were tired of running. fearful of drops in realty prices, concerned that Woodhaven was becoming a community of elderly people as its young left, and angry over repeated acts of vandalism by black eudes who swarm their streets, turning over garbage cans into defacing property. That sentence right there is literally the Wood, you know,

the Rosdale study, like out of it. Fearful of being elderly, you know, attacks of areas and targets of convenience, people getting more afraid and angry over the situation like this everywhere it's going to be everywhere this is like the most concrete example of a of a reclacable study if there's ever one the residents of woodhaven wholeheartedly endorsed a proposal to cut off the brooklyn boundary about two miles to the west thus eliminating the brownsville and bedford stuyvesant sessions from the district coupled with a moderate extension in coupled with a moderate extension into Queens, this could return the school to a racial profile that would be about 60% white.

It was also expected that as the profile changed from the rezoning, local residents would not feel the need to send their children to parochial and private schools as a means of avoiding Lane. It was hoped that in time, as conditions that Lane improved, more neighborhood youngsters would come to Lane. Every year, hundreds of neighborhood whites found some alternative to Lane, a private or parochial school, a non-zoned vocational or technical public high school. Some even used the address of a friend or relative to register their child at a nearby

academic high school. Anything but the local school. Still happening to this day. With a rezoning, residents hoped this white exodus from the school and community would stop. They were to be sorely disappointed. Oh, man. The Woodhaven Democrats understood all too well that they could get caught with their pants down, and it was for this reason that Tony Sadowski, Woodhaven's Democratic district leader, got into the act and became the fifth member of the executive committee of the fledgling community association.

Sadowski wasn't about to let Donovan steal the show for the Republicans. He went along with almost everything proposed by the Cypress Hill leaders in terms of organizational policy, but when he was unable to prevent from adopting the plan or extending the district lines into Ozone Park, Sadowski broke with a group. Although Schmidt had never thrown in with it, he did come to the very first meeting of the association on January 10, 1969, and told the crowd of over 500 people, we can't tolerate fear in the school and fear on the street. This is America, and what's going on shouldn't happen. A reasonable thing to say. I mean, even for a shit lib, I mean, you know, like, no, these things shouldn't happen, but, you know, you get rid of freedom of association. Like what happens.

Okay. But at that very first meeting, Mike Long, who provided the two fundamental themes that would become the basis for the organization's program. Quote, the first thing that has to be done is to get a change in leadership, he said. In addition to a tax made against teachers and students, women are afraid to walk out on the streets because of the students who loiter in the area. Mike Long wasn't one to mince words. He went on to talk about the question of rezoning. Without going into the details of what was later proposed for Lane, he asked the assemblage to put the pressure on local assemblymen Schmidt and Batista to go back to Albany and bring back the neighborhood school. They should go to Albany and demand the end to busing.

Albany has to tell Lindsay we've had it. In 1969, the state, New York State Legislature did indeed pass an anti-buss law, which prevented the state education commissioner and non-elected school boards from ordering the busing of students for the purpose of achieving racial balance. This was the law cited less than a year later by Mississippi Senator John Stennis in his campaign to compel the United States Justice Department to apply the same standards of integration. to northern schools as were being applied to those in the south. But the new state, yeah, I know. But the new state law brought no relief for Lane. The no busing law, which was later thrown out by the courts,

was not applicable as a solution to Lane's problems. Here's an update from him in 1972. In 1972, New York State Legislature passed another anti-bussing bill. in vetoing the measure, Governor Rockefeller averred that it was substantially the same as the 1969 law that had been declared unconstitutional. The first meeting of the Woodhaven Cyprus Community Association was a grand success, and the leadership encouraged by the enthusiasm of its new found following scheduled another meeting for the following week. It flooded the neighborhood with Flyers announcing the second session on January 17. The Lane Chapter Council, while privately excited about the formation of a new community group that would stand up for the school, was nevertheless weary of forming an alliance with it.

