The Pete Quiñones Show - The Complete Race War in High School Readings - Part 2/2

Episode Date: December 15, 2025

9 hours and 10 MinutesPG-13Here are the last 6 episodes of Pete's reading of 'Race War in High School' by Harold Saltzman.Reading 'Race War in High School' by Harold Saltzman Pt. 7 w/ Jose Niño Reading 'Race War in High School' by Harold Saltzman Pt. 8 w/ Dark Enlightenment Reading 'Race War in High School' by Harold Saltzman Pt. 9 w/ Tim Kelly Reading 'Race War in High School' by Harold Saltzman Pt. 10 w/ Charles Spadille Reading 'Race War in High School' by Harold Saltzman Pt. 11 w/ Dark Enlightenment Reading 'Race War in High School' by Harold Saltzman Pt. 12 - Epilogue - w/ PetePete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.

Returning for a reading of race war, Jose Niño. How you doing, Jose? I'm doing quite fine, Pete. Thank you for having me on again. Yep. It's been a while since I've done, caught up on race war holidays or they kick everyone's ass. But, yeah, we are into Chapter 5 and, yeah, nothing's really improving at all. Can you, is it, isn't it amazing?

Oh, man, let's just get going on this. Hold on. All right, get this shared. All right, I'm just going to jump in. I'm going to start reading. Unless you plan on being here three hours, we're not going to get this whole chapter done. But at least let's get some of it done because we are now at chapter five titled,

a student riot and a mayoral election. It's another day at the office. Oh, yeah. This is another day of inner city multiculturalism. All the fun stuff. So, all right. I'm going to start reading and stop whenever you want. The big brown Oldsmobile sedan turned right off 3rd Avenue and headed east on 88

Street toward Gracie Mansion. For Albert Schenker and the other UFT officials, it was a familiar scene. The newsmen were waiting as the union president crossed East End Avenue and steered his car past the Iron Gates that shielded the mayor from the everyday bizarre happenings of the city. What had brought the officialdom of the nation's largest local union to the mayor's residence at 6 p.m. on a Friday night, just 84 hours before the people of New York were scheduled to go to the polls to choose their next mayor. Gracie Mansion was a place that stirred only the bitterest of memories for the UFT leaders and on the four-mile drive uptown from the union's 21st Street

headquarters. That's interesting. I spent a lot of time on 21st Street growing up, returning to the scene where they had suffered some of their most heartbreaking defeats. This, this was a recurring thought for them. Gracie Mansion, a large white neocolonial structure situated on several sprawling acres of scenic real estate overlooking Manhattan's East River was the home of the people of the great metropolis provided for their mayor. For the UFT leaders, it had a very similar meaning, a very special meaning. It was here that they were outwitted and outmaneuvered during the teacher strikes of 1967 and 1968. In that first year, it was John Lindsay, siding with school board president Alfred Giardino and superintendent Bernard

Donovan, who helped prolong a 14-day strike that set the tone for the ultimate disaster the following year. It was that charm for it, which converted the union's legitimate program for dealing with the emotionally disturbed youngsters into the false public impression that the UFT wanted to force blackers out of the public schools. For the first time, the alliance the union had well did with the civil rights, liberal, and minority groups of the city was split asunder. The union's demand for expansion. of its more effective schools program of specialized and concentrated

educational services for ghetto schools went almost unnoticed in 1967 and by the time the three-week stoppage ended in September 29th, John Lindsay had emerged as a shining night. They always set up themselves to be the hero even when they're the villain, don't they? Yeah. Well, I think it's interesting

the history of unions regardless of what you think of them is that unions used to be pretty identitarian in certain respects where they would generally especially during like the great like northern migration wave of blacks like to the north from like the late 19th century to the early 20th century a lot of unions were were kind of like de facto like white per white interest groups that made sure to

price out black cheaper black labor and impose a lot of restrictions on that and it's kind of interesting to see how unions have pivoted because also on the immigration front too unions used to be pretty pro

immigration restriction as seen with like Samuel Gomper isn't even like the AFL, CIA at one point but now that's changed like completely since the civil rights revolution has been fully institutionalized

his image was untarnished and too many he was a hero of the hour the man who had stood off that big bad powerful union of opportunistic and selfish teachers the ufts had for the first time in its history tasted bitter defeat and in spite of shanker's victory claimed the teachers and their now badly divided leadership knew that something dreadful had happened The mayor and the school board had cleverly pitted them against the parents and liberal sectors of the body politic, their traditional and natural allies. Who could have envisioned black parents counter-picketing in front of neighborhood schools, those same parents who had walked on UFT picket lines in battles passed? And after 14 days of struggle, settlements that were somehow never finalized came the end product, a contract containing a watered down and meaningless. disruptive child provision, which was impossible to administer, no expansion of the top priority, more effective schools program, little plugging of gaping loopholes in working conditions carried over from the 1965 agreement, and salary gains that were meager in terms of the union's objectives and the galloping inflation. 50,000 teachers had participated in the strike.

Imagine a city that has 50,000 teachers. I mean, what, why do you have that? Why does that exist? You know, like right now, New York City has, well, before 2020, they have like 41 to 44,000 cops. That's like a bunch of cultural revolution shock troops there, like 50,000 teachers, man. Yeah. Yeah. And then they get 40,000 cops to enforce all of them.

this. Jesus. Yeah, that's like, that's a freaking army there. 50,000 teachers have participated in the strike, but their unity began to show cracks on three different occasions when union members filtered back crossing their own picket lines as rumors of pending settlements flew about. Gracie Mansion was an old story to Albert Schenker and the other union officers. Again, in 1968, the mayor had humbled the UFT, forcing it to stay on strike for 36 days this time, and helping to create a racial polarization over the firings in the Ocean Hill School District that nearly destroyed the town. Through ineptitude, and out of a perverted bias against unionism, the mayor set race against race and painted the UFT with an

anti-black smear from which it would not soon recover. And in 1968, too, the mansion was the scene of the hottest conflict as the mayor played for played off the ocean hill crowd against albert shanker and the teachers union but it was all very different a year later on the evening of october 31st 1969 just four days before the polls would open to determine whether or not he would continue in office for another four-year term the mayor of new york the mayor of the city of new york felt free to call upon his old enemy albert shanker in a moment of need it didn't matter the Daily News straw poll that morning had shown him way ahead with 47% of the vote, his closest opponent, Mario Prokoshino, well behind with 29% and Republican John Markey,

a distant third with only 20%. The mayor was on the verge of achieving a political miracle. Through a carefully planned campaign, he had swung enough of the UFT-connected constituency, the Jewish middle class, to snatch victory from almost certain defeat and keep alive his hopes of entering presidential politics in 1972. But on the afternoon of October 31st, what the mayor dreaded most had happened, and had happened at Franklin K. Lane High School. If there was a single issue that could

upset the delicate plurality John Lindsay had fashioned, it surely was the race question, especially as it was related to the schools. In a well-balanced campaign, he had promised the voter's safety in the streets and in the schools pledging that the schools would not again be turned into battlegrounds by unrepresentative minorities of minorities. But the racial violence that erupted at

Lane that day could have easily destroyed in the minds of weary voters the notion that John Lindsay had learned from his mistakes and wouldn't again turn the town and its schools over to black extremists. I mean The mayor had become closely identified with Lane after the Syracusa burning in January.

When trouble broke out there again in October, he made one pronouncement after another about his refusal to tolerate disruption that interfered with daily instruction. Instruction really, being quotes. Yeah. Well, also, it's like, I mean, they're not getting any of that done. It's like, the kids are. just go in there. They're not learning anything. I mean, they're not getting indoctrinated. They're not learning anything.

And the white kids are getting their ass kicked. Why are they getting their ass kicked? Because they're not fighting one-on-one. They're fighting one against 20. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. They're fighting like savage hordes at that point. Getting totaled in zerg rush. After the burning, he

had sent in his own personal representative Jay David Love to participate in negotiations at the school and head off a pendent job action by the faculty. Later, it was Lindsay School Task Force aide, Richard Strider, who came to the rescue, cutting the red tape and getting the fire and building departments to approve in days the Arlington Church site to be utilized as a Lane annex for the returning truance. And when school opened in September, Louis Feldstein, Lindsay's School Task Force Director,

was a frequent visitor at Lane, making it quite clear that the school was still a major concern to City Hall. Mario Prokogee, the Democratic candidate, was desperate in the closing days of a badly run, disorganized, and highly disappointing campaign. Five months earlier, it seemed impossible for the comptroller to lose.

But here, four days before the election, he found themselves 18 percentage points in the city's most reputable poll. He had run a straight law and order campaign and it was quick to jump on the riot that broke out at Lane that afternoon. It might be his last chance to hit the mayor what he was most vulnerable, the issue of racial violence in schools.

I mean, just think about that statement. I mean, it's, you're talking about the schools in the, you know, the capital of the world, you know, that most people refer to New York City because of finance and everything like that. Yeah, there might go. And the schools are, there's racial violence in the schools. and it's not even being addressed. Yeah. Yeah, everything is okay here.

That's just the cost we have to, that's just part and parcel of living in a multicultural society as, to paraphrase, Sadie Khan of London. Yeah. If the comptroller had planted his own agents in Lane, they couldn't have done a better job of providing him with ammunition to fire at the mayor. The fall semester at Lane had been an instant replay of the one just passed. The term had opened quietly at Lane and in schools throughout the city.

There was a note of optimism. During the first month of the semester, there was little of the tension which had become an everyday thing in the Cypress Hills School during the previous school year. Students walked through the hall, smiling, talking about all the good things that were happening. the moon landing, the champion New York Mets, and there were definitely signals that the wounds of last year were beginning to heal. This was a brand new school year and wasn't high school supposed to be a happy and rewarding life experience, the place you met your first love, the time you went to parties, dances, athletic events, and the prom. It could all be so wonderful only. There were signs that fall that the worst was over.

student cutting was down. There was less lateness than usual. There had been no confrontations between students and teachers, and none of the racial antagonism was evident in the places where large numbers of students congregated. The police were still in the building, but they had blended in with the scenery and were hardly noticed by most students. And there were only 35 new teachers added to the staff. Half the number had come in from previous fall semesters. For a school where staff turnover was a problem, the possibility of stabilizing the faculty was promising. Yes, the prospects, sorry about that. For a school where staff turnover was a serious problem, the possibility of stabilizing the faculty was promising. Yes, the prospects for a good school year at Lane were more encouraging in September 1969 than they had been for some time.

This all sounds like the calm before the storm, huh? Yeah. Steps had even been taken to meet demands presented by the militants. The crisis of the fall semester, paradoxically, had roots in the demand to add courses in black studies to the curriculum. So here we go. These course offerings were introduced in the fall term, and the militants were given the first opportunity to enroll in them.

An abundance of material was made available by the Social Studies Department and to answer the demand for black instructors, Ronald King, a black health education teacher, was given the job of teaching one of the courses in African studies. King had been a member of the faculty since 1962. He became a part-time guidance counselor in 1966 and in 1968 served as one of the two faculty advisors to the school's African Culture Association. In June 1969, also in response to the militant's demands for black administrators, a new post was created especially for him, that of assistant to the assistant principal, Mary Cohn. King, a former former union member, dropped out of the organization in 1967 because of the disruptive child

row and later became something of a spokesman for the school's 20 anti-UFT teachers who broke into the building to conduct classes for a handful of students during the 1968 strike. Isn't just one thing, isn't, don't you look at, you know, oh, we got to add black studies. I mean, it's just a way of doing segregation without removing them. yeah that stuff um is always like

struck me as just like ways to give like cynic cures to like people who are part of these like ethnic grievance lobbies and it's just like a never ending job program for a bunch of parasites that don't bring anything

of value yeah well said king's associate in the black studies program was Robert Lubetsky, a white 25-year-old disciple of the new left, of course he is, who identified strongly with the militant wing of the black movement. Of course he did. If Leslie Campbell supplied the emotionalism for the black nationalist philosophy in the back rooms of the Afro-American Teachers Association headquarters,

Lubetsky certainly provided the intellectualization and academic substance sustaining that point of view. doesn't it really make it seem like Lubetsky is or they're saying Lubesky is providing the intellect it's like oh Leslie Campbell is providing the anger

and we got the questionable Lubetsky providing the intellect hmm I think too many questions there yeah there's too much noticing Yeah, too much noticing, man.

Although Lubesky could be Polish. Yeah, who knows, yeah. On several occasions, what? On several occasions, Paul McSloy, acting chairman of the social studies department, was obliged to order the teacher to remove provocative Black Panther posters he had displayed on the wall of Room 248,

the room used for the three Black Studies courses. There was always a question in the minds of most of his colleagues in the social studies department as to whether or not the material was displayed for illustrative purposes consistent with good teaching technique. His critics contended that his course was primarily an indoctrination program and that the teacher was using his classroom as a forum to express his own political views. That never happens. that never this is this is slander against this man there's no

there's no propaganda there's no indoctrination so here in parentheses after to express his own political views it should be noted that these general feelings were never substantiated as fact and that no charges were ever brought against him

but the black studies program controversial from its inception because of the instructor's teaching in it and the students it attracted, became the focal point of events leading up to that riot of October 31st. By mid-October, for of our reasons, there was a notable shift in the wind. The goodwill and harmony that had characterized the opening weeks began to dissipate. The change was attributable in part to the overcrowded conditions which were being exacerbated each day. The school had returned to that multiple session, 10-period day, with students and teachers coming and going and shifts. Adding to the confusion after the semester began was the enrollment of 550 new students in September and 262 more in October.

Some were new residents in the Lane Zone. Some were transferred from non-zoned or private schools, but most of the new youngsters were dropouts from vocational schools who weren't making it there. So, you know, if they can't make it into a, if they can't make it in a vocational school, thrown back into an academic school. Makes sense. It makes perfect sense. Yep. Many of them were academically handicapped to start with.

It's such a good way to put it. Many of them were academically handicapped to start with. And many were disciplined problems who had been encouraged to, leave the trade schools. Encouraged is in italics. In November 1969, Mary Cohn did a survey to support her contention made to Superintendent Jacob Zach, that the vocational schools regularly rid themselves of problem students by shifting them to the academic schools. Zach had asked Cohn for substantiation of this charge and she gave it to him, showing that in a random sampling of the transferees from vocational schools, 40% had been

chronic truants for showing showing that the transferees from the vocational schools at 40% of them had been chronic truance in spite of the evidence lane was back to where it had been the year before again bulging with 5300 students it was ripe for another explosion all that was needed was this it's it's an it's an incredible statement that all that it's incredible all that was needed was the spark. Why? Why is a spark? Why does somebody look at a situation in a school and go, oh, man, we're about ready to

think about the absurdity of looking at a school, examining what's going on and going, one spark in this place is going to explode in a school. Yeah. It's almost like they want, they kind of like wanted to be. home like a self-filling prophecy at this point. Yeah. That spark was provided by the militants. For the first month of the term, they had been quiet, watching and waiting, but they

weren't going to let the school recover from the shock treatment they had given it the term before. It was time for another dose. On October 22nd, they decided to do their thing, and their thing was to begin in room 248, where they took their Black Studies courses. It all started over a flag to escalate into uncontrollable mob rule on October 31st, nine days later. The black, green, and red for the symbol of the black nationalist movement with a tradition rooted in the Marcus Garvey Crusade of the 1920s. For some time, the militants in their core of followers had refused to stand for the Pledge of Allegiance,

which was part of the morning classroom exercise. The American flag, they argued, was not their flag. they spouted all the slogans about the nation's hypocrisy and its persecut of the black man. But October 22nd, they decided to do more than just reject the American flag. On this day, they decided to replace that rag, that rag, quote unquote, which hung in room 248 with their own flag of the black nation. Room 248 was their turf, they contended, and wasn't the whole course to study a result of their demands and especially designed for them? and hadn't they been practically handpicked for it? Why shouldn't they be able to replace the U.S. flag with their own?

The only flag that had any real meaning for black people. Surely Lubetsky and King wouldn't object they reasoned. The chickens were coming home to roost. That's a... There's a very good placement right there. Yeah, that's a... One of its many theaters of conflict. Yep.

What the militants didn't understand, however, and had no way of knowing, was Morton Selib's sensitivity on the flag issue. While it was true that Selim opposed the mandated morning Pledge of Allegiance exercise because it was so freely, it was so freely violated by both militant blacks and new left white teachers, the flying of the colors was quite a different matter. He had tried dropping the pledge when the fall term began. It was quickly taken to task for it by the community association. It was re-established in the morning exercise without question.

But the most important consideration was Sullivan's remembrance of the April 16th sit-in in the school auditorium by the angry white community. A night he was vehemently berated and openly insulted by some of the demonstrators because there was no American flag in the auditorium. What kind of school is this? One woman had angrily asked. Isn't this still the United States of America? Another demanded? great questions that people yeah like I mean really good foreshadowing of like what's happened later happened 50 years later man it's pretty bad stuff like this goes to show that these fights

aren't just a recent development they've been going on for a while and a lot of people have dropped the ball when it comes to confronting it's really the salt of the earth people that or the one in the trenches, seeing their country just be dismantled piece by piece by the civil rights revolution. I don't know if we talked about this before, but this was like maybe four or six months ago or something. But Dave Rubin was interviewing Sohabamari. And Dave Rubin basically at one point just said, you know, we need to go back about 10 years and, you know, change all of this. Because that 10 years ago is where this, where this all started. And so have Amari agreed with him.

Yeah. Like, yeah, this stuff is, it's nuts. It's like a lot of these, my false opposition movements and whatnot, they just want to go back, like, at the latest, like, mid-1990s, like, politics, man. It's like, Lord have mercy, you people don't get what's actually going on. Yeah, yeah. The absence of the flag and the animosity had generated was the topic of the next day's newspaper account. The purpose of the sit-in was lost in the discussion of loyalty and patriotism.

It didn't matter to the crowd that it was common practice to keep the colors locked up in a casing in the lobby every evening. It was another strike against the principal. And it was with this experience clearly coming to mind that Morton Selleb injected himself directly into the flag incident in room 248, as irate faculty members registered complaints about the alien symbol that had replaced the stars of stripes in that controversial classroom. It was readily conceded that from an academic standpoint, no one in the school, and probably very few in the entire system, was more qualified to teach African history in Swahili than Robert Lubetsky. Let's read that again. It was readily conceded that from an academic standpoint, no one in the school, and probably very few in the entire system

was more qualified to teach African history in Swahili than Robert Lubetsky. I mean, of course, Swahili is like the most in-demand language that will boost your employment prospects. Yeah. I mean, all those

everyone's coming from what country even is Swahili? Or is that just some general African dialect? I don't even know. Yeah, it's like, yeah, there's like multiple countries that speak it Yeah, it's kind of like a lingua of franca and parts of like East Africa, but like, yeah. And that's what I thought.

And it's like, yeah. So, you know, not like Chinese where, you know, you don't learn Chinese because, you know, they're taking over and everything. Well, let's learn Swahili and, you know, learn about African history. Okay. A product of the city's public schools, he went on to graduate from Syracuse University in 1966. And of course he did. And in 1967, earned his master's degree in African history from the University of Manchester in England. Whoa.

Big shot right here. You want to talk about why the University of Manchester in England is offering a master's degree in African history in 1967? Yeah. He had imposing credentials when he began his teaching career in 1968 at the predominantly black and Puerto Rican Eastern District High School in Brooklyn. That first assignment was a disappointing experience, which almost led him to give up the city's public school system. He left Eastern District after one semester to take a position at Lane, which he had secured from Selib through a family connection. Lubetsky's career at Lane got off to a shaky start in 19. Interpreting the UFT strike as an attack against the demonstration district in Ocean Hill

and against the black community in general, he regarded the stoppages and compatible with his own sociopolitical ideas. He joined the ranks of the non-striking teachers and for two weeks crossed the picket lines amid the jeers of striking colleagues whom he would later have to face inside. After the strike, Lubetsky, more than any of the 20 strike breakers, was singled out for interminable scorn by the UFT teachers. He was ostracized by his own department and by most of the faculty. Little wonder that the UFT teachers should have blamed him for the flag incident, which was to erupt into a riot a week later. The flag of black liberation was hoisted by the militants for the first time. on the morning of October 21st, while both King and Lubetsky, during the periods they used the room, discussed the propriety of the flag, neither made any attempt to have it removed.

The discussion in the Black Studies class is centered on whether or not the flag should replace the stars and stripes. Most of the youngsters, according to Lubbetsky, were willing to accept some form of compromise with the majority favoring the retention of the American flag. But the militant other ideas. Compromising about a third of each of the three black studies groups, they were determined to win their point. The American flag had no place in room 248, they insisted, and the flag of the black nation must replace it. The lines were being drawn. What had begun as an internal class matter moved to the next stage of confrontation the following day? Lubetsky had been told by assistant principal Tadoro, Tadari,

that the American flag could not be removed, but the militants weren't to be denied, and throughout the day, more black students were dragged into the encounter. At the beginning of each class period, hordes of youngsters rushed up to room 248 and occupied it, preventing it from being used by the regularly scheduled classes. There would be no instruction in room 248 until the flag question was resolved, they decreed. By the end of the day, the issue was a school-wide affair with curious students congregated, around the room to get a glimpse at the intrigue that was unfolding there. Two days of conflict, confined until then to a single room, had gone unsettled, and no one

seemed to have a solution to the impasse. Unfortunately, Selle was in a meeting at board headquarters the day the incident began to escalate. The school day ended with a meeting between King, Leibetsky, Mary Cohn, and one of the leading provocateurs. of the flag incident. The militant leader was appealed to by the educators advised that this was not a battle worth fighting and urged to drop the occupation of the classroom. But there was no turning back for the militants. By 9 a.m. the next day, they had occupied room 248 again. More than 70 students crammed into a room that seats 42. The students of all three Black Studies sections had banded together, pulling in others of similar persuasion.

I wonder what that means. This was to be the day of decision. How far could they go? And what would the principal do? They didn't have to wait long for their answer. While the militants were reoccupying room 248, Selleb was meeting with King Lubezky, Cohen, and Tadaro to map their own strategy and decide how best to approach the tense situation.

When word of the occupation reached them, Selleb decided to take a rather firm position compared to what his reaction had been in previous confrontations with militants. He rejected Lubetsky's proposal to allow both flags to fly side by side and entered room 248, the gladiator walking into the lion's den. The mood was hostile. You think? Are you sure? Understatement of the century right there. King and Lubetsky stood off to.

the side as the principal went before the group searching for a compromise they could buy but the militants weren't looking for a solution and that's why we have to destroy these people. There's no they don't want a solution

they want us to They want us to bend the knee Yeah for them it was either total victory or confrontation. The more Selib groped for a way out, the more intolerant the militants became of his involvement. The principal honestly believed that a compromise was possible, and that if he could only hit upon a method of letting the militants back off and save face, the matter could be

he was sadly mistaken. As the morning dragged on, the second floor corridor became a pressure point. Word of the meeting with Selub had spread throughout the school, and after the principal left to discuss the matter with AIDS, more black youths forced their way into the room during period changes. The police had been notified the previous day and there were countless plain clothesmen and

uniformed officers in the immediate vicinity of room 248 and dispersed all over the school. The one time that you want police to actually do their job. Yeah, I've got a law of anarcho tyranny

for you where when you actually need public security services these people just completely drop the ball but whenever your degenerate

opposition needs it like they absolutely will crack down on you like no other yep after several hours of fruitless talk and suffering through verbal abuse

hurled his way by the militants the principal broke off the discussion and announced his final position the American flag must be returned to its rightful place and the Garvey flag

could be hung anywhere else in the room as part of a display pertinent to the unit under study. Now he would leave the room and let them decide whether or not to accept the offer. It was rejected and they defied the principal's order to vacate the room. His patience tried beyond reason, Salab went next door to the social studies office and began phoning the parents of the militant leaders. Their youngsters were under suspension, he told them,

and the parents would have to come to school for the suspense hearing. It was the first time he had taken a fort. right stand in dealing with political students. Even Ronald King, who had earlier appealed to them to accept the compromise, found his words falling on deaf ears. They had already rejected Lubetsky because they believed he was siding with Selab against them all the way. There had been differences among them over where the flag should fly, but now they coalesced. Unwilling to accept an ultimatum, which to them was ten amounts of defeat, they struck out, venting their hostility and destroying those objects in the classroom,

which were part of the oppressive system against which they were rebelling. Maps were torn off the wall and ripped to shreds. Light bulbs were broken, a glow shattered. And as the frenzy, yeah, let's kill the, let's destroy the world. I mean, tell me that's not a perfect, like a perfect tableau for this. Just let's destroy the world. And as the frenzy moved toward a climax, the word was given and out into the halls they marched. All hell broke loose.