Long's insinuation that Selleb be replaced worried a number of council members. Some feared that if Selleb was dumped, the board would assign a black principal as it had done recently at Boys High School and Thomas Jefferson to predominantly black schools that were having racial problems. Others while being quite willing to blame Selib for his inaction were not ready to call for his removal. Better with the devil you know, the devil you don't. Pretty much, yes. Still others of liberal leanings pictured the new group as a right-wing extreme with which the union must never ally. I mean, the right-wing extreme group shouldn't be allied with the union. Yeah, I mean, and yet here we are repeating the same

BS as today. Like this is why I get so upset when I'm like, yeah, man, we should just be like pro-life new dealers. And I'm like, no, you're the same people that got us here. Yeah, I mean, this is why when when Dave Rubin announced that him and his butt husband were buying two test tube babies and like right wing quote unquote right wingers were like congratulating them on Twitter I just wanted I was gouging my eyes out yeah it's really easy to traffic children if you're gay

did my YouTube account just just sorry I'm sorry my Twitter account survived saying that so I mean all right let's uh all right oh Jesus sorry that's cool No, no, that's amazing. There was no choice but to hold them out. Okay, the council split between those favoring open alliance and those wanting repudiation of the association. There was no choice but to follow a middle course to avoid internal counsel feuding. It was a well-known fact that the New York board didn't act unless put to the wall and forced to make changes to avoid some pending catastrophe, if only that were literal. And even then, it could always be expected to do what was expedient rather than act with integrity and conscience.

A leaderless and apathetic community was the board's signal to gerrymander the lane zone and increase its non-white population from 32.9% in 1962 to 54.8% in 1966 and 69.3% in 1969. Good Lord. Had there been a school community relationship at any time over that seven-year period, or had there been any kind of community leadership willing to stand up to the irresponsible zoning shifts, it is inconceivable that the school could have deteriorated as it did. I'd argue against that, but okay. Yeah, I mean, once you had set it into that kind of percentage, it was more or less game over, especially in the 60s.

Yeah. There were those who called the new community. Association bigoted because it talked about the neighborhood school, and yet in 1969, all but a handful of state legislatures voted for the anti-bussing bill, which was itself a reaction to integration. The hypocrisy was glaring. In 1967, under pressure from the State Department, the school board had created a number of skip zones and redistricted several thousand black youngsters from the deteriorating sections of southeastern Queens to the distant middle-class white schools of the central and northeastern sections of the borough.

Oh, it's just like when Biden ships in immigrants and then flies them to, you know, red states like Kansas or whatever. Did that with Afghanis too. Yeah. But as the lawlessness in these schools rose in direct proportion to the increase in its bust in students, outcries against the busing began resounding through the borough as calendar year 1970 opened. Schools such as Van Buren, John Bown, Bayside, and Benjamin Cardozo with histories of academic excellence had begun experiencing breakdown spurred by their bust and minorities. Can't write that anymore.

Nope. The limousine liberals of the affluent county watched disconcerting, disconcertedly as parents and teachers of these progressive bastions cried out in protest. But the Arthur Katzmans of Forest Hills had the political sophistication that was lacking in the Mike Longs of Brooklyn. The appearance of the new committee association with its right-wing flavor also presented some special problems for UFT's high school vice principal, George Altamare. He had returned to his teaching post at Lane, a victim of an Albert Schenker purged during the 1968 strike. Altamari and I, both members of the Union's citywide executive board, were extremely conscious of the UFT priority of rebuilding its bridges into the black community.

These were bridges that had been all but destroyed during the disastrous 1968 school strike, which had pitted the powerful white union against the. the black community. The liberal coalition of organized labor and civil rights groups had been shattered in the battles over Ocean Hill and over disagreements on the specifics of school decentralization. But in 1969 was above all a time for healing to enable that coalition to be rebuilt. How would it look for a union bent on convincing the black community of its progressivism to have two of its officials courting a group which in the eyes of the liberal establishment represented something pretty close to the polar right. I'm surprised he didn't just write fascist.

Because of this overbearing union priority, the marriage between the association and the Lane UFT chapter was never consummated. From time to time, various teachers attended association meetings and gave direct reports to the chapter council. I myself had turned down several invitations to appear as a guest. It was not until March 26 that I attended my first and only association meeting at Hoffman's urging. He had told me that the other members of the executive committee were complaining that the chapter was using the association as a battering ram and that they, the association leaders, needed to be able to show teacher support to answer their own critics. Reluctantly, I accepted the invite to address a general membership meeting in the zoning issue.

The association of, yeah, here it is. The association had picked up steam after the January 20th burning of Frank Syracusa, a white science teacher, and Woodhaven resident by three black youths. I mean, that's how this book opens. And I mean, he spared no, yeah, I know they did. I mean, they spared no detail in what he went through. Like, holy shit. I love some barbecue, too, but damn.

Coincidentally, Syracusa had delivered a speech from the floor at the association's January 17th meeting, castigating the school administration for its failure to deal with the mushrooming violence. He was never quite convinced that the burning was unrelated to his remarks that evening. Following the burning, the association drew a massive crowd to its January 30th meeting. All the politicos were there for this one. The vote to demand the removal of Selleb carried nearly unanimously. Earlier, Mike Long had charged the Selleb hadn't done anything in the past and wouldn't do anything in the future to assure student safety. I mean, I don't even, I don't blame him for thinking that it was a dissent.

And after 2020's summer of love, like, who could blame him? You know, and that kind of logic for us to look back. I think, yeah, he's probably right. Yep. Got a little more here. Then it was said, probably behind him a lot shot. Then it was Sadowski's turn and Schmidt squirmed in his seat as the district leader cried, bring back racial balance and we'll have peace.

again. The zoning question was next on the agenda and long for the first time suggested cutting off the Brooklyn boundary at Pennsylvania Avenue, a point about two miles to the west, thus eliminating a section of the non-white area. On March 26, I addressed the association for the first time and was shocked to learn that its executive committee had earlier in the evening voted to call for a mass demonstration at the school on March 28th, just two days off. Andrea Feldman, Shanker's Girl Friday, was already... That's a phrase you don't hear anymore. I know, that's amazing.

Was already leaning on me to disassociate the chapter from the association zoning proposals, contending that the chapter's association with the group was a source of embarrassment to the central organization. The next day, the Long Island Press carried the story under the heading, Franklin K. Lane Parents Plan Demonstration at School with Mike Long cajoling. I'd like to see a thousand of our neighbors there. If we get a tremendous turnout, then Mayor Lindsay and the central zoning unit will know who we are when we go there. The article tied in the call for the demonstration with my address on the zoning issue. To anyone reading the story, there could be little doubt that the UFT was a co-sponsor, at least of the March 28th demonstration.

The demonstration came off as planned with several hundred association members, marching along Jamaica Avenue in front of the main entrance and within police barricades until 30 minutes before the dismissal of school. It was only then that they agreed to disband on the basis of a pledge made by a mayoral aide, Rick Tapia, that they would be granted an audience with top school officials to present their zoning plans, shouting, Selim must go, and bearing signs with slogans like Make Lane a neighborhood school. That's some polite language for a protest. Yes, that really is.

I am very upset. They marched until they were convinced they had made their point. The community had entered the field of battle. From the association's view of the point, the demonstration was a grand success. It had shown its ability to turn out masses of local people in a non-crisis situation and had gotten extensive press and television coverage for its demands. The demonstration had even won the association and entree into the inner sanctums of the school bureaucracy and on April 11th, its leaders met with Deputy Superintendent Nathan Brown to present their case.

But the meeting with Brown was unproductive and the next general membership meeting of the association, Mike Long announced one of the things Brown accused us of is being bigots. Every time. I never, every single time. I never heard of anyone in this community, mugging others or children of this community were causing problems. Yeah, apparently civilization just means that you're a bigot. Brown's bigotry smear, or at least long's interpretation of what the deputy had said, was more than enough to rally the community behind the plan for a sit-in demonstration in the school's auditorium the following week.

On April 14th, the UFT chapter decided for the first time to throw in with the association and support the April 16th sit-in which the council was referring to as parents, teachers, community vigil for quality integrated education. The vigil, an evening affair in the school auditorium, promised to be a peaceful session. The teachers were, by this time, angry about the broken promises of January 21st, and frustrated over having been deceived by the mayor and the school board. Convinced that lane was being steered along a predetermined course, dooming it to segregation in reverse, they decided there was, little to lose by supporting the sit-in.