Arm in arm and columns four abreast, they paraded down the hall with the leaders up front holding the liberation flag high as they marched onward. Through the corridors they advance, banging on classroom doors, exhorting students to leave their classes and join the demonstration. Their numbers grew. 80, 90, soon more than 100. And considering there's over 5,000 students, the other ones just could have crushed them. Yeah. Would have been nice. Power to the people.

And this goes back to the whole thing about the populist illusion, how it's a small, well-organized group that wants to get things done. is always going to win out against a large, disorganized majority? Yes. Yeah, that's elite politics like 101. And popular solution really spells that out quite well because of the fact that there are a lot of people that seriously buy into the whole angry mob with pitchforks model will bring change. That's just not how it works.

and it's generally a sign if that's how what you're relying on to like fight your opposition you're just going to get taken to the cleaners and history has shown that and like even when you do see these like peasant revolts that are successful they're generally speaking quite fleeting in terms of their um their impact like the the elites that defeated at first generally are able to reconstitute themselves and when in the long term it's just not a viable model for building like a long-term movement that can consolidate itself and perpetuate

its leadership. Yeah, and some may hear us talking about this and think, well, I mean, this is a small group and they're winning and they won. Well, they're backed by the elites. This is what the elites want. Yeah. Yes. That's what

The elite buy-in is the key. Yeah. Yeah. Power to the people. They chanced it in unison and down the stairwell to the first floor. Meanwhile, word of the march had filtered down to the student's cafeteria. It never took much to start a disturbance there. It had been the scene of many, and in typical fashion, tables and benches went flying, milk containers and trays of fluids splattering all over the large room, almost a thousand students in the grips of hysteria. Those whites who hadn't fled the building as the unbearable tension

mounted through the morning, now left immediately. Dumbasses. Waiting around. They had learned from past experience that the cafeteria was the last place to be when the militants swung into action. By the time the first wave of demonstrators reached the first floor, their numbers had swelled to well over 100, and it kept growing with each passing moment. The police were under orders not to interfere with them.

The mood reached dimensions well out of control. police 30 to 40 of them stood by helplessly their hands in their pockets they watched in disbelief as the mob grew larger and louder and bolder don't these people don't these cops have guns yeah only when it's dealing with so-called reactionary elements of the right that's when the guns come out Mm-hmm. Teachers, fearful of their own safety, duct into empty offices and classrooms, locking the doors behind them to get out of the path of the onrushing demonstrators. Chaos and anarchy was the order of the day. Disruption, intimidation, violence everywhere. The police looked on as frightened students ran past. The demonstrators continued their march, circling the first floor, past the principal's office, and back again. Then up to the second floor, they climbed, and finding room to, 248 locked, they headed for the nearest room big enough to seat the large following they had attracted. They broke the window of room 236, unlocked a door from the inside, and congregated to assess what they had done to evaluate and to plan their next move. When questioned about the charge that the police had failed to act in the face of lawlessness,

William Serone, captain of the 75th police precinct replied, the order of this command is that if there is any criminal activity and an officer sees it, he will make an arrest. Where it is a matter of internal discipline, it is a school problem. The eyes of the faculty turned toward the principal. Angry teachers, unaware of the posture he had assumed in room 248, blamed him for giving in to the militants. How, they thought, could a handful of students be permitted to go this far, disrupting an entire school, endangering the health and safety of thousands of students. Someone had goofed, and that someone must have been the principal most believed.

Surely he could have been more decisive. In the past, like this, were immediately brought to the attention of the UFT chapter leadership, and the faculty had come to expect union action when the administration floundered. Jim Bowman and Edward Johnson, two social studies teachers in their mid-20, had been elected co-chairman of the UFT chapter in June after I decided to step down to devote more time to my post as the Union's District 9 representative. All experienced in handling crisis situations, they quickly made their concerns known to Sellev and his assistance.

The failure of the police to act was unconscionable and inexcusable. What steps would be taken, they inquired, to prevent a recurrence. The new chairman had the added task of establishing their credentials as faculty spokesman. Angry at Selleb, but cautious in their new role, they issued a moratorium calling for an emergency council meeting the next afternoon. In their statements of the press, the UFT chairman observed, some windows were broken by rocks and the demonstrators literally ignored the police and the principal.

The teachers, many of them shaken and very much disturbed, will take appropriate action. Like what, a sternly worded letter? Yeah, that'll, that'll teach them. I mean, I keep bringing this up because I just want people to understand the absurdity of this, that some windows were broken by rocks and the demonstrators literally ignored the police and the principal. The teachers, many of them shaken very, no sense. Can you imagine, I mean, could you imagine trying to do this in Stalin's Russia?

oh man yeah like yeah dude no way that go down like any any authoritarian regime would completely just throttle these people like no questions yeah i mean the problem is is you know we have and we've had a pretty authoritarian regime for a while i mean it's nothing like it is today but again it has to be pointed out that these students and this teacher Lubetsky I mean these are who the elites have chosen these are the ones who are going to be protected yep yep the factualism and politics is very much real the front enemy distinction uh reigns supreme about who ultimately gets to dish out the punishment and who receives it and that's that's that's ill that's elite determined. Yep. If mass confusion was the order of the day on October 23rd, the next day of Friday, was even more chaotic.

Literature had been prepared overnight by the Afro-American Students Association, the group which Lane's militants were most closely tied. The flyers had distributed the next morning, assailed celib for having insulted their flag, called attention to the pigs, and urged students to join with them in open defiance of the racist teachers of UFT. You know, as I read this, I mean, I can just, you know, hear a large section of the group

that we used to belong to, libertarianism, siding with these students. Yes, yes. Oh, big time. Yeah. Because order doesn't matter. All that matters is, you know, the worst thing in the world is the state. There's nothing. Nothing can be more dangerous than the state.

state like roving bands of people through the hallway and then they're like well that couldn't happen unless there was that wouldn't happen unless there was a state to enforce it yeah i want to happen in a private school like if you just privatize this this will just go away yeah i want to see a source on that yeah yeah totally it was going to be another one of those days the militant leaders were not among the five suspended by celib who were not among the five suspended by celib were seen huddling in groups in the stairwells and congregating in the auditorium,

the favorite gathering place from where they plan their moves on a period to period basis. Thursday's episode had been covered thoroughly by the media and many parents, fearful for their children's safety, kept their youngsters home. How did not every single one of them keep their youngsters home? thus attendance was light even for a Friday but for the militants this was to be another day

of confrontation and the tactic was to march out of the buildings behind the nationalist flag after each period all morning students entered left there were constant unexplained motion but there was constant unexplained motion but no effort was made to restrict the movement in and out of school. Cutting of classes was widespread and a few subject sessions had as many as a third of the total register present. Masses of students congregated in the student cafeteria as word spread that this was the place to blow first. In spite of the presence of 30 or 40 policemen in the building and many more on standby outside, the ride erupted in the cafeteria on signal. A look of the eye, a nod, bang. It was on again. Tables and

chair is flying about an exact repetition of the previous day. Those whites who did come to school, and there were few, knew enough by this time to stay out of the cafeteria. They found refuge in departmental or administrative offices supervised by teachers. But even as disruptors made their mad dash for the exits, there were at least two separate incidents of unprovoked attacks against whites fleeing the school. Fleeing was just the thing to do for years of bitterness and seething frustration were coming to the surface. Is that what it was? Is that what it is? Is it years of bitterness and seething frustration? Is that what it is? Oh, I have to say this from food fights to erase wars in the cafeteria. Now, that's progress you could believe in.

That is enrichment. Yep. Yep. In the melee two, in the melee, two youngsters were arrested for inciting a riot. By 1 p.m. there was only a fraction of the student body left in the building. The UFT Chapter Council met briefly at the end of the day and decided to call for a meeting of the full chapter on Monday. The militants approved their point again. They had the power and they know how to put a stop to the entire educational process and get away with it. More important than anything else. There were a few more suspensions like those of the day before for the maximum five-day period. The militants would be back soon and were to be heard from again. The 1969 state legislature, in its haste to give students the rights of due

process, had guaranteed the right of the militants to destroy public education, a five-day suspense, and they were right back at Lane. That was the law. I mean, they, it's just basically if you got any bruises, let them heal. And then, come back and just be animals again. Irregular programming. During the winter and spring of the previous semester, John Lindsay had made numerous statements about the intolerable conditions in the high schools and how the city could not allow violence on the campuses.

It's reports of continued racial flare-ups at Lane and at nearby John Adams High School in Ozone Park. The mayor spoke out again. But it was an old tune, a tired speech with time more, the kind of talk that people had heard before. Anyway, it was an election year, and in 1969, the candidates were all supposed to be for law and order. The mayor warned the disruptors. To the students of Franklin K. Lane and John Adams High School, I want to make very clear, cannot and will not tolerate disorder. Differences can and must be settled peacefully. In concluding his remarks, the mayor said he called upon the Board of Education to take all of the all necessary action to maintain order in both schools and to report all developments to meet

immediately. Think about when you hear, if you were given the order or the task to maintain order in this situation, what are the first things you're thinking about doing? Busting the heads of these degenerates that are just fucking shit up. Yeah. I mean, order is a word that people just throw around too loosely. I don't think they're really understanding. That's not spontaneous order, people. Yeah, yeah. Conditions stabilized somewhat when the school opened on October 27th, the beginning of a new week. The flag incidents, the demonstrations, the verbal barrage and intimidation to which they had been subjected during the week just passed. filled the teachers with apprehension as they returned to see what the new week held in store. Over the weekend, Bowman and Jacks and Johnson had drafted a proposed chapter resolution to press the need for relief and reform

and to place a school board on notice that the union chapter would not sit by much longer. It was a received and a responsible document they offered to the UFT chapter at its October 27th meeting. But tempers were running high, and for the new chairman, it was the first test of their leadership under fire. They were criticized from the right by militant teachers who found their proposals too mild and demanded at least the inclusion of a threat of a walkout. At the opposite poll, there were the liberals who found the language dealing with the race question too strong and argued that it would be objectionable to the black community. Who gives a fuck? George Altamare, the UFT High School Vice President, had gotten deeply involved in the current crisis and argued strongly in behalf of the proposed resolution. It was designed as an initial statement to be built upon if the need for more drastic action was necessary at some future time.

He cautioned. The resolution amended in several places to meet the specific objections of different segments. of the staff was approved by a near unanimous vote reflecting the general opinion of the faculty. The resolution stated the causes of the disruption in a five-paragraph preamble and went on to resolve. Do you think this is going to be hardcore at all, or do you think this is just going to be bullshit? The latter. That we reaffirm our commitment to provide the best possible education for every student at high school. Um, no. no, and that we call upon the Board of Education in conjunction with the United Federation of Teachers

to engage in a cooperative effort with labor, business, and civic groups to create a special task force for the purpose of converting Lane High School into an experimental, comprehensive, academic, vocational, technical institution, and for the city to announce its total commitment through the allocation of funds which will reverse the downward spiral, and establish Lane as a model for educational excellence in the city of New York. You know what that is? That's basically you're restructuring the way everything is being done for these animals, and the animals aren't going to accept it and are going to want more. You know why?

Because when you bow to them, they know they've won and they want more. Yeah. They're just going to want more meat to rip apart, man. These are just like frenzied animals that just like, at the sight of like any weakness, they're just like more emboldened to attack you and rip you to shreds, man. Like you just can't bow down to these Cretans. That we call upon all those communities which presently send youngsters to Lane High School to join us in announcing their support for the principle of quality integrated education.

Imagine writing that sentence after the previous year and a half. Yeah. Filled with so many buzzwords. It's like a buzzword word salad. That we call upon the student body to join us in rejecting all forms of racial extreme. Oh, the failures of civic nationalism. Then we call upon that we call upon the school administration to deal promptly and directly with any teacher or student who through his actions in the school perpetrates violence and as such person shall be afforded all rights of counsel and equal protection of the law consistent with the fundamental notions of due process and be it finally resolved that the events of last. week however disturbing

shall our unswerving faith in the future of public education on an integrated basis and our dedication to the concept of the brotherhood of man oh man oh man there's so

these people are hopeless oh man that's you know and that whole thing about how you know teachers are like a protected class you know it's like if it's like soldiers police and teachers and nurses

if you criticize any of them people just like oh what do you you hate you want anarchy you want it's like we want order this is an order

yeah and these people aren't giving us order yeah these teachers are the purveyors of anarchy of anything like chaos entropy it's complete insanity

yeah copies of the chapter resolution were sent to the school board and to city officials. The union chapter was now on record with a positive and forward-looking position. They could not again be smeared as racist. That's where you're wrong, kiddo. Oh, man, if you're not being smeared as a racist on a daily basis, you're doing something wrong.

Yeah. The next day, Bowman and Johnson sent a special delivery letter to the mayor, in closing a copy of the resolution and asking that he commit himself through the allocation of funds and established lane as a model for educational excellence in the city. Little did they know that in just 72 hours, Bowman would be sitting face to face with the mayor at an emergency meeting at Gracie Mansion. Now it was October 31st, and Jim Bowman sped his car through the Queens Midtown Tunnel and into Manhattan, his destination, the central UFT headquarters on Park Avenue South and 21st Street.

It was only 2 p.m. an hour that normally found teachers performing their classroom duties. But this hadn't been a normal school day at Franklin K. Lane. Already UFT Public Relations Director, Dan Sanders, had sent out a press release, which was being carried over the local radio stations. Reading. Albert Shanker, president of the United Federation of Teachers, demanded an immediate meeting today with Mayor Lindsay and the Board of Education to take steps to ensure the proper functioning of the city's high schools in light of the disorders at Franklin K. Lane High School.

The teacher's union leader declared that the safety and well-being of children in our schools must be the first order of business at this meeting. Okay, finally something I agree with. Had Shanker gotten to Lindsay early or had the mayor reached the union chief first? It was only four days before the mayoralty election and Mario Prokoshino had already blasted away at the mayor for creating an atmosphere in the city conducive to violence and lawlessness in the schools. It fit right in with a Democratic candidate's major theme during the campaign. Only five months earlier at a meeting of UFT High School Chairman, Chapter Chairman, Albert Schenker had placed much of the blame of the school crisis

on the mayor. Quoting, obviously the city set a kind of tone, the union had declared. Fifty percent of the problem will be enhanced or cut back depending on the mayor of mayoralty election we can't put out the fire in one school at a time john lindsay was being put on notice he would have to deliver if he had any chance of neutralizing the powerful teachers union and its clever presidents but that was five long months ago and shanker's implied threat of a sustained ufts campaign against the mayor's re-election bid never materialized. The enmity between the two protagonists in the Ocean Hill clash had been brought under reasonable control and both moved to close the communication gap. The mayor and the UFT president both recognized that to remain at odds would be self-defeating, laying to rest

whatever personal aspirations each held for the future. Lindsay rejected by his own Republican Party in the June primary was running for re-election as an independent with the liberal party party's endorsement. Don't you love that? Don't you love how a Republican can be like, they'll be like, I'm going to kick you out of the Republican, and who did they run to? He doesn't even run to the Democrats. He runs to the Liberal Party.

Isn't that just like a Republican? Yep. Yeah, I got to love your GOP, man. And here we go. His only hope of winning was to recapture at least half of the city's Jewish vote, a vote that was expected to run as high as 30. 35% of the total ballots cast. It was also a vote with

which Schenker had immense influence through his own great personal prestige in the Jewish community. Of the system, 60,000 teachers, more than two-thirds were Jews. What? Did you read that sentence?

Yeah, that's pretty nuts, man. Of the system, 60,000 teachers more than two-thirds were Jewish. And through their civic, religious, and fraternal organizations, they could have been instrumental in mounting a mighty campaign against the mayor. How easy it could have been to remind New Jersey's Jewry of the black anti-Semitism the mayor had unleashed against them by siding with the extremists of Ocean Hill. These wounds could have been reopened without too much

trouble and John Lindsay knew it. You got anything to say about that? I mean, it's interesting how there's always like that kind of tension even in the multicultural coalition

how like really extreme like forms of like black nationalism will start talking about the JQ and then you have like the liberals who have to like like tone that stuff down because black nationalists are still useful for the elites when they only crap on white evil when they start talking about stuff about the overarching power

structure in the u.s so when things get a little testy yeah wow if ever a mayor needed a labor leader john lindsay needed albert shenker in 1969 for in the hands of the ufts president was the power to destroy the political career of a man many envisioned as a 1972 presidential candidate. How is he going to run? Republican against the incumbent? I don't think so. Just another Republican mayor, another quote unquote Republican mayor in New York,

just like another quote unquote Republican governor like they always have that just or never even never even like have anything to do with a Republican value. And when I say Republican value, I mean anything close to the founding. Yeah. After the strike, Lindsay moved steadily to establish his credibility with the union. The question of school decentralization was still up in the air.

It had been at the core of the Ocean Hill dispute. Now the mayor would have to pay heavily for the suffering to which he had subjected the union. He began by trying to force the Dorr Gallimison school board appointed by him to soften its own decentralization plan to meet specific objections of the union. Paradoxically, it was a plan the mayor himself had set in motion two years earlier by endorsing the Bundy report, which recommended community control of the schools. But the price for community control was his own certain defeat in his re-election bid.

It was a price the mayor refused to pay. At the very least, he would have to abandon his own radical ideas on decentralization. The power and prestige of the city administration would have to be taken out of the legislative battle about to be waged in Albany. It was. The Dorr Gallimicent board, abandoned by the mayor with no broad base of support from a public and had alienated by its irresponsible actions during the 1968 school strike, was supported in the legislative halls by, few of the major power blocks of New York. Lacking the confidence of the town's diverse and disgruntled populace, the school board had little punch behind its lobbying efforts for a far-reaching community-controlled bill. The mayor's silence during the long and bitter debate could be

interpreted in only one way. He and Shanker had finally begun talking the same language. The union came out well in Albany, the 11th hour compromise bill at support. retained almost every point essential for the preservation of a centralized school system, and more important for Shanker, a centralized union local. All collective bargaining would still be done centrally, and there would be no separate negotiations with local school boards. The centralized board of examiners, the certification agency, would be retained, and there would still be central placement of teachers off lists from competitive examinations,

a safeguard against pick-and-chews union-busting districts like Ocean Hill. The Central School Board would continue to operate, but it would comprise a representative of each borough to be appointed by the respective borough president and later on to be elected by registered voters in borough-wide elections. The mayor would then point two people of his own choosing to round out the seven-member central board and the union would be able to use its new profound political muscle to influence the outcome of that election, as well as those for the 31 community school boards. The next hurdle standing in the way of a Schenker-Lindsay alliance was the matter of a new union contract.

The 1967 agreement was about to expire in September, in September 1969, a day before the start of the new school year. It had become traditional for negotiations to go down to the wire, and sometimes passed it, but in 1969, it was to everyone's advantage to get an early and amicable settlement. Neither the city nor the union could afford another strike or even the threat of one. The UFT was busy reestablishing old ties with parent and community groups and didn't dare jeopardize that number one priority. Even more important was the fact that UFT's rank and file was tired, very tired. For two consecutive years, Shanker had led them into battle. 50 days of strike, the lost money, the heartaches, the antagonisms on the picket lines,

divided faculties, and racial conflicts between white teachers and black communities had all taken their toll. Imagine that. I mean, I'm sure it was the white teachers who were antagonizing, right? Yeah, totally. They were the ones kept those people having many a sleepless night. Could he go to his people again? What issue could be kept, what issue could get them out of the, on the street once more?

Another stoppage was sure to result in internal union for Etricide and that above all else had to be avoided. There was only one issue between the union and the school board and the negotiations of June 1969, and that was money. This was the new board of education. The Dorogallum Eisen outfit was put out of business by the new decentralization law and its president, Joseph Montserrat, had already decided that there would be no further whittling away at administrative prerogatives and no more concessions to the union on non-budgetary items related to working conditions. The union, meanwhile, had gone through the motions, as it had done in every negotiating year since 1962 of having its executive board spend countless hours gleaning the thousands of demands submitted by dozens of different

different standing committees, subcommittees, functional chapters, and special interest groups operating under the umbrella of the 60,000 member local. But there was no bargaining, but there was no bargaining of the laundry list this time around. Practically, no negotiating was carried out at the subcommittee level. With everyone aiming for a June 27th settlement, almost all talks were conducted at the highest levels. Even the UFT's first line negotiating committee of 11 officers. were dispensed with. Shanker replaced it with a bargaining team consisting of himself, Secretary Jules Kalladne, and Treasurer David Witts. Added to the select group were Shanker's closest aide special assistant Sandra Feldman,

staff director De Leonardis, and Dan Sanders, whom he had appointed coordinator of negotiations. This was the team responsible for putting a new pact together in June 1969. And with all parties anxious for a settlement before the end of the year, Schenker came to his 51 member executive board to ask for a blank check in negotiations. Would the executive board accept whatever package he brought back in June, good or bad, rather than go to the brink again in September? He was given the answer he wanted. There would be no internal fight over ratification as there had been in 1967, no matter what he came back with. In the end, they ratified the new three-year contract after a verbal report from. Shanker without as much as a written outline of the settlement terms. Can you imagine?

The 1969 negotiations were carried on quickly and quietly. For the first time in 10 years, there were no saber rattling around the table, no inflammatory press releases, no charges and counter charges about bad faith negotiating. Shanker and board president Montserrat had developed a friendly working relationship. It was a first time in UFT history, it was a first time a UFT head was accepted by the school board as an equal at the bargaining table. All that stood between the union and the board this time around was money, money for a mammoth salary and pension package. The UFT negotiators were quite willing to give in on most of their demands regarding reduced class size, improved working conditions, policy voice at the local level, and school

security to get a giant package in salary gains and pension improvements. And it was up to the mayor to provide the money. The three-year contract, which is ratified on the very last school day in June, added the staggering sum of $1 billion to the city's educational budget over the life of the agreement. It was certainly the most costly package ever negotiated with a public employee union. I think I'm going to stop right there because there is still like 22 pages is left in this chapter. So, a lot to digest there. Yeah, so what do you, I mean, there's a lot here.

I mean, the union stuff is great. You know, I mean, I grew up in my, my dad's side of the family was a union, you know, union people. And, yeah, I guess I got to hear the stories. You know, my grandfather was a teamster. My dad was, uh, uh, UTT in New York. and it was I got to hear the good and the bad

and you only really heard the good every so often my dad going to demonstrations you know with bodyguards yeah but um the the idea that

you're in a society and the elites that are running it are allowing what was allowed to happen in this school, you know, 50 years ago, you know, 52, 53 years ago. Yeah, there's, reading this book is good for two reasons. One, learn our history, two, see that we're back to here, but it's time. 10 times 20 times 30 yeah it goes to show that this is like nothing really new it's been titrated decade after decade to the point where it pay um it makes like the stuff that happen in the 60s and 70s look like child's play in comparison it's it's now fully institutionalized

from the most basic of curricula you see schools to the corporate board room it's all around us like this stuff like um that the that the salt of the earth and the hoipoli were moaning about now is just become

like ornaments in the living room people treat them treat like this like degenerate race stuff and also like sexual deviancy as like the new normal and that's what happens when you have a oppositional political leadership that's not up to the task

of confronting the cultural left. Well, it's not even treated as a new normal. It's to be celebrated. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. It's like the highest expression of like, like,

of like, degenerate form of like, expressive individualism and all of that. That's typical of our order. Yeah, I had put out a tweet saying that, you know, the perfect, the perfect human in 2022, is actively anti-racist

and somebody corrected me and said no, they're actively anti-white. Yeah. So, you know, we march on. We try to learn from history and we march on and try and figure out

how to fix all this. And preserve these forbidden texts. Yeah. Because there's definitely a concerted effort out here, especially with, like, the centralization of a lot of literature and all that to memory hole, this kind of content. Yeah, I would, you know, hard copies are important to get of books, of sex and everything. But if you do get a PDF, throw it on a thumb drive. Yes, yes. Throw them on a thumb drive.

Big time. Yeah, because if you, you know, there's no, you can't get rid of it then, because, you know, a text like this is, you know, now it's highly sought after. And even when I started looking for it, I couldn't find a PDF for it and someone had to, you know, one of the people in the, in my telegram chat was able to find it. And thankfully, now we can spread it wide. Yeah, that's good to hear. Yeah. mode anything you want and we'll stop yeah um you could find me at substack as usual jose nino unfiltered at josbcf dot substack.com still on twitter at jose alinio and i have like

my political strategy newsletter though i'm not as active on it i'm still going to post some content at jose nino unfiltered patreon and subscribe star and that's the primary places where you can my work. Well, I appreciate it, Jose. Until the next time. Yeah. Thank you for having me on. I want to welcome everyone back to the Pete Kinyanez show, returning. He was just on a little while ago, Dark Enlightenment. How are you done? I'm great, Pete. Thanks for having me. This is a real treat. I've been a big fan of this particular, all of your series of reading, but this one in particular has been a real treat. so thank you so much for including me in the in the festivities no problem at all yeah people seem

to really like this one the the comment that is oft repeated about this one is that wow it was seems like today yes it does there's reasons there's reasons for that that we you know we possibly could touch upon but um like everything else yeah yeah like everything else i'm going to start reading and let me share this now and I'm going to go back a couple paragraphs from where we left off with Jose Nino and I just add a couple of quick

preparatory remarks. Do it, man. Okay, so first of all this is 1969. Brown v. Board was in 1954. Shelly v. Kramer, the one that the decision that desegregated housing basically was in 1948. So this is

the 15 year olds, that are getting in fights in this school were born in the year that this happened. So 15 years after Brownie Board, complete total failure. It didn't just happen in New York. It's not like, oh, that's just the big city in New York. It happened in every major city in America

from Seattle all the way down in Miami. If Ryan Dawson's bell was being rung while you read this book, it would just be so this is a major admission against interest by the author and his co-confreras. right? And then the last thing I would say is that I believe it was in Charles Marie's book Real Education the Archdiocese of New York Catholic school system

operates with less than 50 people it might be as few as like 20 I can't remember exactly it's been many years since I read that book but their entire operation that the superintendent of schools everything right is 50 people and they have thousands and thousands and thousands of students and dozens of schools so it's not like you can't deliver a high quality education in these difficult environments without having this massive you know union bureaucracy school board

bureaucracy all of this stuff that just exists essentially as a grift right we're reading about oh the school board and this and then the union this and you know there's a lot of private interests that are getting in the way of actually delivering a decent education to kids so just you know real quickly like it failed after 15 years that the civil rights aspect of it was a failure after you know 15 or 20 years depending on how you look at it and uh this is this is an astonishing admission so i just wanted to preface that yeah it um i mean he is clearly stating what many people knew was going to happen. And it is, as we mentioned in the last episode, they mentioned that 60,000, there were 60,000 members of the police, the teachers

union in New York City. And two-thirds of them were from 2% of the population, maybe even less at that time. It's quite remarkable. And, yeah, I, I, I, I found out that Mr. Saltzman died a few years ago, and I want to applaud him for writing this. I know he basically had to go into hiding after doing this, but it was extremely brave. It was extremely brave. Yeah. Yeah. Would I love to sit down and have a drink with him and ask him about this because I could just imagine going through this.

I mean, no, I couldn't imagine going through this. I wouldn't put up with it for a day. But ready? Let me start reading and then stop me whenever you want. please go ahead. All right, I'm going to go back a couple paragraphs from the last episode just to get some context here. The union meeting with the mayor, this, what a mess. This was the team responsible for putting a new pack together in June 1969, and with all parties anxious for a settlement before the end of the school year, Schenker came to his 51 member executive board to ask for a blank

check in negotiations. Would the executive board accept whatever package he brought back in June, good or bad, rather than go to the brink again in September, he was given the answer he wanted. There would be no internal fight over ratification, as there had been in 1967, no matter what he came back with. In the end, they ratified the new three-year contract after a verbal report from Shanker without as much as a written outline of the settlement terms. The 1969 negotiations were carried on quickly and quietly. For the first time in 10 years, there was no saber rattling around the table, no inflammatory press releases, no charges and counter charges about bad faith negotiating.

Shanker and board president, Montserrat, had developed a friendly working relationship. It was the first time a UFT head was accepted by the school board as an equal at the bargaining table. All that stood between the union and the board this time around was money, money, for was money, money for a mammoth salary and pension package. The UFT negotiators were quite willing to give in on most of their demands regarding reduced class size, improved working conditions, policy voice at the local level, and school security to get a giant package in salary gains and pension improvements.

Can I read if we talk about that for just a second? Absolutely. So this deal that was essentially made with public school teachers in response to this sort of thing, in the 70s is now going to bank Illinois, New York, New Jersey, all of these places with that very, very generous places

or public school pensions. It's going to bankrupt all these states. You know, we are reaping the world into this bad policy of just throwing money at teachers. There was a direct response to this sort of thing today. And you know, this isn't just like

oh, look at the funny, or look at the horrifying YouTube video of kids getting beaten up in schools. It's also while your property taxes are insane and why your road has holes in it, because all the money is going to paying the teachers who got that fat contract in 1972. And you also have to really take into consideration the fact that, you know, when we think about property taxes, we think about education. Property taxes in New York, the city are majority paid for by large corporate property owners. It's not individuals.

Most individuals who live in New York City rent. They don't own. So really there's, yeah, sure, you can have white flight to the suburbs, but they're still going to get that money. They're still going to get the money. And it was up to the mayor to provide the money. The three-year contract, which was ratified on the very last school day in June, added the staggering sum of $1 billion estimated to the city's educational budget over the life of the agreement.

It was certainly the most costly package ever negotiated with a public employee union. John Lins, I mean, think about that. That's one, that's a billion dollars in 1969 money. that's what is that today like 15 20 billion 30 billion I mean I mean it's that's

you know that's like solve homelessness homelessness levels of money that's like this is pre-Bretton breaking Breton Woods money you know think about that there's still like

there's somewhat of a gold standard at this point this is like a billion real dollars This isn't a billion Like fake, fake, you know, money printer to go burr money. This is like a billion like actually someone had to pull gold out of the ground or something to do this. My goodness. All right. John Lindsay had made it all possible by giving the board authorization on money matters.

He would worry about how to pay for it some other time. Now his primary concern was his reelection bid and he wasn't going to let another teacher strike or the threat of one hang him up again. The early settlement was the cornerstone of the mayor's campaign strategy. The big knock against him had been his inability during most of his four-year term to conduct fruitful negotiations with the city's largest and power, with the city's large and powerful municipal employees union. In addition to the two teacher strikes, Lindsay had failed to avert stoppages by transit workers, sanitation employees, hospital workers, welfare department social workers, and job

actions by the police and firemen's union. It was an astonishingly bad labor record. No mayor in the city's history had been as ineffectual in the area of labor relations. And you'll wonder why people fight to get rid of unions, especially, especially public workers unions. I mean, even FDR was against public sector unions. And this is, and this exact set of incentives is why, right? this is um so again you know these terrible consequences are bankrupting places now because

but none of these not one of them right uh is that you've lived in new york peak does the trash get picked up in a you know like is it clean no is it safe no i mean all of these yeah no yeah all right john lindsay came to city hall by way of congress on New Year's Day of 1966. Belying the liberal reputation he had established in Washington, the former Manhattan congressman brought with him a strong bias against New York's old line labor leaders. Confronted with a transit strike,

which outgoing Mayor Robert Wagner neatly dumped in his lap, during the first days of administration, he went on television to denounce transit union president Michael Quill and the city's chief labor leaders as power brokers, making it perfectly clear that their days of influence in city government were over. He blamed the union for much of the trouble the city was in. In Lindsay's patrician view, the unions were the oppressors of the blacks who were kept out of high-paying construction jobs.

And to the new mayor, the municipal employee unions were guilty of making the cost of local government prohibitive and of forcing higher prices and higher taxes which chase businesses out of the city and middle-class whites to the suburbs. But most of all, it just wasn't Lindsay's style to wheel and deal in the back rooms. From his very first day in office, Lindsay refused to acknowledge the tremendous power of Harry von Arsdale, head of the Central Labor Council, the giant citywide federation comprising 550 different local unions with an aggregate membership of 1.2 million employees in both the private and the public sectors. The mayor made the costly error of trying to instead to use

the media he commanded, relying on his own prestige and the power of his office to go directly to the rank and file, bypassing the elected leadership of the locals, tagged as a union bus, he found himself in one strike after another as union leaders became convinced that they couldn't get a fair shake from City Hall. Marked as the enemy of the working white middle class, scorned for his anti-labor tactics and for what was viewed as his selling out to black extremists, and rejected by his own Republican Party in favor of conservative state senator John Marci from Staten Island in the June primary, The future could not have been bleaker for John Lindsay. How could he bridge the gap with organized labor and the middle class? And more importantly, how could he get the even split he needed in the Jewish community,

which boasted more than a million registered voters? 60,000 of which were teachers. For Lindsay in 1969, Albert Shanker could be the great spoiler or the grander prize. If a detente could somehow be arranged with a powerful UFT, the mayor would be achieving a triple victory. First, it would provide concrete evidence that the school wars, which had torn the city apart, were finally over. Second, by negotiating a great teacher's contract, he would be signaling the mighty labor federation of his willingness to discontinue his crusade to reform the city at the expense of the unionized white working class.

And finally, a positive gesture from Shanker would at least give him a fighting chance to recapture the Jewish vote that was essential for victory. So, I mean, I guess he came into office as a politician and quickly had to triple and quadruple that because, I mean, he started alienating people, and now he is going to basically buy off the unions that are most against them. Well, and John Lindsay is like the potonic ideal of rhino, right? You know, Mitt Romney probably, you know, burns taxpayer dollars at altars of an altar of John Lindsay. and it's it's this exact dynamic politically you see playing out in America today right you know

the Trump people are like hey ordinary decent working white mostly white people deserve a country too and then you know oh oh we have to do the sacred blacks we have to take care of the sacred blacks and you know the unions are racist so what so what the unions are racist so what that until you're honest about certain things that are taboo which is why we're not on YouTube right you can't solve any particular problem

and so you know John Lindsay's caught in this dilemma of can you tell the truth about this thing that's it's you know taboo right now and solve a problem or do we kick the hand down the road and Matt load up public debt and AUN8

voters and drive people to the suburbs and you know gee you know my kid's chemistry teacher got lit on fire last year maybe it's time for us to leave and move down to West Channister

or something it's just this sort of thing and they refuse it to be honest about it and this is again why Mr. Saltzman deserves a great deal of credit for being brave is how we ended up with all of these problems and you can just see

that same dynamic politically speaking you know, the names have changed, but the problems have stayed essentially the exact same. Yeah. Yeah. Well, I was going to say something, but I want to keep this up on. I want to try to make sure this goes on YouTube. But let's see. If there was any doubt about the UFT staying out of the mayoral tea campaign, it was

removed when Mario Prokoshino, the only conservative in a five-man race, emerged the winner of the bitterly fought Democratic Party primary. Although the Central Labor Council of which Shanker was a vice president had endorsed its old friend Robert Wagner, who had served three terms as mayor before Lindsay, the UFT refrain from stating a preference. Bronx Congressman James Schuer and author Norman Mailer, neither with the slightest chance of winning,

both refused to bow out of the race. Bronx Borough President Herman Bedillo, the first Puerto Rican to make a bid for the city's top post, saw his chances go down the drain as the party's liberal votes split four ways. Mario Prokoshino was victorious with only 32% of the total 755,529 primary votes cast. Now he prevailed over a tattered and splintered party whose liberal wing refused to back the conservative nominee and jumped instead. to endorse the independent bid of John Lindsay, who was now free from the shackles of the Republican Party. The Democratic primary had immense significance for the UFT. Robert Wagner, a middle of the rotor, ran a disappointing second, 28,000 votes behind the winner, and only 5,000 more than the fast-closing biddeo.

Had Wagner won, the UFT president would have been hard-pressed to throw his union into the fray, in support of the Democratic nominee. The former mayor had been a good friend of organized labor, a skillful politician, and a proven vote getter with a broad base of support both within and outside of the party. Of all the Democratic hopefuls, he had by far the best chance to unseat the mayor. In a general election, Wagner was sure to get most of the anti-Lindsay votes, as well as the lion's share of those garnered by the other four Democratic candidates in the prime. primary. With a Wagner ticket, the Prokoshino Democrats would have had little choice but to line up

behind the former mayor and the party's reform wing would not have felt compelled to defect, as they did to support Lindsay. But in 1969, New York Democrats were voting with their hearts, not with their minds. They chose a conservative who was to give the election away over a moderate who couldn't have lost. The decentralization campaign in Albany had brought Schenker into an extremely close alliance with the city's Democratic regulars. He had especially high praise for Assembly Minority Leader Steven Steingut of Brooklyn, whom he credited with shaping the compromise decentralization bill.

In view of his growing ties with the party organization, it would have been difficult for Schenker not to call for an union endorsement of a promising Wagner candidacy. But the selection of Mario Prokocino as the party's standard bearer made it easy for UFT president to play it safe while paving the way for a Lindsay victory. The comptroller, a decent man who had been tagged with the racist label. His straight law and order campaign had driven an estimated 90% of the black vote from him. With that constituency convinced that Prokicino was too far right,

there was never a chance of the UFT coming out for him. Hold on just a second. Uh-huh. So 90% of a certain community thinks that enforcing the law and not enabling crime is against their ethnic interests and wanting to be away from people who think that not enforcing the law is a bad thing. makes you a bad person do I have that correct it definitely seems

that Mr. Saltzman wrote that here and that's what he meant meant by it okay so why did tens of millions of people leave Boston and New York in Philadelphia and every other major city in America oh

what what happened in 2020 oh you know and the more things change the more they stay the same right you can't um until you're willing to to say yes that we need to separate or whatever uh or or at least call a spayed or dirty shovel you're never going to get anywhere and so you know why are the republicans useless this book tells you why yeah i'm sure and republicans will be like no no this he wasn't a real republican i mean yeah real republicanism has never been tried so whatever to have supported the democratic nominee would have created

the image in the black community of a conspiracy between the teachers and most conservative elements in town such an endorsement would have done irreparable harm to the union's program of rebuilding its bridges in those communities bridges it needed in order to survive it believed complicating the union's position and strongly influencing it was the fact that the organization was about to undergo profound internal changes that would drastically alter its complexion. In 1967, the school board had introduced into the system a new employee category, that of paraprofessional. As a response to the criticism that only 6% of the staff was black, the new paraprofessional

post was created to bring minority group parents into the schools as part-time salaried employees, assisting teachers in classroom duties. What exactly is the training here? Was this meant for babysitting purposes? Was there a double? Were there two reasons to do this? Yeah, I'm a little flabbergasted here. 13,000?

13,000 employees. That's got to be into the millions of dollars of salary. Yeah, let me just read the, let me read the next sentence so that you can know what you're commenting on. By 1969, there were about 13,000 such employees in this job classification, practically all black and Puerto Rican, most being paid out of federal and secondary education,

being paid out of federal elementary elementary and secondary education, Act, Title I funds, and state urban education allocations to the school districts in designated poverty areas. So there were 60,000 unionized teachers and 13,000 paraprofessionals with no training whatsoever getting a paycheck, and almost all of them were from minority communities. We're not talking about like everyone's from Chinatown or the vibrant Japanese-American community in New York City. We're talking about communities with people within them teaching young children of high school age to be militants and how to commit violence without any worry for whoever they believe their enemy. is it's even it's unclear yeah morally righteous to to attack your racial enemies without

defining your racial enemies and then um you know in new york city right now right uh bronc school of science and um studies he found high school or some of the finest high schools in america really um uh the great steve sailor put it this way she when i was a kid uh you know the rankings in educational achievement were Orientals, Caucasians Chicanos and blacks and everything is different now

because it's Asians whites Latinos and African Americans if so two-thirds of the 60,000 employees

of the teachers, they're all Saturday people, right? And a good quarter of, or 20% of the employees are resentful ethnic minorities that are constantly told, oh, no, there's no, there's no reason for persistent low achievement amongst different ethnic groups and the only reason that this could possibly happen

is is the you know the one Gentile you know the 15% of the population of this staff that's Gentile white guy it's their latent racism that's causing

all of these problems and we're supposed to take this seriously I mean It's ridiculous. And nothing has changed. Working from two to four hours a day, they held a variety of titles, educational assistant, family worker, teacher aide, and family assistant, to name a few. Bringing this new group of employees into the union fold was a major challenge for the UFT, one that became a top union priority in 1969. The union leadership, conscious of the fears of large numbers of grade school teachers,

embarked on a major organizational policy change almost without the knowledge of the membership. In November 1967, Shanker quietly slipped a resolution through the administrative committee adcom and the executive board authorizing the union to begin organizing this new pedagogical, group and to try to become the collective bargaining agent for it. By the spring of 1969, the UFT had committed its total resources to win a collective bargaining election against District Council 37 of the American Federation of State, county, and municipal employees for the right to represent these workers. For Shanker and the union leadership, this was understood as a life or death

struggle. It was the one hope to build a base of power in the ghettos where local residents would identify with teachers and the union and fight side by side with it for their own personal aggrandizement as well as for a better school system. It was to be the basis of the Alliance Shanker had set as the first order of business for the UFT. The campaign itself was a hard-fought and and dirty one with the opposition charging that the UFT was out to exploit the helpless black

parents. A defeat for the UFT was certain to mean years of intraschool feuding between the union chapters and those of the insurgent paraprofessionals. Teachers were bound to see the new employees and their union as a challenge to themselves infringing on UFT prerogatives. Few people understand the immense significance of this election, and while the attention of the general membership and the public was focused on the legislative scene in Albany, where the school decentralization issue was being debated, and on the mayoralty primaries within both parties, a highly selective UFT leadership committee was pulling out all the stops to win an election to determine which union would represent the large block of school employees. Do you see this also when you take into consideration the $1 billion that we talked about

earlier as just a, I mean, it's a bribe? Here, here's some money, don't kill us. Not only is it a bribe, but it destroys any standard of, professionalism or, you know, ability. How many of these parents are semi-illiterate in 1969? How many of these, you know, being a teacher is not the hardest job in the world, but, you know, it requires some standards. You have to be able to read.

You have to be able to write. You have to be able to communicate clearly. You have to, you know, particular subjects like, science. You know, you have to have a real basic, a real scientific background. You can't teach physics and not know math. So, I'm sure you've seen them. You know, we have teachers who are semi-literate teaching in the New York public schools right now. I mean, I could tell when I was in school, I could tell, I knew that I was smarter than some of my teachers. I'm sure you were. At 13 and 14.

I mean, that's not uncommon. That's not uncommon for a student sitting, you know, sitting there listening to some union-up basic loser at the front of the classroom spew crap out of a book that they haven't read. Sorry. Sorry to the teachers listening. You're probably great teachers. And I applaud you.

It's not, that wasn't my experience when I was in, when I was in the New York City public school system. It wasn't until I went into private and parochial schools that I had teachers that could, that were actually intelligent and, you know, you could tell we're on their way to becoming academics. Well, the first step to being an academic is you can't lie And as we've seen throughout this book You know, like we're just It's just covered in nonsense It'll BS everywhere

And so how do people Take this seriously? And the answer of course is that they don't All right. Let's read some more. With the UFT spending huge sums of money scrapping for the votes of black paraprofessionals, it would not endorse Mario Prokoshino any more than it would squarely confront the racial crisis at Lane High School. That's a great sentence that I want to read over. With the UFT, that's the teacher's union in New York, spending huge sums of money scrapping for the votes of black paraprofessionals, it would, would not endorse Mario Prokoshino any more than it would squarely confront the racial crisis at Lane High School. I could just imagine Mr. Saltzman typing that out, typing out that sentence. I hope he finished that sentence to look back on it, went damn, that was good. Victor Gottbaum, executive director of the opposing union,

had already given the mayor of the district council 37 endorsement. For the UFT to come out for Prokoshino now would mean alienating untold numbers of paraprofessionals whose votes were so badly needed in this inter-union contest. The June collective bargaining election was indecisive and appeared as if the paraprofessionals would have to vote all over again in the fall. It was not until a week after the people of New York had given John Lindsay another four-year lease on Gracie Mansion that the UFT was finally declared the official winner in the paraprofessional vote.

In spite of the fact that an overwhelming majority of the union's 60,000 members were violently anti-Lindsay, Shanker embarked upon his own personal campaign to keep the union from coming out against the mayor. That he was able to nullify the tremendous antagonism teachers felt towards Lindsay is the most eloquent testimony to Albert Shanker's great leadership skills. He went to all the power bases of the organization, to the executive board, and the delegate assembly, to the district representatives, to the chapter chairman, and even to the membership itself. Always his message was the same. The union can only hurt itself by supporting one of the three candidates he told them. All three have done some good for the union, the story went.

Prokoshino, as the comptroller, had gotten our paychecks released to us when Gallimicen tried holding them back at a crucial point during the strike, and the Democratic nominee had taken a firm stand against adult agitator. who were taking over schools by force. But how about John Marchy? The UFT leader would continue. The Republican candidate from Staten Island had been a great UFT supporter on school decentralization,

and we owed him a debt for having steered that 1968 interim bill and giving us a year's breathing spell to marshal our forces for the final battle against community control. And then there was Lindsay. as much as we detest the actions he took during the strikes, isn't there evidence that he has learned his lesson?

Shanker would ask, just look at the great contract he gave us. And when the militants tried to take over a Bronx school this fall, didn't he step right in and come to the defense of the embattled principal and staff? But of course, this isn't the same John Lindsay, and now there was even an open line between the UFT and City Hall. But that alone would not have done the trick. Hatred of the mayor ran too deep. It was Shanker's ingenious play on teacher's fears that made him so convincing.

It was the negative aspects of his argumentation that won the day. The union president went as far as to suggest that if we went against Marche, who never stood a chance, the powerful state senator would be angry and could go back to Albany next January and sabotaged the entire pension package we had just negotiated. with the board, but which was still subject to legislative approval. And as the Prokocino campaign turned into a fiasco, Shanker could argue about what a sad position we would be in

if we supported the Democratic candidate and Lindsay was returned to office. Skillful, crafty, intimidating in his brilliance, he could convince the most hard-bitten Lindsay hater that the union should stay out of the campaign. They were all urged instead to go out and campaign as hard as they could for Marchy or for Prokoshino or even for Lindsay as some actually did. By having teachers working for all three candidates, Shanker reasoned, he would be for everyone and against no one. It was the best possible hedge and we had to end up on the winning side. It was simple. It was direct and it worked. Who could argue with go.

so when uh sam bankman freed bribes both parties with a scam we're just seeing the same i mean this i really have to applaud you pete for picking this particular book because it's just a just every other page i you know highlighting stuff and writing notes but you know you know Everybody owes us something, so we always get what we want. It's, you know, it's, it's, it's just like the military industrial complex and owning, you know, owning both parties in Congress. This is, you know, and it's not about, there's no ideological or philosophical grounding in anything. It's literally just, where's my money? Where's my money, man?

It's like literally like an episode of a friggin, um, a family guy. Almost like a joke. I mean, it's, well, it's not a joke. I mean, it's really a exercise in, well, not only Machiavellianism, but also, what do I want to say? I want to say playing both sides, but I'm looking for a deeply cynical. Yeah, yeah, yeah, I mean, yeah. If you send everybody, if you send 20,000 out to support one, 20,000 support another, and 20,000 support another, and 20,000 support another. and 20,000 support another.

And it definitely doesn't look like you're choosing anyone. So anyone who makes it in there who gets elected, then you're, they're not going to be mad at you. Yeah. The union did not come. There was no official endorsement by the union. We just want what's best for the kids. Right? Isn't that what it's all about?

Isn't it always, isn't it always for the kids? completely disinterested public servants who only care about the chilling. All right. It was direct and it worked. Who could argue with the union president? Hadn't he himself been locked in mortal combat with the mayor and suffered more than anyone during those two disastrous strikes? And how could anyone challenge his judgment after the way he stood up and fought for teachers' rights in Ocean Hill and in Albany?

If Shanker says stay out, he must know what he's talking about. There would be no UFT endorsement in 1969. Through Sally Bowles, the mayor's liaison on education affairs, an open wire was maintained between City Hall and Shanker's office as the first reports of the Lane riot came over the radio on October 31st, four days before the election. The conflict over the flag had ended on October 24th, and conditions in room 248 were getting back to normal. On the surface, at least. But the residue of resentment among the militants especially resulted, among the militants especially, resulted in a week of unimaginable tension and disruption.