There wasn't the slightest indication that there would be any rezoning or any reduction in the size of the incoming class the next September. All signs pointed to a return to the multiple session 10 period day. Time was getting short. Junior high school records were starting to come in. It was either now or never. We would support the sit-in. It was decided and take whatever criticism resulted from it.

How could things get any worse? Famous last words for sure. There's your famous last words. Oh, man. This is just, I mean, talk about your, how you know something is going to get worse. Yeah, and how you know nothing ever changes because, I mean, this, so much of this could just be written for today. Could be a diary of things that are happening today. Yeah.

For most of the 40 teachers who participated, the sit-in, with about 300 parents on the evening of April 16th was a degrading experience, one which they would never quite forget. The vigil was planned as a peaceful protest against the board's zoning policies, and was intended to focus attention on a matter of deep concerns of the community. The Community Association had chosen an evening on which the regular parents' association was meeting so as to avoid giving the impression that they were forcing themselves into the building. They had even apprised Selib and the 75th precinct that they would be at the school on April 16th and that they would leave peacefully when asked.

Things might have gone differently that evening if Selib had been permitted to handle the situation on his own. He had met with both Long and Galyani in the past, and accommodations have been worked out on matters of mutual concern. Even on this night of the sit-in, Long had told Selim that they would leave on his request. It was all prearranged. There would be no infraction of the law, Selip was told. But when the principal finally went before the assemblage to make his announcement at 10 p.m., he flubbed, forgetting to mention the fact he and Long had reached the accord on the time limit. It appeared to the demonstrators the cellib was throwing them out under the threat of arrest.

Complicated. Yeah, I know. This great communication. Complicating the affair was Elizabeth C. O'Daley, the District 19 superintendent, who's contempt for the Cypress Hills community and its leaders was well known. O'Daley had come into the school system in 1928, and like so many of her contemporaries, had been intimately involved with various ultra-liberal groups. By 1946, she had advanced to the position of principal, then to assist superintendent in charge of the junior high school division in 1958, and a district superintendent in charge of the Brownsville Bedford-Suyvesant schools in 1961. In 1964, she was tap for the sensitive post of heading up the school board's more effective schools program.

In 1967, after having clash with Donovan over MES policy, she left that position and came to East New York as head of the largest of the school's systems 30 districts. So she, wait, go back up real quick. So her career started at what time, like 1928? school she had come into the school system in 1928 holy cool so 40 years of just being a bureaucrat yeah it's good work if you can get it

you know it's also the kind of work that um you basically um you're not going to get fired from i mean i'm sure she probably had she probably had tenure for 25 years yeah so O'Daley's own political philosophy, well to the left of center, made it impossible for her to deal fairly and objectively with the people of Cypress Hills. She could well afford to be contemptuous of their politics since only six of her district's 31 schools were located in that section of the district. Her primary concern since coming to East New York was with the black community in the core area of the district where almost two-thirds of the district schools were located. O'Daley saw the sit-in as a challenge to her authority, a breakdown in her administration. It had always been her policy, however, to refrain from the use of police against local demonstrations.

Several months later, in fact, she refused to order the removal of nine black militants who had taken over the seats of the local school board and declared themselves to be the new people's board. Oh, man. The Rump Group forced the bona fide board to adjourn to another room to continue to continue. induct its public meeting, but O'Daley dared risk inflaming the passions of the militants by using the law to oust the pretenders. But on the evening of April 16th, it was quite another story at Lane High School because these people were white. Did I say that out loud? But on the evening of April 16th, it was quite another story at Lane High School, and she saw fit to take the hard line against frustrated neighborhood people whose politics happened to differ from her own. Oh, hey, look, anarcho tyranny.

Under O'Daly's direction, Selleb signed a document authorizing the police to remove any person who refused his order to leave. At 10 p.m. O'Daly, armed with the two black members of the local school board and the captain of the 75th precinct

accompanied Selleb on a dramatic march up the aisle to the front of the auditorium where the principal proceeded to read a prepared statement warning that persons refusing to leave would be arrested for trespassing. Long had given him his out, but in the heat of the moment, Selib forgot to announce the accord reached earlier in the evening. It was a costly error for the beleaguered principal, and the crowd hissed and chanted down with Selib and O'Daley must go as they left and disgust.