When the bell rang ending each class period, large numbers of black students, 75 to 100 at least, made a mad dash into the school auditorium, which was still being used as a study hall. Cutting their classes, they mingled with the general body of students, assigned there. It had become a den of intrigue, and in spite of the presence of policemen in the large hall, no white student and few teachers dared enter the militant's lair. Open defiance

of all forms of school authority and destruction of school property was the next phase of the confrontation that had begun in room 248 and expanded to a school-wide demonstration marched the week before. But even as the UFT chapter was passing its forward-looking state, on October 27, the arsonists, the extortionists, and the terrorists had stepped up their level of activity. Imagine having to use those terms, arsonist, extortionists, and terrorists when it comes to a school. Is that civilization? Especially when you take into consideration the next sentence. attacks on whites resumed with a vengeance as conditions went from bad to worse. Something that's worth thinking about is to put the shoe in the other foot for a second.

If the differential in power between, say, Arabs and European descended people was opposite. on September 11th, 2001, and a bunch of unhappy white rednecks from West Virginia had destroyed something really, the Abu Dhabi towers or something like that or attacked. I mean, we're, we worship the dollars of, you know, like some, some big important mosque had been attacked by, you know, white rednecks. There wouldn't have been a white person alive in, oh, I don't know. 2007, right? If, you know, you think about how hyper-dominant the United States and various other European countries were in 20 years ago, if they'd wanted to just wipe out huge chunks of the world, they could have done it. You know, you and I know how deeply foolish a lot of those wars were. But if they, if they'd done, and if you just look at it on the opposite. you know, like, if the white people were as bad as these black militants say they were. They were constantly beating their children, beating their children, and they didn't violently react. Whereas if a bunch, again, you know, like if a bunch of Staten Island, you know, Guidos had showed up at the school,

showed up at a Harlem black school and beaten a bunch of black students and talking about how you know Italian power and Christopher Columbus and this is all rightful Italian clay and you guys need to get out and this is new Calabria get out of here you know and how this was all new Calabria

they'd have absolutely lost their mind there'd have been there'd have been violence like you wouldn't believe leave. And it just goes to show, like, certain people are beyond the reach of reason. This is where libertarism falls apart. It's like you can't rationally argue someone out of something that they just weren't capable of rationally arguing themselves into. How do you reach someone? They're also going to, they're also going to argue that this is socioeconomic. Every problem, every race problem that we've ever had in this country is socioeconomic. That how come 60, you know, 60 to 70% of the violent crime is done by 13%

when there are a ton of fucking poor white people in this country. Yeah, you and I are one of them. Yeah, we two poor white guys talking. You know, and all we do is talking to the internet. And, you know, we're not allowed to all that all at all these other things. But, but, you know, the, and actually, it's not 13%. It's more like if you, you know, it's men between, say, 15 and 15. 40. It's like 3%. Yeah, even less probably. Yeah, it's like 3% of the population is

responsible for not just, you know, a plurality. The majority of a violent crime in this country is committed by 3% of the population. We're not allowed to talk about that. Right. We're not allowed to point it out. It's socioeconomic, man. You know, it's that whole argument of, you know, people are violent because they're poor. Maybe people are poor because they're violent. Anybody ever thought about that? Is that wrong to ask? Right.

Well, I mean, you know, you and I have enough of a libertarian background, right? Like, like peaceful exchanges, only peaceful exchanges that are freely entered to in the marketplace are valid because then it is a win-win situation for both parties. You know, like, you, when you have market interactions that are freely chosen, freely entered into without coercion. it's a win-win for everybody because you have the pizza and I have the $25 and I want pizza

and you want $25 and I give you both and we both end up benefiting right and then or you know pick whatever else but if you're not capable of understanding the you know

the benefits of not defecting on the civilizational contract how are you going to have civilization answer you're not and that's what we're seeing here i just wanted to take a break and let you know how you can support the show head on over to freeman beyond the wall dot com forward slash support you can see every way patreon my website which is the best way subscribe star substack there's even some crypto addresses there also there is my p o box p o box 832 Auburn

Alabama, 36831. Send me anything you want. I appreciate all of you and your continued support means the world to me. Thank you very much. Let's go on because it only gets better. In one incident, a policeman apprehended a black girl who had been accused of stealing a pocketbook. A mob of boys immediately attacked him from the rear, forcing the officer to release her. And here was where the libertarians call that mama boy's a hero. The cry of police brutality resounded through the halls, and even the policemen felt their powerlessness. The presence of 40 to 50 police officers could not prevent a lesser number of militant

students from doing precisely what they had set out to do, bring education at Lane to a grinding halt. They could. Those 50 police officers could stop this, but they're not a lot of. allowed to. There's an easy way to, they could have stopped this very easily. They had the means to stop it on their persons. The militants were in the thick of it, directing barrage after barrage, giving fiery speeches wherever large numbers of students congregated, but there were few attempts to remove them from the scene, only a limited number of five-day suspensions

or to hold them accountable for the polarization they were creating. On Friday, August 31st, the leaders who had been suspended for five days for leading the rampage over the flag were returned to school. The decision had been made not to refer their cases to the high school superintendent, Jacob Zach, a move that would have kept them out of school pending an administrative decision by Livingston Street. Once a second. Go ahead. Okay. So I know this is a, you know, Dems are a real racist, stupid talking point.

but it is worth repeating of like if there was a large community of like not to pick in West Virginia because some of the best people I know are from West Virginia but if a bunch of West Virginia hillbillies like set up a classroom and covered it in stars and bars and KKK flags and whatever else right and then violently attacked members of other races and

like destroyed education at the school, the police would have beaten them like rented mules. And it just goes to show possibly the most important thing that's ever been said on the recently on the Pete Canona show is what Thomas has said about real right-wingism,

real right-wingers, this is because of the Nuremberg regime. You cannot tell the truth after 1946, right? That's not a valid argument, DE, because, you know, because the Nuremberg regime, they tried the National Socialists and Socialists are left wing. So your argument is invalid.

Oh, of course, yes. My argument's the problem. Not violent riots in high schools. I used a mean argument there. where that's the worst thing in the history of the world. I mean, come on. Oh, you used the wrong argument. You called, you called proper right wingers.

You're comparing proper right wingers to national socialists and they're socialists. It's right in the name. Yeah. Yeah. I'm sorry, bro. I'm sorry. I keep cutting you off. No, but it is, I mean, this is why, right?

Rather than just say yes and. Or imagine if the races were reversed. Okay. First of all, that's never happened. And the second it does, right? You know, second George Wallace stands in the schoolhouse door. You know, given this, you know, when George Wallace made that speech, this followed. Maybe old George was right.

You know, the last time George was a governor of Alabama, George Wallace. You know, the segregation now, segregation, tomorrow, you know, that guy, you know, last time he was governor of Alabama. 187 His last time as governor ended in 1987 So maybe It's not that unpopular To be telling the truth about certain things

You know And you're in my lifetime Recently You know Ronald Reagan was president And George Wallace was still governor of Alabama For this exact reason. Yep. Let me go back a little bit. On Friday, October 31st, the leaders who had been suspended for five days for leading the rampage over the flag were returned to school. The decision

had been made not to refer their cases to the high school superintendent Jacob Zach, a move that would have kept them out of school pending an administrative decision by Livingston, Livingston Street. The return of the leaders was a signal, and it climaxed a week of unbelievable terror. It started with a fight in the cafeteria between a white youth and a black one. The incident touched off several more racially motivated attacks of blacks against whites. Many involving girls. The police finally moved in at Selleb's request to clear out the cafeteria for the principal I decided to dismiss school shortly after noon.

The school was falling apart. Students and teachers were running about and there was panic everywhere as angry blacks were ushered out of the cafeteria and moved on to Dexter Court through the side entrances. Some proceeded to the Elders Lane elevated train station 100 yards down the street along Jamaica Avenue, but most just huddled together in groups openly defying the police who were directing them away from the building. The scene elicited memories of radical leftist clashing with Chicago police at the Democratic Convention a year earlier. but the New York City Police Department had trained its officers well in techniques of riot control. Disregarding the taunts of hot-headed youngsters who were being spurred on by the militants,

the police kept their cool and with the most remarkable restraint guided the crowd slowly down the street towards Jamaica Avenue. Rocks and other objects had been hurled at them, but the police were not detracted from their primary goal of maintaining order. But suddenly, from the elevated train station, high above Jamaica Avenue, came a flurry of stones, garbage, and other debris hurled down on the crowd below. Soon there was pandemonium. Students attacking police, the officers fighting back with nightsticks and fists, then a wild breakout along the avenue and into Woodhaven. Turning over garbage cans and breaking windows along their route, bands of black eudes

held the neighborhood in a state of siege. at the train station, the fighting continued. In the melee, several black ewes were hurled through the plate glass window of a supermarket when it was all over 10 Uds were arrested and a number of others reported injured. Students weren't the only casualties. Two policemen suffered cuts and bruises. Few people realized how close the riot came to ending in a literal massacre. Roving bands of black ewes had chased after white students in the street of Woodhaven and Cypress Hills.

Several of the whites, even before the riot erupted, had gotten home to get their rifles. It wasn't until the next week the staff learned of several shooting incidents in which white ewes had fired over the heads of onrushing blacks, turning them around. Man, a time when you could have rifles in New York City. Those were the days. I mean, they're shooting over, shooting over their heads. I mean, we can call that out. This is 1969, okay? Every single one of those guys, those poor to middle class, working class, white dudes in New York,

they'd either been in World War II, Korea, or Vietnam. Every single one of them, they'd all been in the Army. They'd all been drafted, all done their two years. years if they'd wanted to yeah it would have been you know so again put the shoe on the other foot like if the capabilities were reversed and this is this is why you know rather than say oh maybe engage in a little bit of self-reflection go you know actually uh these people all have military experience they all have rifles and they all have knowledge of what to do and They could just wipe us out, but they didn't.

Maybe we should show a little grace, a little respect, a little care for our fellow decisions and their children and their property. And the fact that, oh, no, it's whiteies, this is a problem, is why, you know, we just stopped living together, why these, you know, two generations later, there's no capital amongst these white suburban, sorry to get on my, you know, hate the separate soapbox for a second, but like that's this this right here this exact reason is why places like Memphis physically doubled in physically tripled in size and the population stayed the exact same over this you know from that from this time until present that's why that happened because if those white communities had defended themselves you know look what happened in in New York you know guys in the city in the city had rifle and in the intervening 50 intervening 50 years guns have been totally taken away from

decent white people in New York City because they were worried about this they're not worried about the crime not worried about ethnic gangs of every striping size in New York City they are worried about and they were driven out you know into New Jersey

into upper out of counties and into all of these different places into Connecticut so that um this conflict could be avoided but as recent events have shown there's no way avoiding that conflict you know the conflict came out to the suburbs that all these people had fled to in 2020 yeah and the same the descendants of the same same people, you know, stood there with their rifles as the rioters walked by and the rioters maybe turned around. But those same people who were just holding rifles in their neighborhoods and, you know, outside of Seattle, right, in Stahomish or whatever, Washington, they were called racist. They were called white supremacist. They were called all kinds of names because they

defended the neighborhood, didn't shoot anybody, just held their rifles and, you know, just had plate carriers and rifles and said, don't riot here. yep one of the reasons that they made sure to take away those rifles and make sure they can have it as so that they have them as so this kind of thing could run rampant they know who they want in charge and it's not it's not the young american yeoman who has a job has a family has a rifle and and is any kind of right winger Yeah. Quickly, a call was put through to the union president by the chapter leaders describing the events which at the very moment were being witnessed by newspaper men and filmed by television camera crews who were standing by outside the school in expectation of some kind of explosion. That evening, television viewers saw in their own homes the naked horrors of a race war in a school. The chapter message to Albert Shanker was short. Balman, Otomare, and I would be there in an hour.

Something had to be done. Ed Johnson, Bauman's co-chairman, stayed behind to represent the union at a hastily called faculty conference, a conference which saw Celib, trained by nervous exhaustion, faint at the microphone in the middle of an address to the staff. High school superintendent, Jacob Zach, who had rushed to the school, tried to fill in for the stricken principal, but received the shabby reception from an angry faculty. Bowman and Johnson had, in the meantime, agreed to announce a call for a job action unless there was movement by the administration to relieve the untenable situation. It was 1968 all over again.

Students and teachers were paying dearly for the neglect of the school by the educational bureaucracy. It's not a... Yeah, sure, an educational bureaucracy. but also for an ideology. Let's just, let's face facts here. Albert Shanker had spent the better part of the afternoon on the phone with the mayor, with the mayor, Sally Bowles, Montserrat, and acting school superintendent Nathan Brown elevated to the top post as a temporary replacement

for Bernard Donovan, who had retired. In addition to sending out a press release calling for an immediate meeting with the mayor, the mayor had simultaneously invited the board and the union to Gracie Mansion for an emergency conference. Shanker had scheduled the press conference at UFT headquarters for 4 p.m. He was making it look like the real thing. The Lane delegation met with the president for about 20 minutes immediately prior to the press conference. We couldn't keep going in this climate, we told them.

Shanker had to take a hard line with the board and the mayor, we advised. The power of the union had to be brought to bear to get immediate and drastic changes for the school. Shanker was quiet and non-committal. He had learned to be a good listener, especially when he had already made up his mind about what course to follow. When he felt he had enough information to respond to the reporter's questions, he rose from his desk and signaled Dan Sanders. He was ready for the press. He followed Shanker into the adjoining conference room where the camera crews and reporters were waiting. The UFT chief was very much at home with the news.

news people and was a master at responding to the most double-edged question. His nimble mind and uncanny sense of timing guaranteed his success at a press interview. Accentuating the gravity of the situation, which had become the number one news item of the day, Shanker announced the scheduled emergency meeting at Gracie Mansion for that evening, but declined to reveal what position the union would assume. after the press conference there appeared the first hint that the lane crisis was about to be used to push some larger union aim George Altamare and Dan Sanders engaged in a private discussion about how to take advantage of this opportunity to extract from the mayor a commitment for a special appropriation to hire security guards for all the city high schools 80 black and puerto rican para policemen had been employed in several schools on an experimental business

basis. They were a welcome relief for teachers who could no longer control hostile black students. During the recent round of negotiations, the union had demanded that a minimum of eight security guards be placed at each of the 91 high schools. Even though this was a top high school demand, it had died along with all the other others that were barely introduced during the 1969 talks. but Vice President Altamare was a persistent fellow and he had learned over the years that there was more than one way to skin a cat. On October 9th, he steered a resolution through the UFT High School Committee over which he presided, stating that the UFT insists upon security guards for all high schools.

The high school committee further urges that UFT officers meet with the highest officials in the mayor's office and the Board of Education and that the UFT be consulted on the training program of the security guards. Now Altamare and Sanders were planning to use the lane riot as a lever to force an expansion of the security guard program. I listened as they hatched their plot and formulated their strategy. You can't mean that you are going to use. use this meeting for something other than the lane problem, I objected. If there are going to be any deals made up there, it's got to be in Lane's behalf, I insisted. Sanders and Altamari stepped back, assuring me that Lane wouldn't be sold short, but that

they were in a good position to get the security guards for the whole division as well. Naively, I accepted their assurances, but my worst fears were borne out by what took place at the Gracie Mansion Conference that evening. The union blosses never blinked in their sellout of Lane High School. Little or nothing was accomplished for the school, while the citywide security guard program was to be more than doubled in only a few months. By March 1st, 1970, there were an additional hundred guards on the payroll. So that's 91 high schools, 100 guards.

You know, something that's worth, I just as a exercise, I just did a quick Google search for Miami High School riots and two days ago a South Florida school was placed under lockdown after several fights broke out inside and outside the campus so we're to

riots have been a normal thing at American high schools for half a century riots the only reason people don't get killed is I don't know

I mean like they could be getting killed all across the country you think that this isn't you know like you could just Miami high school riot Brooklyn High School riot I guarantee you we're not talking about stuff that happened oh in 1972 or

1969 or 1968 or whenever it has become normative in every major city in America, and it's the same demographic doing it now as it was doing it then. I mean, that's just astonishing. You know,

let a white kid, let a white kid wear, you know, have a Confederate flag patch on his chain wallet or something like that. And it'll make, it'll make the news. It'll, that'll lead the news, the local news, and it may even make,

it's in national news. That's where we're at. I mean, people don't realize where we're at. You know, it's like you mentioned war on white people and so many people scoff, especially the, I mean, you know, the libertarians, they'll, you know, the, the Cato types and everything. I've heard them just laugh. And, well, sure. I mean, you're, you're wealthy.

This isn't going to be, this isn't going to be on YouTube if I say what I want. Well, go ahead. Say what you want. I mean, you already dropped the F-bomb, dude. Well, I mean, F-bom's fine, but, I mean, I don't know, man. I don't know. It's just these people, it's what I've been talking about ever since this whole COVID thing started, you know, and 2020 started, and people just kept with their, you know,

my in-the-box ideology where I'm completely moral. And, oh, you know, I get to, I get to show people how better I am, you know, it's like, these are the kind of people who will be murdered by the people were, the perpetrators we're talking about here. And, you know, they'll, as they're getting murdered, they'll be making excuses for them. And that's not an exaggeration at all. That has happened, right? Like Haitian aid workers will go to Haiti, be like, you know, everyone here is poor and oppressed and then they'll get raped and robbed and murdered. and you know

and blame like white supremacy for like like 15 Haitian dudes gang raped you know you've seen the stories I've seen the stories you know this is not they'll call you lots of things

but they can't call you a liar right notice that and as we've been reading and as the series has gone on right I've just been wondering to myself, you know, I, I, I, I, anytime I hear any piece of media now, you know, Ryan Dawson with his bell is in the back of my mind, you know, and I'm wondering, how many of these people ding?

No. You know, oh, man, it's, oh, it's, no, it's. You know, the passenger, Shanker, does he ding, you know? Oh, he does. He does. Oh, yeah. Oh, yeah. Oh, yeah. It does. See, right. Oh, 100%.

Right. You know, uptown to the mayor's residence. The passengers, Altamare, Feldman, like, you know, oh, goodness. Two thirds, two thirds of the 60,000. And it's asked why. I mean, I mean, people who, you know, a group who are overwhelmingly liberal and go along with every single leftist program

that comes along and just vote continually. Can I, can I, can I, for just a second? Sure. I know you've talked about it

in the past, but like, the transistor industrial complex from, from, by Scott Howard, like, if you haven't read that

and then like, just insert the parentheses or the dings or the echoes or whatever you want when you're reading that book, but understand that like, if you do the research

and he's got a new book about a plot against humanity about the COVID thing and that that would be something worth picking up you know pick it up direct from the publisher because then Amazon doesn't get any money but we are talking about

a everything that you hate pornography abortion communism transgenderism you know pick something that's like discivilational

and a horrible horrible negative outcome for society and you know Fiat you know Federal Reserve banking system

you know scams but you know Bernie Madoff and Sam Bankman Fried looked like they could be brothers I mean they look

they have remarkably similar facial features and we're supposed to just sit there and ignore that you know and then somebody will say oh but you know that the the the predominance in law and medicine too and those are good things right yeah yeah Gavin McKinness who's a complete pathetic uh I won't use you can you can hear you can hear the 30 shekels of silver rattle when he walks yes you can right like uh there was it went around on telegram you know

one of his proud boys go, oh yeah, medicine, the people who like ignore a bunch of people getting cancer during lockdowns and, you know, didn't talk about other alternatives to the vaccines and didn't allow vitamin D and didn't tell people to get sunshine and, and, you know, medicine's working out. It's great. And law. Oh, man. The law in America is so wonderful that a guy who stole $32 billion took three weeks to get arrested in a foreign country. right in a foreign country that I've been to that believe me they will they will arrest you really fast for you know looking at them sideways law in America is working working wonderfully you know all right let me uh let me read some more of this an outsider would never have known that a riot had taken place at Franklin K Lane from the conversation in al Shanker's car on the drive uptown to the mayor's residence. The passengers, Altamare Feldman, De Leonardis, and UFT's Welfare Fund Director, Ray Liza,

talked about everything but the events at Lane and the meeting for which they were headed. As the sixth passenger, I was astounded by their seeming indifference and nonchalance. Their primary interest was in the mayoralty race. I can't get past the fact that he uses terms like mayoralty instead of mayoral. It shocks me every time I see it. Their primary interest was in the mayoralty race and on that morning straw poll, which had left little doubt

about the outcome of the election. The union leaders all experienced and wise in the world of partisan politics, scorn the ineffectual campaign waged by Mario Prokoshino and referring to the Democratic candidate, somebody observed, Mario would have found a way to lose even if he ran unopposed. They all marveled that the slick professional campaign the mayor had conducted, admitting to his mistakes, such as the extended school strike, implying that he would not make them again and stressing the positive aspects of his first term. He was, the union chieftains were sure, on the verge of turning certain defeat into a stunning upset victory that would have far-reaching political implications, not only in New York, but across the nation.

During the 30-minute drive, bucking traffic on 3rd Avenue during a busy Friday evening rush hour, not a word was spoken about possible strategy, tactics, and aims the union would pursue. One had to wonder, even then, about the very purpose of the meeting, which was the lead off story on every radio and television news report that evening. Surely, if anything was ever to be attained to return Lane to the mainstream, this was the time for a commitment. The eyes of the entire city were on that majestic white structure on 88th Keck Street where the town's number one citizen resided. But even the radio in Albert Shanker's car was kept off in complete disregard of what the newscasters were saying.

Perhaps it didn't matter. Maybe it had all been decided in advance with the union giving the mayor a chance to steal the spotlight and Prokoshino's thunder and letting some of the law and order magic rub off on him. The gates to Gracie Mansion swung open and Shanker pulled his car up that familiar driveway just as he had done so many times in the past. The TV lights glared and microphones were jammed through the front window and up to his face. Mr. Shanker, is the union going to demand that Lane High School be closed down? The newsman asked, is there a chance the UFT will call a strike? The UFT president replied calmly evading direct questions. A very terrible thing has happened out there today.

And we're here because the mayor and the board and everybody else seems to be as concerned as we are about it, he told them. We want to find out just what they are willing to do to prevent it from happening again. And then he added the thought that the union had some of its own ideas about what should be done and that UFT proposals would be presented inside. It was all Shanker would say and the city would have to wait to find out about the fate of Lane High School. Deputy Mayor Robert Sweet greeted the UFT delegation and directed it to the first floor waiting room. The mayor was upstairs conferring with school officials and would be ready soon. Within a few minutes, the rest of the union hierarchy arrived. Vice President Saul Levine, Morris Shapiro, and Abe Levine, Associate Legislative Representative Rubin Mitchell,

and Public Relations Director Sanders. Shanker left to confer with Sweet, the same Robert Sweet, who had been. once told him, I'll remind you to keep a civil tongue in your mouth while you are in the mayor's house. But this was a different time, and on this night, it was the UFT president who held all the Trump cards. How hard would he push to mayor, sweet wondered. Inside the waiting room, there was a nervous air for none of the union officials were quite sure why they were there. The only point of consensus was that on the eve of an election, the politics of the situation was such that the mayor would be willing to make extraordinary concessions if he could come out

spelling like roses. There was much chatter, no one being able to speak for ten consecutive seconds without being interrupted by someone who disagreed or had a better idea to suggest. Still, no constructive direction relevant to the specific needs of Elaine. Shanker returned from his conversation with Sweet and advised that we play it by ear. Let's first find out what the mayor and the board have. in mind before we put any of our ideas on the table he counseled. It seemed an appropriate strategy for openers.

Sweet came back a few minutes later to announce that the mayor was ready to begin the meeting. Up the winding flight of stairs, the delegation moved and into the large conference room, which had been the scene of bitter fuse in the past. But on this night, Albert Shanker stood in the doorway alongside John Lindsay and introduced the mayor to each member of the UFT delegation as they passed through. Lindsay's handshake was firm and friendly, smiling, he extended his greetings, glad to meet you, or thank you for coming. And to those he recognized from pastoral deals, nice to see you again. The mayor presided at the head of a large conference table, already seated to his right, were the city's top school officials, Board of Education President Joseph Montserrat, Manhattan's board member, Isaiah Robinson, Board Secretary Harry,

Siegel, high school superintendent Jacob Zach, and the president of the 4,000 member school supervisors association, Walter Degman. At the opposite ends of the table, across from the mayor, sat acting school board superintendent Nathan Brown, now flanked on either side by Shanker and Altamari. The rest of the union delegation took their places on the other side of the table. Then came various police department officials and aides of the mayor. Sweet and Sally Bowles moved throughout. the room conferring intermittently with various participants.

The tone of the meeting was solemn, but its purpose was soon clearly defined by the mayor. His opening remarks left no doubt that this was an assemblage of the family, called together to insulate the mayor and protect him from a possible political setback resulting from the Lane riot. What happened out there was terrible and intolerable, he told the conclave, and he went on to announce how one of his political opponents had already injected it into the campaign. That morning's Daily News draw poll had shown him 18 percentage points ahead of Prokicino, and Shanker, always the master of the timely quip, interjected, you mean you still have political opponents?

It broke the ice. Everybody laughed, including Lindsay, but he wasn't taking any chances on the polls. He was extremely annoyed that the radio stations have been giving the Lane riot what he called the drip drop treatment, something coming over every five minutes as if nothing else had happened in town all day. Imagine a riot at a school not being covered all day. Imagine violence. Imagine people having to shoot guns. And imagine that now and the press is actually talking about it. when it's you know it's obvious where the violence is coming from

you're telling me that Mr. Shanker didn't have a cousin at the New York Times right I mean come on it's been owned by the Schillsberger family for 150 years like you know so

this is this is how these people the powers that be control everything is information control. You know, for a while there, you know, free man beyond the wall. Like, oh, there's this guy who just wants to be free and wants to tell the truth and wants to have a show and, uh, you know, you can make a pretty decent living

on YouTube and all of a sudden, gone, right? Uh, from, oh, I don't know, 2000 to 2015 or so. The internet was this place where you could go and tell the truth. And, uh, they shut down. that down really PDQ when after Trump and Brexit right and it's for these sorts

of same reasons like like there was there was a race riot in New York City and you know people got shot at and it didn't make the news

because the powers to be didn't want it to mostly peaceful process after an And this right here, this is why, you know, there's not a lot I like about, you know, I chose the nom de grace. I did for a reason. I think that the constitutional locking order is stupid. But I'm a hundred and ten percent behind, two thousand percent, a thousand percent behind the Second Amendment. Anybody who wants to take away your ability to defend yourself is a bad person. And you should never trust them, ever.

After announcing that police commissioner Howard Leary was unable to attend because of a pressing commitment elsewhere, he turned to Deputy Commissioner John Walsh and asked for a police report. The official police version was a fantasy, grossly understating what had actually taken place and conflicting with the films which had been shown on the evening news programs. But they're just doing their job. want to get home safe. It omitted, too, the horrors that teachers and policemen had witnessed inside the school. Altamari quickly challenged the accuracy of the police report, giving his own version of what happened. Lindsay squirmed in his chair. How would it look for the union to make

liars out of his own police chiefs? Walsh backtracked, explaining that his report was merely a hasty condensation of all the information that had been channeled up from the precinct and divisional levels. If there were omissions or discrepancies, he would surely check it out before the night was over. Jim Bowman leaned over toward me and whispered, Harold, I smell a rat. They're going for a whitewash. The lane chairman rose from his seat. Mr. Mayor, he began. Who is that, Montserrat wanted to know.

The board president was making his presence known. He wasn't about to let the mayor usurp prerogatives that were his, and he was making it clear that he, not the mayor, was running the school system. Shankar identified Jim Bowman as a school chapter chairman. 25 years old and new to his leadership role, Bowman was the only person in the room who had, as his primary concern, the safety of lane students and teachers and the viability of the school. Bowman was not their kind, and they all knew it as he described in an honest and forthright manner the gory details of what had been seen that day. Pools of blood spilled on the stairs and going into the office of the girls dean and seeing six or seven white

girls crying hysterically their hair disheveled and blouses ripped several with blood streaming down their faces in Loudoun County that school superintendent or supervisor or whatever was just indicted for covering up that terrible sexual assault that rape of that one girl by the so-called transgender student in Loudon County you know there were people that belonged to And good, and actually, you know, his punishment must be more severe in this Loudoun County case. But, you know, certain people let this happen, right? You know, James Bowman does not sound like a ding type name. Mr. Bowman is probably a Sunday person.

And it's notable that the only person who's actually offended by like, you know, 15-year-old girls getting scratched so badly that they're bleeding and having their clothes ripped off and probably sexually assaulted. You know, everyone else is like, how do we cover this up? How about you care about the 14, 15, 16, 17-year-old children that have been beaten? Yeah. How about you care about the parents that had to defend their lives and the lives of their children with armed, you know, with rifles and shoot at supposedly fellow citizens

who are running down the street to kill them. And if those, if Mr. Bowman and the people he identifies with in his group, and this is why libertarianism is a non-starter, everyone else is playing on team sport and you're playing individuals, like, it's not going to work. You know, if you're playing Mardi Gris, you know, Queensbury rules and everyone else has, you know, got taping up with brass knuckles and spikes and clubs and chains, you're going to lose. And the only guy who apparently cares about the fact that children, I'm going to repeat this, children were beaten bloody and the mayor, the school board president, the teachers union president,

the chief of police, none of them seems to care. about the fact that a bunch of children were beaten bloody and that there was a gun battle in the street. By the way, Bowman is a Saturday name. All right. So, oh, wow. Moving on. Now everyone was feeling less comfortable, especially the mayor.

If this kind of talk ever got out to the newsman upstairs, the whole purpose of the meeting would blow up in the mayor's face. Shanker sensed the uneasiness and quickly came to Lindsay's rescue. Everyone is upset about what happened, he counseled, but it doesn't do any good to dwell in the past. Let's talk about the future and see what can be done to make sure it doesn't happen again, he suggested. The union president had changed the line of discussion, taking the mayor off the hook momentarily and passing the ball to the school officials who had yet to be heard from. Somebody suggested that the school be temporarily closed for a cooling off period, but Montserrat left no doubt where he stood on the question of closing schools. He would have none of it.

board president was completely opposed to closing a school in the face of student violence explaining that such action was tantamount to capitulation it would never be interpreted by the disruptors as a signal of their victory and would be interpreted by the disruptors as a signal of their victory they already have won no one's fighting back against them well maybe even people are fighting back against them but no one's crushing them no one's attempting to crush them so thinking, you know, saying, I'm being arrested. They haven't been fined. They haven't had their, you know, a serious

proposal would have been like, okay, if your student riots at, you know, you cause this kind of disruption. Not only is you addressed not eligible for public funds like aid for families with dependent children or whatever the equivalent was at the time. But, like, you're not eligible for municipal jobs or state jobs. Because remember, 13,000, I guarantee you, some of the children of these 13,000, you know, make-worked employees were in on the rioting. Mm-hmm. Absolutely.

Absolutely. It would also, you know, right now, if, you know, you get found out as having ungood think opinions, right? But your mother's forced to disavow you. People will fire your mother. And this has happened, right? People have fired the parents of people who were, you know, producing edgy stuff on the internet. Owen Benjamin's mom got,

Owen Benjamin's mom got fired. For being Owen Benjamin's mom. Yeah. For a guy, like his job is literally make jokes. I mean, and he's really funny. And Dave Chappelle steals his stuff.

Like, you know, but, you know, Owen, and this is, you know, like, oh, you have to disavit, think about this, you know, we're the, we're the, you know, paraprofessionals ever asked to denounce their own children, but if you, uh, you know, produce, uh, an article for old glory club and the wrong person finds, you know, Taylor Wrenz has been banned from Twitter, thank God and go Elon for this

sort of thing. But, you know, again, just put the show on the other foot here for a second. We know how it is with the, um, calling out their inconsistency. I mean, they're in charge. They get to make the rules. They get to make the exceptions. Yeah, they get to make the exceptions. And, you know, it's like I haven't taken a say lately. At this point, I don't even really care what form of government it is.

I just want my friends in charge of it. That's basically it. Yep. All right. It would also lead to the spread of violence to other schools. No, Lane must stay open, he ordered. Closing the school was one of the, points the chapter had recommended to Shanker, but it was apparent that the solution had to be found

elsewhere. Attention shifted from Lane to the general citywide high school picture as Altamari steered the discussion to the need for an immediate expansion of the security guard program. He was looking for a commitment from the mayor to allocate funds earmarked for the security guard program. Shanker let the high school vice president play his cards, and Altamari came on strong, pushing for the expansion. Montserrat indicated. he would be willing to expand the program if he had the funds, but that he wouldn't cut back on some other programs to do it. Lindsay allowed the discussion to meander

around the security guard idea for a while, but soon he grew impatient. There were newsmen out there and a city was waiting. What about Lane? After all, he had assembled the top union and school officials to help him out of a political jam, and he wasn't going to get hung up on a budgetary matter. Returning to the Lane issue,

Nathan Brown caught the mayor off guard by suggesting that the police be removed from the school. Nat, you can't mean for us to take the police out after what happened here today. The mayor responded surprised by Brown's suggestion. The acting superintendent of schools hadn't been thinking of the political implications to which the mayor was most sensitive at this particular juncture. Brown, feeling a bit foolish over his faux pop, backed off and reshuffled his thoughts. Brown had two immediate concerns.

First, he was out for the newly created post of Chancellor, the top administrative job in the new decentralized setup. He announced his resignation from the school system three months later when he became convinced he would not be awarded the top post by the school board. At the same time, the acting superintendent felt a direct responsibility for the renewed violence at Lane. Earlier in the meeting, I had risen to direct my remarks toward the failure to learn from last year, violence, revealing how Brown himself had rejected our plea for a breathing spell and had, in fact, ordered the school's return to a multiple session 10-period day from the single session under which it had operated in the spring of 1969. If only you had listened to us last spring, I said, and kept the incoming class down

to a reasonable number, we could have stayed on a single session and begun addressing ourselves to some of the problems. We predicted this would happen again, unless the school was given significant and speedy relief. Now it was all out in the open. Brown's face reddened, a sneer came to his lips, and in striking back, his gut feelings came through. Lane's problems, the superintendent encountered, stemmed from an ultra-conservative white community and a quasi-political neighborhood group, which is not comprised of parents of Lane students. These people don't want black kids in the school, he argued, and they are constantly

stirring up trouble. Brown in defending himself was also making points with Montserrat, a Puerto Rican, and Robinson, a Negro, telling them exactly what they wanted to hear, playing on their own prejudices and political leanings. The mayor didn't have to be told about the politicos in Cyprus Hills. He was all too familiar with them. He knew it was the spawning ground of Vito Batista, the local assemblymen who earlier in the year had been a declared candidate opposing Lindsay in the Republican primary. To avoid splitting the conservative vote, Batista finally stepped aside, taking the comptroller spot on the Marche's slate, and paving the way for the Staten Islander to defeat

Lindsay in the primary. And the very beginnings of that defeat were conceived in Cyprus Hills when Joe Galliani converted his 38th Assembly District Independent Club into a dump Lindsay headquarters, a movement that caught on in Republican circles and ended up with the mayor being denied his own party support in the general election. John Lindsay, like Nathan Brown, had nothing but contempt for Cypress Hills, and there was no reason to expect that he would come rushing to its assistance. Morton Selleb made his entrance about 30 minutes after the meeting had started. Neither Brown nor Zach had invited him to participate in the conference. Selib had learned about the

emergency session from a radio broadcast and angered at what he considered to be an inexcusable slight, decided to attend on his own volition. He took a seat next to Walter Degnan, and when it was his turn to speak, his opening comment was, I don't often agree with Harold Saltzman, but in this instance, Brown was livid. I was absolutely unheard of for a, it was absolutely unheard of for a principal to hold his superiors up to criticism, but Selleb had decided that he was not going to be the scapegoat. He knew too much, and they weren't going to throw him onto the scrap heap as they had done so many other principals when it was expedient. There already was an impressive list of principals who had been kicked upstairs, talked into early retirement, or granted emergency sick leave with pay when public attention was directed at difficulties in their schools.

Selib was still a probationary principal with another year to serve before the decision about his tenure was made. The blacks as well as the whites had been screaming for his head since the January burning incident, but he wasn't about to let himself get dumped without a fight. He made that perfectly clear by his uninvited presence that evening. Selleb wasn't going to be anybody's fall guy. The first hour passed rather quickly. The mayor, while agreeing that the board had the authority to set school policy, intimated that if he was asked for special funds for a security guard program,

such a request would be given immediate attention. But he emphasized, that request had to come from the board, not the union. Now it was up to Montserrat. A simple request appeared to be all that was standing in the way of a happy ending for Lindsay. But the board president surprised everyone by getting perturbed about what he considered to be a negotiating session. That's not what he had come here for, he announced, rather annoyed at the course the meeting had taken. He would not discuss the matter further. If Al Shanker wanted to come to his office on Monday to talk about school security, fine, but not here.

Montserrat surprised the other participants with his emphasis on protocol. Now there was an impasse, and Robert Sweet, recognized in the problem, suggested a short recess during which the groups could caucus. Nobody was quite sure about what was going on across the table or under it, except that the mayor's plan of walking out of their arm in arm with the union and board presidents was not working out quite the way it had hoped. The UFT delegation returned to its waiting room in caucus. Shanker, who had spoken very little at the conference, now took full command of the union forces, which up to then had been freewheeling and somewhat undisciplined at the table. He felt the union was getting nowhere by pressuring Montserrat, a proud man in the mayor's presence.

The board president, Shanker, observed, didn't want to negotiate in front of the whole, world. Also, there was no point. He felt in trying to hold the gun to Lindsay's head, because even if we threatened to knock him publicly, it wouldn't have any effect on the outcome of the election. He was a winner, and we would have to deal with him for another four years. But the tip-off on the lane sellout came from Sandra Feldman, Shanker's right arm, who had swallowed Nat Brown's story, hook, line, and sinker, and was telling Shanker, Al. Those kids, the blacks have a right to go to that school. Lindsay and Montserrat were caucusing too.

Shanker reminded his subordinates and suggested that they were getting their signal straight behind the scenes. Soon, Robert Sweet came, good. So you're telling me that a woman was sold a bunch of egalitarian nonsense and rather than think about it, she emotionally, it all over the place and made a terrible decision?

I mean, I'm shocked. Oh, yeah, that never happens except every time. Every single time. Lindsay and Montserrat were caucusing too. Shanker reminded a subordinates and suggested that they were getting their signal straight behind the scenes. Soon

Robert Sweet came down and called Shanker out into the corridor, bringing word of a going as on upstairs. Shanker returned moments later with the news. Montserrat was in accord with the union's security guard proposals, and he would meet with Shanker the following week to work out the details and to take a closer look at the lane problem. In the meantime, the school would reopen on Monday under heavy police guard, and high school superintendent Zach would be at the school to meet with Selib and the chapter

representative to make changes and provide for the tightest security. But there was no indication as to what changes the board would consider, nor was there any commitment. from anyone about a specific program of reforming the school, as I had been proposed by the Lane Chapter on October 27. Nobody in the UFT delegation questioned the terms of the verbal understanding. The other union officials had only come along as window dressing. Shanker had up this credit rating with City Hall and Altamare had gotten his security guards for the high schools. Instead of standing up to object to what was clearly a sellout of the Lane chapter, I, like the rest, went along. And Jim Bowman, in way over his head with the union

bigwigs, didn't want to be the lone unpopular voice. The chance to save Lane had slipped through our fingers. No, they let it slip through. When the conference was reconvened upstairs, all the creases had been ironed out. Lindsay, Montserrat, and Shanker all reiterated what had been agreed to through Sweet, and in five minutes it was over. Now all that remained was for them to go up to the press room and announce their unanimity about the solutions to Lane's problems. Each in turn appeared before the television cameras and gave substantially the same speech, emphasizing their unity and cooperative spirit. Now all John Lindsay had to do was keep enough police at the school for a single day, November 3rd, and he would be returned to

office for a second term. For the parents, students, and teachers at Franklin, K Lane, the future was hardly as bright. End of chapter 5. You know, again, I got to thank you for this book and the copy you provided. And, you know, Mr. Saltzman was very, very brave in writing this book. But, you know, that chapter, as long as it is, really, everyone needs to read this. And, you know, this is... It shows you the political machinations, the cynicism, the, the, it's all, everything we're dealing with today, you know, 2020, you know, the mostly peaceful riots, it's the same thing.

It's the same exact process as the same exact incentive incentives, all because you're one of the few people to point this out, but, but, you know, because the truth was outlawed after the Nibbrenberg regime took power in 1947. and we want to see how this works out. You can just read chapter 5 of this book. Thank you very much for having me. But, you know, this is really, really, really important, you know, because half your taxes, half your local taxes, go to a school system that if you're a listener to this program, you can't use.

I mean, you know, Pete, your point about, oh, just homeschool being a, a losing strategy over the long term is 100% valid. But at the same time, if you're a parent, you cannot send your children to public schools. You can't do it. It's immoral. Yeah.

You can't send them to public schools, and we can't allow public schools to keep doing what they're doing. You know, and if you do homeschool, which everyone should be doing, you're still paying, for those everyone else's kids the overwhelming majority to be brainwashed indoctrinated to hate you so why would you why would you keep doing that I mean it's just right doesn't make any sense and there aren't many answers

there aren't there just aren't many many answers well there are they're just very simple Right. Right. Yeah. I'm, yeah, I know. They're very simple, but unfortunately, you see what happens to people who, um, seek to carry that out. Yeah. Band off YouTube is just the beginning. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. But, well, I really appreciate you coming on to do this. I know, um, you know i just this book is can pretty much if you read this book cover to cover you can pretty much get you get everything everything that's happened everything that's wrong um it shouldn't be it shouldn't be hard it shouldn't be hard yeah it it is astonishing and again I want to reiterate that the two points

I made at the beginning that you know this is this is Mr. Saltman and all of the other you know just just in the back of your head when you're hearing this you know here here Mr. Dawson's dings

as all these names get mentioned um this is it's absolutely amazing that it is that it's that I mean it's just you know why why well you and i both know why but but uh mr solstman wasn't going to go that far but and the other thing and and you remember 2003 or 2004 right of course yeah yeah okay so

the equivalent of of back then and you know those lonely dissident voices that we're saying you know we're torturing people this war is going to be a disaster it's terrible we're not prepared we have no idea, you know, there are, there are some honorable people who are still in public life who deserve a great deal of credit for, for correctly saying, you know, that the war in Iraq was going to be a terrible idea. Right. Right. This is that same equivalent. In 1969, Brown v. Board was 15 years in the past. And there were people, you know, honest, decent people who in 1954 or 1955 said, this is not going to work and this bad thing is going to happen and you're going to have all of these problems. and they predicted everything of what happened in the late 60s and early 70s in the United States of America

and they were driven out of public life by the Nuremberg regime and in a similar way that maybe some of us remember honorable voices like Congressman Paul or Scott Horton

or any other guys Ryan Dawson deserves agree to all the people who made the case against the war in 2003 and to my shame, I was one of the people who was for it. You know, the people who were against it then and who were right then deserved to be listened to. Just like Bill Crystal should never be listened to again about anything

because he's just, he's evil and wrong about everything. And so I would ask listeners, and I suspect most of you're already there, but if there's someone in your life who doesn't understand the nature of the Nuremberger scheme, point this out to them. You know, by 15 years later, after Brown v. Board, you had citizens shooting at each other over race riots in American high schools. And riots have become normative across high schools in the United States of America where your students are not safe if they're white.

And the apologists for that regime where regularly students just get beaten half the death because they're the wrong color at an American high school. they insist that that's the right thing and nope you know Donald Trump not not the biggest fan but God bless him he did say you know you did destroy the Bush family by saying you know you lied and your brother lied

and and destroying Jeff Bush thank God for that but that same level of lying and contempt for the truth and contempt for the American people was present in 1970, obviously, and we just read, we just, we just had an entire chapter explaining all of this stuff.

And they all knew, you know, they all knew, no, those kids didn't deserve to go to that school. You know, you're a violent thug who's bidding up other students. You don't belong in any school. You belong in jail. You know?

And that's, that's, That's where, you know, that same span of time, you know, it failed. And it was obvious that it had failed within, you know, a short amount of time, too. It was, you know, it didn't take 15 years for everyone to realize that the Iraq war was a disaster. And it shouldn't take that same amount, and it didn't take that same amount of time for the people to realize that, you know, integration of the schools was a disaster. but we live in a regime that lies so you know when you're telling the truth you know it's practically not allowed and that's just the way it is so thank you so thank you so much for having me pete it's a it's a real pleasure and i'll make sure to link up to your

to your telegram channel so people can can follow you oh well thank you very much and uh yeah everyone you know throw getting the christmas spirit You know, free member of the all way on the wall slash donate. You know, I donate to Pete. And you should too, you know, if you want good things in the world, you got to pay for him. So I want to welcome everyone back to the Pete Cagnonez show. It's about time I get back to reading this book, Race Warren High School by Saltzman. My guest this evening is Tim Kelly.

How are you doing, Tim? Good evening. How are you doing? I'm doing well, doing well. I need to finish this book up because it's been so eye-opening, but now we're starting to get into the post-mortems and see where, how this all ends up. It ends up and welcome back, Cotter, right? Yeah, that's exactly.

What's really funny, though, is there was a time where it basically, the violence went away. The mass violence went away. And, you know, there was, you know, I mean, I was in public school at this time, you know, well, not at this time, but, you know, years after, you know, a good 15 years after this. And

you had your typical fights, you know, people getting, throwing punches and stuff like that. But it wasn't this mass, like, organized. It wasn't political, the most part. Yeah, yeah, it was mostly, you know, give me your bus pass, that kind of crap. But then, you know, they couldn't let it go. And then I think really the thing that

kicked it off again was the Tijuana Brawley thing up in upstate New York. You remember that? Yeah, she claimed she had been kidnapped and sexually assaulted and raped and written like with markers and left in a dumpster, if I recall. And that was, of course, that's when Reverend Al Sharpton came on the national scene. Oh, yeah, that wonderful human being. Yeah, that's. FBI informant number, what, 1,5, 7, 4, something like that. And I mean, and just a very stupid human being.

Yes. It's just a moron. And that's being, that's really being mean to morons. I don't think he had been awarded the merit scholarship at any time in his back in his academic career. He was, I don't think he was a real. graduate like myself in high school in New York. But he knew how to get publicity for himself.

And to avoid paying off, you know, lawsuit settlements that he'd lost. There were times when he would have people go down into the trains, into the train stations and stand in front of the trains. I stand in front of traffic on the bridges and train traffic on the bridges. I mean, the guy, he was, the fact that people followed him. probably says more about those people than it does about Al Sharpton. Yeah, he was, I think, the inspiration for the character Reverend Bacon and Tom Wolfe's book, Bonfire of the Vanities. Yeah, yeah.

All right, so let me get this, let me share this so people can see it. Oh, where is it? Hmm, I'm going to have to. this up. This is great podcasting, guys. Sorry about that. All right. Let's see if this will, uh, if this will show up here. There we are. All right. I just have to find the page. So can you see it on the screen now? Yes. good all right beautiful great podcasting by my part great podcasting all right here we go and tim you know

you have permission to stop me at any time to comment this yep chapter six union politics and postmortems if john lindsay's future was to be found at sixteen hundred pennsylvania avenue in washington dc albert shenkers was at eight fifteen sixteenth street northwest the headquarters of the AFL-CIO in the nation's capital. In 1969, the UFT president, head of the largest local union in America, narrowly missed election to George Meaney's AFL-CIO executive council. He wouldn't miss the next time around. At the age of 41, his future seemed boundless.

Like everything else in America, the nation's labor movement was undergoing rapid change. its white face and blue-collar configuration was being modified as increasing numbers of black laborers, white-collar employees, and government workers were being unionized. So basically, he just described the three groups that make up progressivism. Yeah, and it's kind of funny. You had this growth of public employee unions at this time, which was an interesting development. As the 1960s brought an influx of office workers and municipal employees into the ranks of organized labor, Albert Schenker was viewed by many as the one leader most capable of speaking for and to this newly emerging constituency within the labor movement, the blacks, the professionals,

the white-collar workers, and the employees in the public sector. He was president of a local, which by 1970 had a membership in excess of 56,000, the largest in the nation, and was about to add another 10,000 black and Puerto Rican employees who had been recruited into the New York City school system as paraprofessionals. Community people hired to assist teachers in the classroom. No, what type of community or what caliber were these people that could come into schools and help the teachers, supposedly? I think when I mentioned them before, someone in the comments said that they had a parent or a grandparent who was working

in the schools at this time, and they had to hide everything from the paraprofessionals because purses and anything of value would walk off when they were around. So they didn't add to the academic or environment of. Basically, they were supposed to be there to, if the students, got rowdy instead of the white face telling them to sit down, or what it should have been, was sit down or I'm going to shoot you. They had someone in the community to tell them that, and they were getting paid, and now they're about to be unionized.

Just as organized labor has seen its own future tied up in an alliance with the National Civil Rights Movement, the New York Teachers Union had ordered as a its first priority, a rebuilding of the coalition it had formed with the city's minority groups, a coalition that had been all but permanently destroyed by the Great School Strike of 1968. This was the Ocean Front Brownsville strike? Yeah, that, yeah, that was, yes, and that was the, yeah, and that was, it was, but that was 67, right?