They had assembled peacefully, exercising their right to protest. They had seen their neighborhood high school torn apart with racial strife, their children maligned, and property destroyed, and they had come to tell the school bureaucracy and city fathers, that they wanted a change, but instead they have been treated almost like common criminals. April 16, 1969 was not a night the local community would soon forget. Yeah, and you wonder why they would want to militantly organize in a reactionary fashion. It's, yeah, I love the use of the term reactionary. just, you know, today it's a, it's a pejorative.

And I guess that's what people on the left or, I mean, have you been had libertarian say, oh, right-wingers are just all reactionary and everything. It's like, how are you not reacting to what's going on around you? And really, be happy that it's just reactionary right now. because when right wingers decide to go on the offensive, y'all are in trouble. I mean, the guys that'll cover this later on in the chapters, they'll see it. And I mean, just like, they're lucky that it's kind of had this pacification for as long as it's had.

I mean, because I don't know how it's going to go the next time that someone like Hoffman and gets these, you know, nice, tall, beautiful, blonde-haired, you know, charismatic fellows to organize again. I don't think it'll be as pretty. No. And, yeah, I think you said that probably like a year ago you saw someone posting parts of this on Twitter. Yeah, someone had done a thread on it. I told myself I had to get a copy of the book. But, I mean, I'm glad that you're doing this series because people really do need to know what the hell happened and what's

in the case for the last 60 years. Yeah. And they need to know that, you know, history might not repeat itself, but it definitely rhymes. And what, basically what I would say is, nothing has changed. We've had lulls. I would say the late 70s was a lull. Early 80s was a lull.

And then it is just escalated from there on. Yeah. And, you know, this is now what you're, seeing was a microcosm of this this high school and what they're talking about 1969 to 70 really all through the 60s is was just a it's almost like a petri dish for the the culture as a whole now yeah especially especially certain cities yeah and you know we saw that definitely in 2020 and this is what I honestly believe that this is what they want for the whole nation.

Yeah, there's no doubt about it. I mean, you know, Nick Land made that kind of really clear in the dark enlightenment that the oldest Anglo-American political tradition has always been exit to, you know, agree, to disagree and separate and formulate your own thing. I mean, it's been around since the colonial period. And now there is no exit for you, you know, like you were tweeting, it was in your substack the other day, but like there is no. exit because you'll end up like Randy Weaver, you'll end up like everybody else, and that

that's what they're going for here. And what makes it worse is that, you know, there's no legal avenue for you to do it. And I mean, for the first time, really, it's like what, the 90s? We're seeing advertisements like we saw in Georgia with this election about like, you know, when did racism against white people become okay? Like, you're really beginning to see that that tension spur up again. And what happened with this high school and what we're seeing everywhere. That mythology, the civic myth that we can all get along and that things like 2000 or things like 2020, we can all sweep under the rug because the consequences of, you know, questioning it or delegitimizing it, that myth is gone because the operational costs of that

mythology have become too high and things have been more mask off than they ever have been. Well said. Well, say, give your plugs and we'll get out of here. Well, sure. Once again, Pete, thank you so much for having me on. You can find all of my links It's at Find My Friends.net slash the Prudentialist. This Saturday, I'll be doing my regular show on Geo Politics, which is Prudan observations. We'll be covering the recent war over in Ethiopia, the Tigray conflict, which has seen a recent ceasefire. And then on top of that, GEO and I hosted a show today, the Digital Archipelago every Thursdays on his channel and mine. And all my links, like I said, are on Find My Friends.net slash Prudentialist.

Well, I really appreciate you putting in almost two hours on this and getting the chapter done. it's not easy to sit sit on your ass for two hours and, you know, talk. But, yeah, I guess you're my third show of the day, Pete. This was the one I was looking forward to the most, though. Well, when the subject matter is, you know, so rich and so, you know, just so pregnant. Oh, yeah, so culturally enriching. Thank you, sir. I really appreciate it.

Take care, everybody.