That was 967, yeah, yeah, no, no. That was a part of that, all that trouble, though. wasn't it? Yeah, I can't remember what I can't remember what this one was termed that have to go back in the book. Because it's it that, I know that was one of the events that signaled the, uh, the breakup of the black Jewish alliance that had been forged, you know, for since 1909 with the opening NWACP. Yeah, this one, I think that one was localized and this one was, um, citywide. Citywide, okay. Yeah, yeah, yeah. so all right that number one uft priority was to operate in 1969 to the detriment of high school teachers in general

and of those of franklin k lane in particular the 1968 school strike had elevated schenker to a position of national prominence labor unions all over the country recognize the implications of the ocean hill style of community control and realizing that the UFT was fighting only the first phase of a battle that might ultimately come to them, they were quite willing to contribute the $220,000 George Meaney had called for to pay the fine that would certainly be imposed against the teachers' union for its illegal strike. The New York State-Taylor law specifically prohibited strikes by public employees. I mean, doesn't that, first of all, Then why was there a strike?

Well, why are their public unions? Yeah. Well, how do state employees get union? Well, good. They're because they have these rare skills that can't be attained anywhere else, so they're easy to unionize because they're high level of competency and skill. Yeah. And also they donate a lot of money to politicians after they send these huge compensation agreements

and then they kick back to the politicians. And 30 years later, the city goes bankrupt. I think in the last chapter it said that Schenker had set it up so that the union donated equally to the three mayoral candidates in the previous election. so they they didn't see seem to be choosing sides so whoever won they you know they were golden so they buy the support with the taxpayer money and they kick it back to the politician but then then returns the favor with you know salary increases and you know i guess compensation packages and you know with uh retirement packages it's just all money laundering it really yeah in the

meantime, they're supposed to be educating somebody, right? Is that what they do? Is that what they're supposed to be doing? Allegedly. Allegedly. Shanker's stock rose even higher a year later when he made a gigantic $60,000 contribution to the International Brotherhood of Electric Workers

during the extended General Electric Strike. And he won unprecedented prestige among old line labormen with the UFT's nationally distributed pro-IBEW lesson plans designed for use in classrooms in teaching about the general electric strike. I think it's funny, these donations, whenever I read these things back in the pre-1970s, it's always been thousands and tens of thousands of dollars because it's pre-inflationary 70s. But I guess back then $60,000 was a huge, was a large contribution, political contribution.

Oh, very much. So, I mean, what was the average house at that time? $15,000, $20,000? Yeah, I was going to kick out of the salaries that people get. Yeah. I'm making $5,400 a year. What? Oh, I remember my mother telling me what she was making in the late 60s,

and I was like, you just shake your head because, you know, we grew up in inflation times. Albert Shanker was slowly bringing his union out of the snobbish provincialism that had traditionally kept it aloof from this work. class and was steering it into the mainstream of the American labor movement. This virtually guaranteed his election to the AFL-CIO executive council the next time around. David Selden, president of the 109,000-member parent body, the American Federation of Teachers, would normally have been the choice for the AFL-CIO slot, but he was in no position to stand in Shanker's way.

the New York local with its 60,000 members misrepresented almost a third of the, let me do that again. The New York local with its 60,000 members represented almost a third of the AFT's total membership. I don't know why that was such a difficult sentence for me. There's a 40 and slip maybe, I don't know. Yeah, but also, as we mentioned in previous episode, of those 60,000 members, two-thirds belong to, I think they're Amish. So there are 60,000 teachers. Have that right in New York?

Yes. And 40,000 of them are Amish. I guess just because they work hard? I don't know. And then you have Shanker and Selden. People wonder why there are problems in public education. While Selden was one of Shanker's closest friends, he knew where the national base of the nationals base of power was located. New York Giant Local was the heart of the national body, and Albert Shanker was the power behind the throne.

It was something Dave Selden could never forget, not for a moment, even as he rubbed shoulders with the highest officialdom of government in Washington, D.C. Selden and Shanker had been joined by George Altamare in the 1950s to form the triumvirate that gave the American Federation of Teachers its very first local union with collective bargaining rights. In the late 50s and early 60s, the Selden Shanker Altamare combination made the Teachers Union in New York City. George Altamare began his teaching career as a social studies instructor in a Queens County Junior High School after his graduation from the City College of New York in 1953. I'm just remembering something that Murray Rothbard once said. He said that CCNY stood for circumcised citizens of New York.

That was one of the only schools that would take Jews in the early 1980s. That's before circumcision was normalized. Oh, man. The degradation to which teachers were subjected by an educational system based on caste pushed Altamari into the union movement. It had been the traditional policy of the city school boards to keep teachers divided by cultivating differences among them and by playing off the many different teacher organizations against one another. So Machiavelli now, I admire that.

Yeah, I mean, hey. By pitting group against group, division against division, the school board had been successful in preventing the formation of any one single professional organization that could speak for all the system's employees. The net result was that teachers were among the poorest paid employees in New York. In 1958, the starting salary was $4,000 a year. in that that's yeah in 1953 altamari found himself on the same faculty with albert shanker saul levin future ufts vice president and dan sanders eventual ufts public relations director at junior high school 126 in queen's there shanker levin sanders hmm yep um yeah there's patterns There, in opposition to what they viewed as a tyrannical administration, they formed the militant chapter of the New York City Teachers Guild, the forerunner of the UFT.

Shanker and Altamari, both in their mid-20s, made it to the executive board of the 3,000 member guild and injected new life into the organization. By 1956, Shanker was organizing full-time for the Guild as a special representative employed by the National AFT, while Selden working for the Guild as its full-time director of organization. But it was Altamare, who had moved on to a teaching post at Franklin K. Lane High School, who made the most outstanding contribution toward the achievement of a single unified teacher union in New York. the greatest obstacle to unity was the powerful high school teachers association which had consistently refused to merge with a guilt it was altamari who ingeniously laid the foundation for a merger with a dissident group within the hsTA now this is all being done to improve education right yes yeah isn't that that's the point right isn't that why people become teachers isn't that way is that way people

become police because they want to protect and serve is that why people become politicians does they want to serve the people yeah i've seen all the movies like i don't know like uh blackboard jungle to serve with love what was the other one up the down staircase remember that one uh so yeah the heroic teachers then the later ones like stand and deliver and oh and what was that one those are so terrible with a one with the Who's the one with the lady? It was Michelle Pfeiffer, wasn't it? Michelle Pfeiffer, and she learned, you know, she, I guess she, I guess the enlight, they, but she learns more than the kids, by the way, at the end of the movie, of today.

Of course, of course. Yeah, it's like at the end of every South Park episode. I learned something today. Disagreements had been the normal order of things among elementary junior high school and senior high school teachers. The latter group earned a higher salary because they were required to show more college credits than teachers in the other divisions. The Guild, whose limited strength was outside the high schools, had as one of its major

policy positions a single salary schedule for all teachers. So it doesn't matter who, how well you're educated, it doesn't matter how well your students score on, you know, testing, however you feel about. Or what you're teaching, like chemistry versus, you know, history or something. Yeah, or a gym teacher. Yeah, I mean, yeah, this is the word that, you know, remember the issue of merit pay and all that? Yeah. That was in the 80s education with all that.

So basically, everything just, it's all the same no matter what. So how you perform, isn't it, it's basically as tenure, how long you stay there. You know, no one sets you on fire. Yeah. Well, well, here, here, look, this looks, this looks promising. This was to be achieved by giving the lower grade teachers the opportunity to earn as much. money as high school teachers if they produced the same number of college credits. The HST, on the other hand, demanded the maintenance of the salary and status differential

based on the notion that high school teachers were a cut above their counterparts in the lower grades. So we got class war going on. There had been numerous meetings between Guild and HSTA officials between 1956 and 1959 aimed at merger, but high school teachers rebuffed their own leadership each time HSTA officials broached the subject of merger and parity. The first opportunity for a breakthrough came in 1959. A group of high school teachers who worked in the city's 16 evening high schools to supplement their day school income voted to strike the evening schools.

It was the first time any group of New York City school employees dared challenge the state's Condon-Wadlin law, which called for the dismissal of striking teachers. The strike, and can we talk about the fact that who are these evening school teachers teaching exactly? Yeah, I'm trying to figure that out. There's kids going to school in the evening. Hmm.

Hmm. Are these the ones that are hooked on me? You read the first couple chapters and it's like, oh, there's kids, there's high school kids shooting heroin in school. Yeah. The grievance, is it pay or is it the fact that they're teaching in a war zone? I mean, hazard pay would definitely be something that I mean, I would just walk out. There's no way out of it.

I've said it numerous times reading this. There's no way. I mean, if I was a white student, I wouldn't be going back. It's just ridiculous. That's another thing when you talk about the racial problems. The racial problems are always black kids beating up white kids. I guess you could say it's racial. but you're really not really not describing the situation or the circumstances or the nature of the conflict.

By the way, Tim, happy Martin Luther King Day. Right. Stan Levison, I mean, Martin Luther King Day. Oh, that's awesome. This old joke was that, you know, Stanley Levinson were alive today, he'd be a conservative. So, the strike of the evening school teachers was a landmark, a huge success result. and salary gains approaching 100 percent. Again, what are the students getting out of this?

But more importantly, it brought together Guild and HSTA activists on the picket lines for the first time, both ardently supporting the strike of the independent evening school teachers. That 1959 strike was a watershed, proving first that people from the rival organizations could work together, and second, that in union, New York school teachers

could make great strides forward. The evening classes, was that a function of overcrowding

perhaps? I don't remember that this is, I don't remember them mentioning evening teachers, evening classes before in the book.

Maybe they had like a schedule they staggered the classes like one, one full day and they because of the overcrowding

issue, they'd shift an evening or something. pattern. Well, they definitely had the, um, they, they had overlapping. So there would be like 10 period days and like, um, like students would come in for seven of those periods. And then other, another set of students would come in in in the third period and stay through to the end. But I don't know, I don't know about these evening classes. I'm assuming, when it comes to these evening classes and the students, I'm just basically assuming the worst. Well, I've,

Maybe like a work of a solution would have been like day classes for the white kids and evening classes with black kids. But they're just getting, I mean, they just had the great society is what, three years old, four years old, this is great. Well, I figure it, you know, classes end and they can go play midnight basketball. Oh, yeah. See? Just thinking of a joke. A friend of mine made an evening basketball reference the other day. Well, a couple months ago, and my response probably got us taken down from YouTube.

All right, going on. The evening teacher strikes at the stage for new secret merger talks between Altamari and the HSTA dissidents with whom he had worked and who also wanted a single united organization. It was Altamari's great triumph, and both Selden and Shanker took a back seat to the young high school teacher. Endowed with great talent of diplomacy and personal persuasion, he manipulated the older and more experienced HSTA leaders. Even the Guild president, Charles Kogan, watched an amazement as Altamari wheeled and dealed breaking the HSTA leadership apart. By fomenting dissension from within their ranks, he brought enough HSTA dissidents into secondary positions of leadership within the Guild to give the impression that a bona fide merger had been accomplished. It had a snowball effect as more high school teachers came over until the legitimate

HSTA officials had no choice but to go along. George Otamare, almost single-handedly, achieved a minor miracle. By 1960, the newly created United Federation of Teachers was petitioning the school board for a collective bargaining election to determine which organization would ever be. have exclusive rights to bargain for and represent all the city's teachers. I'm not saying that teacher, I mean, obviously teachers are getting paid and they want to get paid. I'm just saying that what we see as the fruits of all of this is race war and teacher getting set on fire. And then, what, five years after this, four years after this, five years after this, Johnson basically destroys the United States.

And we've been suffering through what he did ever since. The trillion dollars later? Yep. Altamaria's star was about to reach its zenith. He had been strike chairman for the Guild in addition to being a member of its executive board. In the 1960 post-merger election, he won the position of assistant treasurer, and in 1961, he was elected vice president for the academic high schools, a post he retained for the entire decade of the 60s,

except for a two-and-one-half-year stint as a full-time UFT organizer. In the meantime, Albert Schenker had continued to work for and advised the newly created union as a full-time 8 AFT staffer. But in 1962, he plunged into the organization's political maze, running for and winning the post of secretary on the ticket headed by Union President Charles Kogan. Slates headed by Kogan, Shanker, and Altamare went on to out-pull opposition tickets for practically all officer and executive board positions, and the Unity Caucus soon emerged as the most powerful and broadly based party.

in the union. In 1962, the UFT leadership negotiated its first contract, the first ever for a teacher organization anywhere in the nation, and they were on their way. They had called two strikes, each for a one-day duration. The first one took place in 1960 to force a collective bargaining election that the board was trying to put off, and another one-day stoppage in 1962 pressed home the union's negotiating demands. By 1963, it was a well-established organization with the fastest-growing membership in the labor movement.

And this is the spiked the fact that the law prohibiting social union had not been repealed. Yes. Yes. I wonder if they're going to go into that when it does get repealed, or if it does, or if it's one of those laws that they just get overlooked to the point, like, pretty much all the laws when it comes to. public sector workers when, uh, in the United States. Mm-hmm. Yeah. All right.

The UFT successfully negotiated its first contract in 1962 and a new two-year agreement was ratified in 1963. Charles Cogan, president of the guild since 1952, had the grandfather image necessary to win teacher confidence in public support for the struggling new union in the early 60s. But Cogan, an eminently decent person, never had the ruthless ambition or political savvy to consolidate his hold on the top spot, and by 1964, his ability to control and direct the leadership of the rapidly growing local was questionable. And after having been the brains behind the power for eight years, Albert Shanker was getting impatient.

In 1964, the Selden Schenker, Altamari Triumvirate, mapped out the future of the New York local as well as that of the parent national body. Kogan would be eased out and replaced by Shanker as the unity candidate in the 1964 Union General Election. That summer, they would put Kogan forth as the progressive candidate for the AFT presidency, which until then had been controlled by Charles Megel of the more conservative Chicago local. If Kogan won, Selden would go with him as number two man in the national organization who is likely successor.

And how, let's just keep coming back to the question of how this has helped to improve education. People, yeah, I guess they're building own little political empires. Yeah. It worked out precisely the way they planned it for everyone except George Otamari. Most people thought in terms of a Shanker Altamari ticket in 1964, with the high school vice president running for secretary, the number two spot on the slate.

It was a natural. Shanker and Altamari were contemporaries. They had begun their teaching careers together at the same junior high school in Queens. Holding similar sociopolitical views, I can just imagine what those are. Holding similar sociopolitical views, they were a highly compatible team,

and in those early years of union activism, they developed a close friendship. Altamari recognized in respect to Shankarie, Shanker's gifted intellect, and Shanker acknowledged the organizing prowess and charismatic personality that enabled Altamare to draw hundreds of teachers to do volunteer work for the fledgling union. Never could Shanker, having yet to develop the necessary social maturity, hope to hold the personal loyalties that the more gregarious Altamare commanded as a UFT network chairman, a post which kept him in constant contact with the union's school-based, grassroots leadership. I mean, can you even consider yourself to be grassroots at this point when you just basically turned yourself into a political machine?

Who's your constituency? That's a really good question, because it's obviously not the kids. Yeah, and all this is emphasis on organization. And they're like Bolsheviks. It's like various, these all these acronyms and everything. Comparing them to Bolsheviks, that's the most racist thing I've heard you say. Oh, sorry. Medjavix, sorry.

Probably a little bit closer. Altamari was bitterly disappointed in 1964 when Shanker chose an old-timer, Jules Kaladne, over him for the second spot on the ticket. Caledney. Caladne. But he consoled himself with a reasonably certain feeling that after the AFT election, Shanker would tab him for the post of director of organization, which Dave Selden would

vacate in moving up to the AFT leadership with Kogan. There were many who thought in 1964 that George Altamare should have been the unity candidate for president ahead of Shanker. After all, it was Altamare who had engineered the great merger, Altamari whose organizing skills had put together a successful network, and Altamare, as the chief architect of two highly successful and painless strikes, who held the loyalties that could put him over. But the high school vice president never thought of challenging Shanker for the top job, and at Shanker's request, he even stepped aside for Kaladne.

For George Altamari, it was the beginning of a long downward slide. The Shanker Kaladne ticket was victorious in 1964, as it was in 1966, 1968, and 1970, and that summer it was Altamare and Selden who personally engineered the Kogan insurgency at the AFT convention in Chicago. Now George Altamari waited for his promotion to that prize spot. Just quickly. At these conventions, AFT conventions, are they like discussing pedagogical methods and what's the best for students? I mean, I'm basically assuming it is any, like any kind of union meeting.

And it's just typical of what a union meeting would be since, you know, the early 1900s, late 1800s. It just has to be. Yeah, I mean, you want to be a fly on the wall just to see how many times students are mentioned or education is mentioned. Well, it's a little different like with a trade union because they're negotiating with management to get a bigger cut of the point. pie, so to speak, and they're producing a product, which they have to ultimately have to sell, whereas you have a public school system that's supposedly created for the benefit of the public, and because the public pays for it, but you have this, you know, this cabal, if you will, organizing and sort of getting a hold of the public school system, at least a big chunk of it, part of it, and just conspiring

and, you know, to get theirs and organize it. And then who knows, you know, all the trouble that you read about it in this school in this book is largely they're doing because of the policies they've either implemented or promoted you know uh their their social values or their outlook uh one of which was of course the the the uh the uh holy objective of of integration and never questioning that of course despite it was a uh you know obviously of a manifest disaster from educational and social standpoint right yeah And they never say, I'm sorry. They say, you're welcome.

Right. And move on. And basically when the strife starts happening, when the violence starts happening, they're so on autopilot that they don't want to interrupt that. You see it in the decisions when they get together and they want to make demands. These are the demands we want, and the demands are not that this element that is causing the problem needs to be exercised and removed. It's, okay, we need to get, we were on autopilot, we're hitting some bumps, and what do we do to make those, to make it smooth again, but we can't. address what the real problem is

and I mean that's what progressivism is is it's this seemingly everything's getting better everything's getting better so when a problem presents itself it's somebody else's fault it can't be it can't be their organization it has to be, well, it can't be somebody's nature that isn't mixing in and working well in an integrated situation.

It's just something, a problem that they've created that they have to have the solution for. That's what I meant to say. And that's basically what progressivism, that's what basically government has become, what oligarchical, democratic, whatever we want to call this government. Well, this is the presumption that racial, what they call it a racial balance, as if what's the proper balance and the presumption that is a, a desirable goal and it's achievable goal and a practical goal. and they never questioned that. It's part of their, it's part of the civil rights ideology. And so when,

when it predictably creates a disaster and violence, these things, and usually it is one side committee, most of violence. The, their response is, well, we need, instead of reversing

that policy, they'll say, well, we need more security in the schools. When no one bothers things, how come 30 years ago no one needed a cop in a school you know what happened and didn't they talk about the changing society well who's changing the society that's just happening

what kind of violence and what kind of problems were there in schools before 1954 yes that's the question yeah we see this uh recently in virginia and this is uh uh uh the virginia the governor, Glenn Lankin, is criticizing the decision there were seven schools in the Fairfax County who decided to hide the merit awards from the top students to promote equity because it made those who didn't get it feel like their second class or, I guess, a deficient one way or another academically.

Well, they are relative to the people who won the merit scholarship reward. Seven School of Fair Virginia admitted to not informing the students of their prestigious National Merit Recognition. Now, involved in this a lot of money because it's also scholarship. You're talking hundreds of thousand dollars of value here. And the kids aren't being told that they won these things so they can put it on their, you know, their applications, their records. it's all because too many people getting it tend to be ethnic Asians or ethnic whites

and not too few blacks or Hispanics surprise surprise so what they're doing is because the achievement gap stubbornly stays they can't close this achievement gap they just decide to ignore reality

and just stop no longer acknowledged achievement or merit You know, because these are the top three in the country are thinking, like 55,000 students out of millions of students or something. So they decided just not to talk about it because out of, and the county hired like a, what they called a equity diversity consultant, paid him close to a half a million dollars per. I don't know who it was to come up with this plan. so reading this is

1970 you know 60s and early 70s it just doesn't change no they're going to keep this going I mean they created a great grift and they're not going to let that let that go

all right what happened to poor George Altamari here now George Altamari waited for his promotion to that prize spot organization director. But that reward never came. For Shanker, in a shrewd and calculated political maneuver, swung his support in the administrative committee to John O'Neill,

a former guild organizer and junior high school vice president. For Altamari, this was a stunning setback. As a ranking officer, chairman of the strike network, a loyal supporter and personal friend that a new president, he had expected Shanker's endorsement for the director job. All the years of complete devotion and self-sacrifice for the movement seemed wasted. He was shunned in favor of a man whose credentials were not nearly as imposing his own. For almost 11 years, he had toiled teaching school until 3 p.m.

And then rushing over to Guild, later UFT headquarters in Manhattan, to work out the details of an organizational campaign, merger talks, and strike strategy. if in those formative years there was a single man in the movement who could be called indispensable, it surely would have been, surely would have to be George Altamare. But 11 years of laboring around the clock had taken its toll. A hardened union veteran at age 33, he made the faithful decision to give up his vice presidency to take a lesser job as a full-time UFT organizer. It was a post well beneath his enormous structure, but he could no longer face the prospect

of yet another year of coming to Lane early every morning to face students whom he no longer had the desire to teach. Do you wonder why? And then beginning his real workday at 4 p.m. at the union office, a day that rarely ended before the wee hours in the morning. By 1964, he was tired physically and emotionally spent. And the full-time organizing job was a straw. He grabbed it.

Altamari became a member of the full-time UFT staff in 1964, and although Shanker let him retain the network chairmanship, he could never quite accept the automatic relegation to a non-policymaking role. For Shanker, Altamari represented an internal threat, the man who was in constant communication with the union's grassroots leaders. This is like reading the early counts of the Russian Revolution in the early days of the Bolshek regime and the maneuvering of Trotsky and Stalin and Kamenov and Radak, all these guys. The only difference is the peasants were the one who were violent in this one. Yes.

And every classroom teacher remembered Altamari as the man who was always in the forefront of their proudest victories. conscious of having dropped Altamari in favor of Caledney and then O'Neal, and of having cleverly manipulated him out of the political leadership, Shanker continued to whittle away at the former vice president's power and prestige. And Altamare psychologically unable to accept his new non-political role in the union, he had helped found, often clashed with a new president who was anxious to establish his power and image. how do i mean when you have institutions like this bureaucracies that are you know largely out of the public uh exposure or oversight no one's covering these details that's written up in an obscure book and they're all pretty much conspiring against the public right just what this is and no no one's looking out for you know for the taxpayer in this and how do like i'm figure people go to work every day and have to come back, you know, deal with their family.

And this is, this is the internal political problem. This is why everything's like an oligar. Yeah. You know, this is exactly, what is it? Parnell's law, all those laws about how when you put, when you put together a union or something like that, even if it's the plans in the beginning are ideological, eventually the bureaucrats are going to take over.

It always happens no matter what. Every cause becomes a racket then turns into a business or corporation or something. Yeah. And Altamari is psychologically unable to accept his new non-political role in the union. He had helped found, often clash with the new president who was anxious to establish his own power and image. The relationship between the two men became

strained, neither was able or willing to respect the other's needs. Do the Catholic school in New York have these same political problems? The Catholic schools, as far, they're not unionized. So how do they educate? Well, I mean, a couple ones I went to, I mean, a couple of them weren't great at it. And I mean, there were, the schools I went to were fine. I mean, the first, I went to a Jesuit school. And, of course, that was, you know, classical education.

But the, but then I ended up going to a couple regular kind of Catholic schools. And, I mean, the education was fine. It was just a matter of, you know, do you want the education? You know, that's, yeah, yeah. Yeah. But they don't have this, all this mid-level intrigue and maneuvering. and political battling. I mean, every school has its own politics.

Don't get me wrong. I understand that because it's just human nature. But it's so, it's much leaner and it's more, I guess, mission focus because of the economics of it all, I guess you could say. Whereas just as, you know, but. Well, I mean, you know that within any diocese, there's going to be its own politics. Oh, yeah, there's definitely church politics, of course, yes. You go to any school board meeting and all that, even privately on school,

going to get that but um i guess that's just nature bureaucracy i guess you could say this so big and so unwieldy and huge and then becomes a huge political you know a political football or issue that factors in their mayor elections and who have presidential ambitions think about that of course it's also new york city so i mean the cath the catholic high school diocese was not i mean nowhere near as big as this i mean I went to school on 44th Street in Manhattan, and my graduating class was 97 people, where this school right here, we're talking about at one point had 5,400. In the whole school. I mean, we had like 400. Our school was like 400. This school was 5,400. Isn't that sort of dystopic in its own way?

Yeah. just the size so yeah for the students i'm saying it's it's intimate think about it i mean then and then you inject uh racial integration or racial balance into the mix and so you inject all of society's problems which really aren't the fault of these students who are forced to be the guinea pigs you know in this in this in this experiment yeah right yeah they're uh i'll i'll keep that to myself all right um By 1967, Altamari decided to get back into politics and run for his old vice presidency. Shanker, realizing that he couldn't keep him out without splitting the caucus and paying too

expensive a price, decided to support his comeback. Confident of Shanker's backing in the Unity primary, Altamari returned to Lane in February 1967 to establish his credentials as a candidate in that Springs Union election. So am I hearing this properly? he's basically going back to teaching just so he can establish credit for the kids the disruptive child issue which came to the four in 1967 we both like that year a lot don't we 1967 yes it was a very important year for me it's sergeant peppers only That's a local Ben came out, right?

That is, you are correct. It was also the year of the graduate, so the movie, but out. Yes, yes. It was really the year that you really started to see a turn in public sentiment for the Vietnam War as well. Yeah, that was the, yeah. The disruptive child issue, which came to the floor in 1967, must be understood in the light of the union's internal politics, generally, and more specifically, in view of the Altamari resurgence. Okay.

Let's get to this. He had returned to Lane to find his old school in the grips of student disruption. That's a great, I mean, that's a great way of putting students Odeeing in the high school, teachers being raped and students being beaten and, you know, basically brutalized. Yeah, that's good. Now, who's doing this? Who are these disruptive students? Oh, I mean, the Irish? Well, you know, the Irish.

You can't, you know. Yeah. He had returned to Lane to find his old school in the grips of student disruption, unlike anything he had known prior to his leaving in 1964. He came back to Lane, his political future on the line, anxious for an issue that would propel him back into the limelight. Between 1959 and 1964, he had been Mr. Union. his name a household word among city teachers.

But two and one-half years of being buried in the glamorous paperwork of the central office saw his prominence diminish. Now he faced a hard uphill battle in the unity primary against the incumbent Martin Lobanthal. And if successful, an even tougher fight in the general election against the strong opposition candidate, popular old-time Bronx militant, Ben Kaplan. Wasn't Leon Trosky went to a Bronx Millington? Did he live there for a while? He did. He actually did live in the Bronx.

Yes, yeah. Had a refrigerator. Yes, he did. And indoor plumbing said he mentioned that clearly, actually. He stressed that. But the disruption at Lane gave Altamari an issue and using the Lane chapter to spearhead a confrontation with District 19 superintendent, Margaret Douglas, he claimed public credit for a nebulous victory that Douglas never acknowledged and later refuted. The disruptive child issue would become a key in demand in the coming

round of negotiations. Disrupted child, is that just like, just the consequence of integration? I think this book clearly proves that. And I think that is why this book had to be demonized and basically disappeared for so long. So all the problems that came from that and all the people that opposed integration, which led to busing, who in the history of textbooks are, you know, are treated as racist, you know, sort of reprobates, retrograde, rather. But everything they weren't about happened. Mm-hmm. You know. Yeah.

But they were on the wrong side of history, so that's okay. And they were all racist. They were all racist, yes. Of course, yeah. Had the incumbent vice president stayed in the race, Kaplan may have emerged the winner, but in a two-man contest, Altamari managed to eke out the narrowest of victories, a 180-vote margin,

representing a difference of only three votes in each of the 60 academic high schools. He returned to the union in the fall of 1967 as a full-time vice president while the Lane chapter continued to struggle with the problem of student disruption. He had used his school to get elected, but now Lane was no longer among his major concerns. He had always been extremely sensitive about paying too much attention to the problems of his home school. A politician of the First Order, he was ever fearful. of the prospect of being criticized for doing too much for his own Franklin Lane. Contributing to the neglect of Lane's problems

was the fact that during the 1967 to 70 period, the UFT had relegated the high schools to the lowest priority among the union's needs. So while all of this is going on, it's just low priority. Well, I would say when it comes to something like, integration or racial balancing, the high schools that have most of the problems is because the age of the students. You know, less problems than elementary school. Well, yeah, they're

physically, they're going to be closer to adults. Yeah, you know, yeah. So they'll be beating up teachers where you don't get that in second grade, although now I hear six-year-old and are not shooting teachers. So, yeah. Well, I mean, if, you know, the teachers were doing their job, right, they wouldn't have to be, never mind. When I heard that, I heard somebody on Twitter was like, what is this, what, what is a seven-year-old, why is a seven-year-old need to have a gun? Why is the seven-year-old to have a gun? I'm like, because, I mean, of your people stopped committing all the crime. It wouldn't have to, seven-year-olds wouldn't have to carry guns. Yeah. I was being facetious, but it's, yeah. That's the, yeah, the gun rights advocate's solution for gun violence in school. Everyone, everyone be armed, right? Yeah, exactly, yeah. The organization had committed itself to such programs as the more effective schools plan,

which became a national program sponsored by the AFT, to saturate ghetto schools with additional teaching services and personnel. Oh, you know, that worked well. Yeah. Sure. I mean, I basically went to a first year. eighth grade, I went to ghetto schools. It was great. It was wonderful. It's fantastic. Altamari, in a political box, sidestepped the major high school problems, and in accordance with

his philosophy of avoiding controversy, allowed the high school problems to fester rather than fight to make the divisional difficulties an object of the union's action. It is paradoxical that what he had always sought to avoid controversy came upon him. by his own doing just three months after he resumed his vice presidency. For Altamari, the 1967 school strike had been a humiliating experience. He had always been part of the frontline negotiating team. Even as a staff representative, he played a major role in the 1965 settlement, but 1967 was a different story.

It was the first time New York teachers struck for more than one day. When the stoppage entered its third week, the scene moved to Gracie Mansion where night after night, George Altamari found himself sleeping on an air mattress on the floor of a chilly waiting room, while inside Shanker and Kaladne negotiated the terms of the settlement with Board President Giardino, Donovan, and Lindsay. This was the first time Altamari had been cut out of top-level bargaining, and it was even more painful knowing that inside his arch-edominy was negotiating away key high school demands he was certain could have been one.

And do you think that was like student focused or teacher focused? Personal bodyguards for teachers. I just love that they're just fighting when the society is just crumbling all around them. No one's addressing why all this is happening. But okay. Well, you're not supposed to. But, you know, it's him. Causation doesn't equal correlation.

That's that phrase go? Is that what? Correlations and causation, whatever. Yeah, cause, yeah, yeah. So it's like, come on. Sometimes it is. Yeah. Well, I mean, I had somebody, somebody was saying, talking about how the south from, like, Mississippi, up to, like, South Carolina, how, how bad the gun laws were, how, how, how, how, how, how.

lacks the gun laws are and how much murder happens and so you know some of us just found a map of where a certain

segment of the population mostly lives and overlaid it over the map do you want to guess what that person said correlation does an equal causation okay so yeah so yeah yeah so all right for the first time in 14 years of close personal and professional association altamari broke with albert shanker using as his excuse to claim that

class size for non-college bound black students and the academic high schools might actually increase under the formula arrived at with the board altamari voted against the settlement terms in the negotiating committee. So what do we have here? So he's saying that using as his excuse to claim that class size for non-college-bound black students in the academic high schools, why are non-college-bound students in an academic high school? Shouldn't they be in a trade school or something of the sort?

So, yeah, ugh. All right, joined by John O'Neill, who had given up the staff director's job to resume his post as junior high school vice president, and by assistant treasurer Richard Parrish, he led the fight against ratification and the executive board. It was a tense session, but after much emotional debate, the body voted to sustain Shanker and approve the pact. George Altamari emerged from the executive session beaten, but not yet. ready to give up his fight. Visibly shaken by the bloodletting inside the executive boardroom, he headed for the TV cameras that were set up outside the meeting room in the lobby of the union's Park Avenue South headquarters.

The newsmen sensed a division in the union's leadership and were hot on the trail of a breaking story. Altamare didn't let them down. He wasn't ready to give up. There was still the delegate assembly that evening. the third part of a four-step ratification procedure. In front of the grinding cameras, he announced that the union's acceptance of the pact

was a sellout of both teachers and the black community. So just appeal to emotionalism on both sides and just appeal to anger on both sides. Now it was no longer an internal UFT matter. Shanker followed him, accusing the Vice President of raising a phony issue and hailing the agreement as the best ever won by teachers anywhere. It was the kind of episode neither man would ever forget, one from which Altamari would never recover, and one from which Shanker would never forgive him. It was all out in the open the night of September 28, 1967, at the Manhattan Center on West 34th Street as the union's 1,500 delegates gathered to see a live, reenactment of the Shanker Altamari feud they had seen on television earlier in the evening.

They had come to choose their hero, and the mood of the delegates seemed clearly against the settlement terms. They cheered wildly as George Altamari made his way to the stage to deliver his minority report. But he was no match for Albert Shanker before a large body. The president described the contract as the best ever. He was magnificent and the most anti-shankment. And the most Anti-Shenker elements had to admit that here was a truly gifted person. He sold them on the settlement, a settlement that was substantially the same as the one he had implored them to reject before the 14-day strike. Well, I guess he was just exploiting his high verbal IQ. I think his is very high.

By the time Altamari followed to present the Minority Report, most of the delegates, had already been swung over by Schenker's methodological argumentation. And then there was the fact that over the years, Altamari's most glaring weakness had been his deficiency in public speaking. The high school vice president droned on for 30 minutes, going off on tangents, dealing in technicalities. Few of the delegates understood or cared about, and before he was halfway through, most of the assemblage had tuned out. In the end, the delegates voted overwhelmingly to accept the terms of the new agreement, and it was all over for George Altamari.

He had gambled and lost, and he would now have to pay the heavy price for his opposition. The union president angered at what he considered an inexcusable betrayal by the Altamare-led Troika began creating around himself a new top-level cabinet of trusted advisors outside the core of elected officers. see what he's doing his newly assigned special assistant yeah all for the kids yeah this yeah 100% this is going to make their lives so much better

his newly assigned special assistant Sandra Feldman staff director deal de Leonardis and Sanders his public relations chief now became his most intimate confidants to whom he turned for guidance on major policy questions. Joining his kitchen cabinet was Bayard Rustin,

the noted black civil rights leader and executive director of A. Philip Randolph Institute, Tom Kahn, as the leader for industrial democracy, and the socialist author Michael Harrington. Oh, yeah, the other America guy, yeah. He's a socialist Catholic, yeah. What, was he? He's one that wrote the other.

other America would have been it's kind of like I would say the um what wealth and poverty was to like the 1980s supply side revolution the other America was to that the great society source now oh poverty you know so interesting but one that gets me is is is you negotiate an agreement and it's signed sealed and delivered uh this as a practical matter what business how busy can a union organizer be after all that deal is made? Yeah. I mean, to see me, it should be like a part-time job where you go off and go find some honest work in the meantime until you have another issue or something. And then you raise the issue, but you've made the agreement.

So what's the union going to do other than maybe just make sure that the agreement terms are met? But that, again, I'm being, obviously, I'm being facetious. I mean, you're always out there causing trouble, scheme. But I'm thinking, okay, the agreement's made, so what's Alistanker going to do? He's going to form a kitchen cabinet and former cabal and strategize and think about what else? Well, more trouble he can cause, I guess. I don't know. And within the official and within the official and within the official and within the official

administrative committee of 11 UFT officers, Treasurer Wits, Secretary Kaladne, and elementary schools vice president Abe Levine served as the hatchet men ostracizing the high school official and making it all but impossible for him to function the revolt over ratification was only the first of a series of Altamari Shanker battles during the 1960s.

Sorry, what did you mean by him and impossible him to function in what capacity? I mean, I would assume within the... Is he still in the union? it's within the union because he's a high school official right so he has he serves some some capacity at a high school right

right so when they say make it impossible him to function are they like making are they keeping from doing his job at the high school and then hurting the education of the students I'm just trying yeah yeah they do the inclusion of high school official in that sentence does yeah seem to imply that

hmm the revolts over ratification was only the first of a series of Altamari Shanker battles during the 1967-68 school year. The most violent split came over the AFL-CIO endorsement of the Johnson administration's Vietnam policy. This was an issue of conscience to many of the 51-member UFT executive board, and the lines were drawn to get the local and the parent AFT to disassociate themselves from the AFL-CIO's support of the nation's Vietnam policy.

What was their position on what was going on in Israel at the time? Oh. Palestine. So about the 67 war? This is about that time. Yeah. Oh, I can guess. I guess they hadn't heard of the U.S. Liberty incident.

We can excuse him on that. Most of America didn't hear about it. It's a year later. Really? But Albert Shanker, firmly aligned with the A. F.L. CIO Hawks on the war issue knew that to bolt meaning on Vietnam would be to throw himself into the renegade camp of United Auto Workers' head, Walter Ruther, and destroy his own hopes of climbing the ladder of the National Labor Movement. So he battled fiercely against the

anti-war faction of his own executive board in New York, a faction that included in its leadership, George Altamari, and John O'Neill. the clash between the two giants continued well into the spring in 1968 preoccupied with his own internal nightmare altamari had little time for the crisis that was brewing in franklin k lane well yeah i mean that's job but you know the the thorny right i'm not sorry he's still he's a he's an official frankin k lane school, right? Yeah, he's what was the

term we? High school official. High school official, yes. Okay, so. Yeah, it seems like more than a teacher. More than a teacher, so you think he, I mean, it's a shame that he has no time to deal with the problems of Frankie King in high school where kids are being beaten up and set up set of fire and teachers are being raped.

The thorny problems of overcrowding, of racial imbalance. Yeah, thorny, yeah. Salzman is picking some interesting racial imbalance. What's racial imbalance versus balance? I That's a good question, Tim. The thorny problems of overcrowding, of racial imbalance,

of lawlessness and violence, continue to fester and grow. But Lane's problems were not only overshadowed by the Altamari-Shanker hassle, but by the larger issues that have begun to engulf the union and the city. In addition to the Vietnam issue, there was the emerging crisis over the dismissal of 19 union teachers without charges by Rody McCoy in the predominantly Black Ocean Hill, Brownsville Demonstration School District. That was the signal to break up the Black Jewish Alliance because they fired a bunch of Jewish teachers, right? Yeah, I think that's what that was.

Yeah. So Harold Cruz writes about it on his book about that, yeah. Oh, does he? yeah it's what book is that it's i think it's called the black jewish the crisis of the black intellectual or negro intellectual i think i think that's it he michael jones referenced a lot on slaughter and slaughter the cities um but this was the signal this is 1967 and this was when many of the jews in america became zionist and concerned with israel over uh black radicals and they stepped up back from supporting the black panthers radicalizing the black panthers radicalizing the black

and all that and so um it was they what happened that they wanted i guess they wanted black teachers and they fired all these jewish teachers as you mentioned 40 40 000 the 60 000 teachers are jewish yeah you know i know it's new york city and they have they have a higher population maybe that's very it's very dense of you disproportionate if you ask me but but that was a function of that and uh so that's why it collapsed in the late 60s and the black jewish alliance that you know people speak of you know and then it was uh revived recently you know uh with the um uh what was that um that that's town in missouri the riots the guy who was uh oh michael brown michael brown and there was black lives matter and george sorr started pumping

money into black lives matter uh so there's been a revival of the black jewish alliance which the ADL head has single-handedly shattered, you know, with his war on Kanye West. Yeah, and he still is trying to put tweets out talking about how, you know, fellow travelers in this and you just, you go into the comments and you see from obvious black people commenting and they're just not having it. Greenblatt, yeah, Jonathan Greenblatt. Jonathan Greenblatt, yeah. He's exceptionally vile. With Lindsay abstaining and the school board vacillating and refusing to protect the job rights of the transferred teachers, McCoy insisted that the teachers were being legally

transferred to the central board for reassignment elsewhere. The union called the mini-strike during the final six weeks of the school year, shutting down all of the seven schools in the demonstration district. At the same time, a battle was being waged in the halls of the state legislature, pitting the UFT against the well-financed Ford Foundation-sponsored groups, which were lobbying vigorously in behalf of the Bundy proposals for community control of the schools. Or at the Ford Foundation, me interested in that. It's just charitable, I guess.

Yeah, yeah. I mean, Henry was rolling in his grave. this point, I mean, just spitting. The Bundy plan would have dissolved the central board and fragmented the school system into scores of completely autonomous community districts based on race and ethnic background. This is interesting. How do you reconcile that with Brown v. Board of Education?

It just seems to be a reversal. Hmm. Almost seems like someone came up with the idea of how to fix the problem. Lane, but I'm sure there's going to be some, I'm sure everybody's going to be behind this, so let's read on. The legislation if passed would have emasculated the union, rendering it helpless to protect the job rights and professional security of teachers. It was an issue that struck at the very lifeblood of labor leaders throughout the nation,

and it was little wonder that Van Arsdale of the Central Labor Board and Meenie's AFL-CIO stood staunchly behind the UFT president. in his struggle against Ocean Hill. At the same time, political leaders throughout the state were shocked by the excesses of the new experimental district. Thanks to the efforts of state senator John Marci, an interim decentralization bill was passed, which put off a final decision for another year. The law allowed the mayor to stack the school board with four new appointees while charging

it with the task of coming back in one year with a final decentralization. proposal. It was just what the UFT had wanted. The problems at Lane seems small, indeed, when compared to the fiery and emotion-laden issues of 1968, which were gaining national attention. The question of job security and the threat of teachers being tossed out of their positions at the whim of local black extremists was far beyond important, was far more important than any immediate problem.

however serious at one particular school. Now, the fact that these teachers were all Jewish with that? Well, I mean, because that was the ethnic dispute. From what I understand of the Oceanfront Brownsville Strike is it was a black Jewish thing. well you can call them professional you call them teachers but I think what it was is that the blacks got

sick of all the Jews over there and they get out of here this definitely seems like what that what the problem was in this case the great school strike in the fall of 1968 hit the city like a bomb

locked in deadly struggle with John Lindsay and Rudy McCoy Albert Shanker was in a position to demand absolute loyalty from his core of officers and his executive board. This was something junior high school vice principal O'Neill, opposing the strike from the beginning, was unwilling to give him. But this was not the first time for internal division, and Shanker seized the opportunity to go before his executive board, charging O'Neill with having conspired to conduct private negotiations with McCoy and his Ocean Hill supporters, and of subverting the Union's strike games. As punishment and to remove him from the scene once and for all,

Shanker demanded the termination of O'Neill's full-time employment as a vice president and his banishment to regular classroom duties. His punishment was to go back into the schools and get his ass kicked by black students. It's like being sent to the Russian front. Oh, man. The following week, the vice president was also removed from the negotiating committee. But Shanker wasn't stopping with O'Neill. He hadn't forgotten Altamari's role in the 1967 strike

or his part in the anti-war crusade on the executive board or the high school vice principal's disagreement with his own strike strategy in Ocean Hill, arguing that the strike was placing the union in dire financial straits and ended up more than 300,000 in the black for that fiscal period. Shanker cleverly coupled his purge of O'Neill with the claim that the union could no longer afford to pay the salaries of three full-time vice presidents. Elementary School's VP Levine was retained, but O'Neill and Altamari would have to go, he insisted. Hmm. It's, you noticing?

So the two goys? There was no opposition to the ousters except from O'Neill. Is this something I took over Harvard? There was no opposition to the ousters except from O'Neill who accused the president of creating a dictatorship, of stifling creative thought within its leadership, and of surrounding himself with sycophants as top advisors. From Altamare came not a whimper. Accepting his emasculation, he returned to Lane quietly when the strike finally ended in late November. Shanker later went on to hire six additional special aides and presidential assistance at salaries equivalent to the $14,000 earned by the vice presidents.

And the UFT leader who had his own salary doubled to $37,000 and later $50,000 in addition to a Manhattan apartment and a new car out of, the union tab. You mean, he get rent paid in Manhattan? I mean, even back in, I mean, even back in 67, 68, we're talking, yeah, for what salaries were. Yeah. And that's amazing. And he's making 50 grand, and he has his rent paid and a new car. What about the kids, man?

While the high schools were being torn apart from within by black militant students and assaulted from without by adult agitators, the UFT high school vice president was stripped of all authority to represent his constituency. First, he was barred from making any public statement without authorization from Shanker's public relations man, Dan Sanders. Later, he was forbidden the long-established privilege of sending out written communicates, minutes and notices of divisional meetings to high school chapter chairman and to high school chapter chairman and to members of the high school committee over which he now tenuously presided. His movements after 3 p.m., when he reported to the central UFT office, were carefully checked and sometimes directed by Feldman, De Leonardis, and other Shanker

aides. Even his secretary was placed in the general office pool, making it difficult, if not impossible for her to conduct the simplest routines of Altamare's office. And most humiliating was the fact that high school matters, and most humiliating was the fact that high school matters that normally came under the purview of the high school vice president was given over to other officers and Shanker aides. George Altamari, in exile at Franklin Kay Lane High School, had become a union vice president in name only. but the high school vice president was by no means the only victim following the altamari

o'neill purge shanker moved definitely to root out any and all sources of dissent within the leadership and to establish his absolute personal control over the union he's going full Stalin now i know it's like we're like a giant billboards of his likeness all over the city and floating I mean, derogables of above the city would they shine, you know, clag lights on them or something? You wonder who in the secretary

pool was the first one to stop clapping? Yeah. Within the ruling unity caucus, he insisted on the removal of its anti-war chairman Saul Levine and replaced him with Jeanette de Lorenzo, a district representative and

fiercely loyal Shankerite. Earlier, Shanker had fielded his own candidate, Fred Nauman, a caucus newcomer to oppose Levine in the 1969 Unity primary and to run for the junior high school vice presidency, which had opened up with the ouster of John O'Neill. The UFT president was outraged when the caucus voting in secret ballot nominated the veteran Levine over Shanker's personal choice. Nauman was later given the full-time job as director of the UFT College Scholarship Fund.

So it looks like he probably created a position. Yeah, a lot of Carl Schmidt going on in here, too. The Levine victory in that bitter 1969 caucus primary convinced Shanker that the anti-war faction in the leadership had to be purged. With O'Neill already out and with Altamari struggling to get back into Shanker's good graces, executive board members Sanford Gellertner and Martin Lobanthal, became the new spokesman for the anti-war faction, along with Richard Parrish, UFT assistant treasurer, and AFT vice president, the two executive board members were expunged from the

Unity Caucus, ending long and distinguished careers in the teacher union movement. Even Rubin Mitchell, the venerable and much respected member of the teacher's retirement board, was ousted from the officer corps when Shanker decided that his post as associate legislative representative should be an appointive by Shanker rather than an elective one. Needless to say, Mitchell, too, was active in the anti-war push and had also disagreed with Shanker over certain specifics of the school decentralization bill. The Unity Caucus itself had swelled to over 400 members as more Shanker rights were brought in to participate in the closed-door political intrigue, but still burning over the Levine

victory shanker quickly ended the traditional procedure of nomination by secret ballot and decree that the caucus slate would instead be chosen by its nine member steering committee which of course had been handpicked by none other that albert shanker they are good at this stuff man yeah man yeah want to stop it right there yeah that's good yeah yeah so um what are your takeaways from this well again again it's like uh there's so there's last vibrant thine or Byzantine bureaucracy of the union all, you know, has all supposedly has something to do with education, but none of the businesses that concern the union and all these different offices

have anything to do with actually improving the education of the kids, which is steadily deteriorating under, you know, under the forces of racial balance, whatever, imbalance, whatever you want to call it. I mean, there's nothing being done to improve the situation in the schools, address the problems in the schools, maybe to second guess some of the decisions have been made in the past 15 years

in terms of education. I mean, it was a bad idea to experiment with children. Brown wasn't particularly a legal decision anyway. I don't think the ruling even has any footnotes. You know, it was a concocted, you know, unanimous ruling. I think it was, what's his name? Frankfurter met with Thurgood Marshall behind the scenes.

Yes, so there was no dissent, right? There was no dissent, so that was illegal, by the way. That's unethical. It's supposed to be, you know, it's litigation, but it was set up. But, you know, the idea that, you know, the idea of the Fourth Amendment required the schools to be desegregated when, of course, it was passed when schools were segregated. Obviously, it wasn't the intent of the Fourth Amendment,

just the desire of a later court. responding to modern authority and all the modern Beau, you know, Franz Boazian sociology in these things.

But the, you know, the violence that you read about in the school in the early part of the book, you know,

the children, students being assaulted, particularly the white students, for the most part, the teachers being set of fire, being raped.

These things are just, you know, these things you have, the few eggs you have to break to make an omel, I guess, you know, in their eyes.

Yeah. And all these people are feather bedding, building, giving themselves, you know, large salaries and plush apartments and, and, you know, intriguing and setting a little political empire. In the meantime, the whole school system is deteriorated, rapidly deteriorating, you know. Well, I mean, you really have to wonder, like, what they, is what someone like Shanker actually thinks of the students. I mean, does he think, you know, specifically the black students? You think, well, I mean, this is just a lost cause. We can't make this work. So let's just get everything out of it.

You know, let's just lose the treasury. Yeah. Yeah. You know, and, you know, they're, you know, you know, they're, they're, you know, they're, they're, you know, they're, they're just, they're, they're, they're, they're, they're political battles. Yeah. You know, um, so they, you know, and in the end, he figures, you know, the whites that have enough money would just leave and go, go off. suburbs won't deal with it anymore and you know you look at the school it's a very beautiful school built you know mids i guess where the middle mid-century um 30s i think it was built

in the 30 late 30s and um and they didn't have any these problems in the 30s up until oh what i wonder what early 60s what happened oh no that's a mystery um But yeah, civil rights It's only a little ideology that You talk about like anti-war policy And you know, that pervaded everything Why are their position on American's foreign policy?

American Vietnam War policy It's factoring to education. I don't know, but I guess everyone had to take a position on it then. I guess that either had to endorse the president, I guess, you know, the AFL, CIA. And I guess those that were probably making money off. At the time, America manufactured a lot of the weapons, ordinances

are being blown apart. I guess organized labor made money off that support but yeah it's you read it the school and the schools become laboratories for social experiments

no one cares and the people making decisions aren't their kids aren't growing to the school we still see that today yeah it's it it's just the typical

where there's no hope or, well, I mean, really, when you think about it, though, in 59, when Altamar is doing all this work to form the union in the late 50s, you're really not seeing the problems that you had, you know, come, they came into existence after 1964, um, then. So really, it's, you, you really can. can't say that they would be like, oh, well, let's form this union because it's hopeless. These students are, are hopeless. Let's just get all we can out of it.

No, they just had the idea of let's get all we can out of this and we'll protect our position. And then when things started changing in the mid-60s, yeah, it's like I said before, I mean, they're in, you know, they're on autopilot. it's like what do we do what do we have to do to keep what we have and not allow this violence and this rape and this burning to disrupt you know this basically this golden goose that we've constructed well because of the civil rights ideology they can't address the problem they can't engage the problem directly yeah because the civil rights ideology is that blacks are victims and where people are the perpetrators and they're guilty and that was the the judgment of the civil rights movement whereas white people fought it was more or less white people it was an act of extending the privileges and rights of Americans to a to a marginalized minority group to many blacks it was an uprising at least how the media portrayed it because the rights people was this

foe you know protest movement which had the support of the you know of the regime if you well, but the, to them it was an admission of guilt, white America was guilty. And it was a, as Martin Luther King said, it was a down payment. And at that point, people should have said, say what? What do you say? And it's funny because I'm reading in some of the earlier chapters, reading how at the same time they're integrating the schools, creating the racial balance or mix, if you will. And I guess, seeing how that experiment works, they, they're starting black studies or black curriculum programs to radicalize the students. There's Afro-American Association. So they're introducing radical identitarian, you know, curricula into the school material, radicalizing the students and then throwing them together with the white students, throw them in and with the white students. Obviously, that's a very combustible situation.

But why would you be encouraging black studies and African-American studies and black organizations at the same time you're talking about integration you know that's that again we see that today but only you know minority groups color groups you know colored people sorry persons of color can have their identity and their organizations but white people are denied that you know well you remember what happened the last time white people wanted to um you know have their own little uh little paradise on sam yes You're not talking about that little city in South Africa, are you? Oh, what is that?

Orania? Irania. I think it already has a GDP twice that of South Africa. Well, I mean, that's... I know the lights stay on. And people aren't shooting each other. I'm not shooting each other, yeah. Well, I don't know why that is, though.

It doesn't make any sense to me. I'm going to have to investigate that more. It's structural racism. That's it. Tell everybody where they can find your podcast and we'll end this. Okay. Yeah, just that's our interesting times. It's an on padamatic.

You go a search where you'll find it. I'm also on the Rumble and Odyssey. I usually post there too. Everyone listen. I never miss an episode. Thanks, Tim. You're welcome. Have a good night.

You too. Bye, bye. I want to welcome everyone back to the Pete Cagnonez show. Let's continue this race war series. Let's get this book done. Charles, how are you doing today? Very well, Pete. Thank you for asking yourself.

Doing well. Doing well. No last name because, you know, got to protect identity sometimes. More for my family than myself, Pete. as we'll become evident while we go through the book. Give everybody a quick introduction. Say whatever you want. I'll try and keep it brief as we're here to read the book and not talk about myself.

But to start off as to why I believe this is relevant to my interests and why I ask you specifically personally to come, if I could come on the show, as my father was a school teacher in the late 1960s and all the way into the 2000s in Camden, New Jersey. Jersey. So I had an up front, up close and personal relationship to everything that this book discusses, a home life that was centered around what was going on at the time and dealing with the fallout in the communities at the time. So as far as that goes, my father is a son of immigrants from Portugal. I myself grew up in New Jersey, right outside of Camden, a suburb of effectively Philadelphia and Camden combined. I went into law enforcement. I was in for law enforcement for many years with the Immigration and Naturalization Department. And then I made the distinct mistake of upsetting a senator. So my career was cut short. And then I sort of languished

around. I wrote in the Manosphere for quite some time under 80 proof one ofancy. I have two books out. One is dealing with the suicide ideation and depression that I suffered from losing my career in the government, which also caused me to lose my fiancé. So I have a book out regarding that that helped me get through it to write it and hopefully help other guys get through it. And after writing that book, I decided to go into business on my own. So now I do process serving and armed private investigation and executive protection using my law enforcement background. Awesome. Well, I know that you told me that at one point you were like, well, you should really get my dad on here and talk about it, but probably better to let him be the anonymous considering

all things considered. Yeah, considering as your guest, Owen Benjamin, had an issue recently with just giving his own opinions, his mother losing his job. And while my father has since retired, I just don't want to give him any more problems than I have to, if that makes sense to you in your audience. I'd rather not have them go for his pension, the poor man. That makes sense. All right. So basically we're in chapter, I believe this chapter six, and we're talking, yeah, we're talking here about basically this bitter primary within the unions. And what I will say about this is I was thinking a lot about this today. The basically you, 1954, I talked about this when Tim Kelly, I think that was the last episode I did on this one.

1954 you had brown versus board of education there were people on both sides who did not want to integrate um right the better idea would have been to just improve um schools on both sides and they forced integration and within 15 years literally at that point yeah yeah literally with with um the national guard in some states exactly and and you not 15 years later a teacher is being set on fire so how did that work out how did that did this have to happen um could this have been something that could have happened naturally organically and i mean those questions are moot now but not to walk on your point Pete, forgive me, but I just want to touch on something you said a moment ago. How does that

work out now? Well, I mean, when I had written to you personally via telegram requesting to come on to the show and discuss this, if you recall, I sent you screenshots of my father's texts because I had heard via your show you referencing this book and then you going through it step by step. And I passed it along to him. And do you recall what your exact words were to his comments? Do you recall what they were? Because I can, I'll be happy to refresh you. I remember, I remember them. Go ahead.

PTSD, incredible. Like, so that, the reason I bring this up is to say, how did, to answer your question, how did that work out? Not well at all, Pete. Not well at all. You're talking about a man who's been retired for roughly 20 years, maybe a little less. And he, you could still see he has problems reading the book, you know, and problems even discussing it because it's so.

So viscerally, viscerally, just deeply ingrained in him, the effects of the tromb. Yeah. All right. Well, we're going to go, since we're starting this in the mid, in the middle of the, of chapter six, I'm going to go back some and just pick up. So it doesn't seem, I mean, I tried to stop at a place that was, that seemed reasonable, it seemed natural, but. Let's do that. Okay, so Shanker is the head of the union. He later went on to hire six additional special aids, yada, yada, blah, blah, blah.

Okay, so jumping in now, I'm going to, I'll start reading. You can stop me whenever you want to, it's a comment. This is all, I mean, just the peak of bureaucracy and not only the peak of bureaucracy. I mean, it just goes to show there's this, you know, there's a couple professions in this country that you're not allowed to criticize. One is law enforcement. Another is military service.

Especially in the last three years. Another one is anyone in the medical community, especially nurses. And another one is teachers. Yes. Because teachers, all teachers

want to do is teach. Well, I'm already one of those people who's like, if you are a government worker, you do not need a union. You already have enough protection by being a government worker. And I think that this just really goes to show this is going to lay out that these, by saying, yeah, we need to unionize a bureaucracy always forms. And Pornell's Iron Law of oligarchy, the ideologues are not.

going to be in charge it is going to be the bureaucrats right can i if i could just say very briefly when when you mention uh the the teachers you can't criticize them and they're just there to teach i remember my father telling me i want to say 35 years ago so this is how long this has been going on looking at me at the dinner table and saying i don't teach son i just tell kids to take their hat off and get their feet off the desk. I'm a state, state paid babysitter. That's what I do. I do it because nobody wants to parent anymore. And that became a very ironic statement, which I, I may go into later, but nobody wants to parent anymore. So I'm the babysitter for eight hours a day. That way everybody can have, that way every household can have two jobs. And this was 35 years ago. So, I mean, this is,

I want your, I want your listeners to understand. This is not new. None of this problem is new. Yeah. All right. So, all right, I'm going to start reading here. Please do you. While the high schools were being torn apart from within by black militant students and assaulted from without by adult agitators, the UFT high school vice president was stripped of all authority to represent his constituency. First, he was barred from making any public statement without authorization from Shanker's public relations man, Dan Sanders. Later, he was forbidden the long-established privilege of sending out written communiques, minutes, and notices of divisional meetings to high school chapter chairman and to members of the high school committee over which he now tenuously presided. His movements after 3 p.m., when he reported to the central UFT office, were carefully checked and sometimes directed by Feldman, De Leonardis, and other Shanker aides. Even his secretary was placed in the general office pool, making it difficult, if not impossible, for her to conduct the simplest routines of Altamare's office.

And most humiliatingly was the fact that high school matters that normally came under the purview of the high school vice president were given over to other officers and Shanker's aides. George Altamare, in exile at Franklin K. Lane High School, had become a union vice president in name only. But the high school vice president was by no means the only victim. Following the Altamari-O.Neal purge, Shanker moved deftly to root out any and all sources of dissent within the leadership and to establish his absolute personal control over the union. Within the ruling Unity Caucus, he insisted on the removal of its anti-war chairman Saul Levine and replaced him with Jeanette de Lorenzo, a district representative, and fiercely loyal Shankerite. Earlier, Shanker had fielded his own candidate, Frank Nauman, a caucus newcomer to oppose Levine in the 1969 unity primary and to run for the junior high school vice presidency, which had opened up with a caucus newcomer.

the ouster of John O'Neill. The UFT president was outraged when the caucus voting in secret ballot nominated the veteran Levine over Shanker's personal choice. Nauman was later given the full-time job of a director of the UFT College Scholarship Fund. That sounds like they're really focused on teaching, doesn't it Pete? Doesn't it sound like they're really, that teaching is their number one priority with that? Well, what Shanker is doing is he's doing what any, what happens to people who, you know, really start to feel themselves and start to get a little bit of power and somebody who has a predilection to, you know, to ruling with an iron fist is he's filling all the positions with his friends. And I'm very, I'm actually very sympathetic to that.

so well I mean as we you know as we as we as it's been going around for quite some time you know politics is rewarding your friends and punishing your enemies I was merely remarking somewhat tongue and cheek about the fact that we just said that you know all teachers want to do is teach whereas I don't think teaching is very high up in this fellow's in this fellow's list of priorities at this point and I think the proof as they say is in the pudding that I was merely remarking on that. Oh, I understood. I understood completely. All right. The Levine victory in the bitter 1969 caucus primary convinced Shanker that the anti-war faction and the leadership had to be purged. With O'Neill already out and with Altamari struggling to get back into Shanker's good graces,

executive board members Sanford, Gellernter, and Martin Lobenthal became the new spokesman for the anti-war faction. Along with Richard Parrish, UFT assistant treasurer, and AFT vice president, the two executive board members were expunged from the Unity Caucus ending long and distinguished careers in the teacher union movement. Even Rubin Mitchell, the venerable and much respected member of the teacher's retirement board, was ousted from the officer corps when Shanker decided that his post as associate legislative representative should be an appointive by Shanker rather than elective one. Needless to say, Mitchell was too active in the anti-war push and had also disagreed with Shanker over certain specifics of the school decentralization bill.

The Unity Caucus itself had swelled to over 400 members as more Shankerites were brought in to participate in the closed-door political intrigue. but still burning over the Levine victory, Schenker quickly ended the traditional procedure of nomination by secret ballot and decreed that the caucus slate would instead be chosen by its nine-member steering committee, which of course had been handpicked by none other than Albert Schenker. That sounds almost like a Hugo Chavez move in a way by getting, if I'm understanding correctly, by doing away with the, by doing away with the secret ballot and everything. you're basically peer pressure into supporting Shanker as if I'm understanding correctly. Well, if everything is going to be chosen by a nine-member committee and he gets to choose everyone, then I mean, this is just, I mean, it's perfect. We're going back here, the Unity Caucus itself swelled to 400 members as more Shankarized

were brought in to participate with silver. So the idea that, well, this is something I wondered about. When I'm reading all this, and this is all politics, this is all, there's nothing about the students in here. At this point, you have to wonder if they see the crisis with the students as, not being able to be, not being able to be solved. So the best thing that they can do is build up their own power, build a structure within the structure of the New York City public schools,

that basically enforces and gives them basically all power to make decisions and to give themselves raises, do this. It just looks like it's, maybe they're just like, look, nothing can solve this. There's nothing, nothing can be done. It seems like they're all being, they're all trying to crack the safe on the Titanic, is what I'm getting from you in the sense is they know the ship is going down. So let's try and consolidate as much power as we can and get as much and loot as much as we can before the waters overtake us.

Does that make sense to you, Pete? That's, that's pretty much what I was trying to say. It's just basically what you're seeing with this country. now on a whole is they're just basically looting it so they think it's going down that's an excellent segue to something else my father had said pete i was talking to him i want to say not even a year ago we were he and i were speaking on the phone because we live very far from one another at this point geographically and he had said to me he said charles what is wrong with this country he's like it's run by it it's run like it's camden high all over again like because that's one of the places he taught

in his career for many years. It's insane. It's all, it's run like it's Camden High. And I said, Dad, it's the same people that ran Camden High now run America. Why would you expect a different result? They did what they did in Camden and now they're going to do what they did in Camden on the national stage. So it's interesting that you, you said what you did because that's, that was exactly his observation and that's something that I I sort of connected the dots for him because he very much due to his experiences he very much became introverted and he would come and this is this is another thing we could talk about later but he kind of hit away from the world so as he kind of comes back into it he sees just the insanity that is rampant everywhere

so please let me don't let me take up too much your time move that's okay let's keep going As clear it with Al became the theme of the central UFT office, nobody was safe from the watchful eyes of Shankarites. Even a group of UFT field representatives, members of the full-time professional staff, were provoked into a wildcat strike when they incurred Shanker's wrath by trying to organize the 31 district representatives who were just beginning to run the day-to-day UFT operation in the newly decentralized districts. Shanker, recognizing that from an internal political standpoint, the loyalty of the 31 district representatives was essential for keeping the membership in line, refused to allow the teacher representatives union to organize the district representatives.

When the UFT president suspended Vincent Speranza, a TRU activist trying to sign up the district representatives for allegedly disobeying an order from staff director D. Leonardists, three other TRU leaders called the strike. But Shanker had cleverly cultivated dissension in the TRU ranks by placing a number of his own aides in the bargaining unit. The result was that only the three leaders walked out in support of Sparenza. Charles Loycono, TRU president, and a man Shanker feared as a possible challenger for the UFT leadership, Joseph Pacheco, and Edward Cookian, were all immediately fired.

The American Arbitration Association eventually ruled in Sparanza's behalf, but he refused to return from his teaching job in Staten Island and later accepted a key post with the National Education Association in Illinois. Leocono and Pacheco returns to the classroom scene where they organized a new UFT caucus, the teacher's reform party, hoping to unify the diverse elements in the union, which opposed Shankarism. So he had split his opposition quite effectively and rather thoroughly, because as they say, when the one fellow was ousted, he didn't even want to come back when he finally had,

when he finally had the opportunity. Yeah, that means that he was the way he was treated. I mean, the best way to get rid of someone is to make them. quit. Right. And not only that, make them quit in touch a way is to make it absolutely and completely unpalatable for them to return. The Teachers Action Committee, TAC, composed primarily of the 1968 strike breakers who favored total community control of the schools. The new caucus, an anti-war group fashioned by Gellerenter and Lobenthal and Loyocono's Reform Party, came together frequently during the early months of 1971. When it began,

evident that ideological differences in political distrust would not allow them to present a unified front against Shanker in the upcoming Union election, Loikono's group closed shop. It was not to be heard from again. For the remaining opposition, the election itself was an exercise and futility. Sorry, Pete, an election being an exercise in futility. That's just so completely unrelatable to me in 20. 23, please, please continue. The practice of slate voting, coupled with a monstrously large and complex ballot, even for teachers, produced another clean sweep for unity as all its officers, executive board members, and 225 AFT delegates were swept in on Shanker's coattails. The UFT president crushed all the opposition, garnering 17,000 slate votes for his ticket against some 3,000 divided between the attack and the new caucus presidential candidates. In November 1970, frustrated over Shanker's refusal to come to grips with the problem of

school violence, I broke with him, this is Harold Saltzman talking, and established a dissident committee of about a thousand high school UFTers, who shared my view that the terrible crisis must be made a top union priority. Just want to say something, even in Lute, even in light, rather, of all of the, of all the machinations that are occurring, he, Saltsman manages to find a thousand other people that realize what the true problem is. Even, even with all the political machinations and everybody trying to loot the Titanic, the safe on the Titanic, as I said earlier, to continue the metaphor, he still manages to find a thousand people. Like, to me, that, that speaks volumes, especially in a. atmosphere where they didn't want you to notice the problem. Does that make sense to you, Pete? Oh, it makes sense. I mean, there were 60,000 members of the union at this time. So basically,

they got a thousand. And he probably didn't even have to, that was probably just putting a word out. It wasn't like he went into this huge campaign. So, yeah. Yeah, well, yeah, that's another good point. Actually, I'd like to kind of just take on very, very briefly. Put it, you say, just putting the word out. I think it would behoove listeners to recall that you're talking about in 1970. You're not just going to text somebody. You're not going to email somebody. You have to get into somebody's face or you have to mail a physical letter or you have to put yourself out there in some way, shape, or form. You can't go on signal, you know, or telegram or on frog Twitter, you know, or whatever you may say and try and organize this. You actually have to do it. So to me,

the thousand people is even more impressive, considering both public and personal pressures on them. Yeah. By running only for the 10 high school posts in the union leadership, we plan to focus attention on the problem of school disruption and hope to make a strong enough showing in the election to force Shanker to move. But slate voting and the Shanker magic were obstacles too formidable to overcome, and our high school ticket won only 13% of the divisional vote in that 1971 election. While it was greater than the combined vote of the two opposing groups on the left, it wasn't nearly

enough to convince Albert Shanker that teachers were unhappy with his do-nothing stance on school violence. Meanwhile, the UFT president continued his march toward consolidating all union power in his hands, all union power in his hands. Virtually all the district representatives became Shankarides too, and just to make sure that their flirtation with TRU was over, the kitty was sweetened to the tune of $3,000 for each district representative, doubling his part-time salary to $6,000 per year. Can I jump in here? Do you know what that was?

Since we spoke briefly before this and I did my homework, do you know how much money that is in $2023? I can tell you if you haven't looked it up. No, go ahead. 3,000 is roughly $24,000 today. And $6,000 is roughly $48,000 today, 47,000 in change. So we're not, again, again, for your listeners to put things in the, in perspective, that's an extra, what did I say, 24,000?

Yeah. Or rather, yeah, 24,000. Yeah, well, yeah, that's an, yeah, that went from 24 to 48. in today's dollars, and that's their part-time salary. Right. I would venture a guess that quite a few people listening now don't make that much money. And I mean, on bad years, I don't. So being self-employed.

So, yeah, absolutely. Now only the delegate assembly stood between Albert Shanker and the absolute power he coveted. The delegate assembly, the highest of the three deliberative bodies in the union, was the only one that had not been captured in spellbound by the Shanker Mystique, nor been politicized by the Schenkerites. Elected on the ratio of one delegate per ten union members in each school, the Delegate Assembly was composed of some 4,000 certified teacher delegates. Even when only 1,000 appeared for the monthly delegate meetings,

Shanker found it difficult to control the assemblage in his customary high-handed manner. The Delegate Assembly had to be reformed, he decided, and it was. Representation in the Assembly was cut down to one per 60 teachers, reducing the number of certified delegates to about 1,200. Consequently, the 300, quote-unquote, activists who continued to attend the Assembly meetings were, for the most part, Shanker Loyalists and Unity Caucus members. Those who weren't found themselves stifled and beaten down by the Shankarites. The Delegate Assembly of the 1960s, sometimes a raucous and unpredictable body, but also prestigious and exciting in the democratic tradition, gave way to a new breed of hero worshippers, turning it into a passive and lethargic body that accepted the leader's word as gospel, and unhesitatingly rubber-stamped every measure he put before it. I can't say that's at all surprising.

giving the collectivist nature of a lot of the people that go into the profession. And as we see that borne out today, it's a very collectivist mentality. Yeah. I mean, yeah. I'm, no, it's your show. Go ahead. Yeah, no, no, no, no, no, no. I was just going to make a point I've made on many of these episodes.

Well, for those of us who may not have heard it, go ahead, make it again, please. I mean, it's just the, when it comes down to, it most people who are attracted to teaching are leftists. Yeah, I would argue that's 100% true because my father, and that's the irony, Pete. On paper, I should be as blue as the sky on a summer day because I'm a grandchild of immigrants from Portugal. My, you know, my father, all my grandparents worked in factories. My father was a school teacher. But, you know, as you know, we're roughly the same age. I suspect we are. Generation X changed a lot. and having a front row seat to the incoming enrichment and diversity and all that.

It changed a lot of things. My father would even admit that he was never a leftist, but he was more left-leaning due to obviously his upbringing in the world, you know, the world from which he came. So I would co-sign 100%. Now, obviously, that's changed as the Overton window shifts. But, yeah, I would still agree with your point that they are, by and large, if you go into it, largely leftist, yes. And what we learned on previous episodes, the union had 60,000 people in it, and two-thirds, 40,000 were of a specific, quote-unquote ethnic group that is by far very leftist and has a lot of revolutionary thinking.

A revolutionary spirit, if you will? Yes, if you will, yes, yes. Okay. To quote a friend. Understood. Yes. I'm with you. Yes.

Okay. All right. In just two short years, Albert Shanker had achieved absolute personal domination over the largest local union in America. A domination as stringent and as uncompromising as any ever exercised by an old guard laborer. On the surface, the market, I mean, I would say that he. what people like Stalin and Lenin wanted to do and attempted to do on a small scale, he did.

He achieved just, Stalin may have been, Thomas 777 says Stalin may have been the most powerful man that ever lived, as far as powerful leader of a nation that ever lived. I could see his argument for that, yes. Yeah. Shanker may be the, most powerful, I mean, union leader of all time. And I grew up in a union family. I mean,

my dad's family is a union family. I heard all the story. I mean, my, my grandfather was a teamster. I heard all the stories. And they didn't have, they didn't have this kind of power down to just being, I mean, there were disputes. Shanker has made it so that there are no disputes. and the disputes are just a they're just a paper airplane i i will have to say and please don't take this as any sort of support for shanker but i think we're both well excuse me i know we're i'm positive we're both mature adults and you'll understand what i mean by this one has to at least find remarkable the skill that it took to do that the aplomb that it took to do that the sheer chutzpah and will you know we'll we'll use hutzpah's a good

as a very as an apropos word with a wink and a nod that it took to do this and while thomas 7777 is probably very correct in that Stalin was the the most powerful man that ever lived in many senses uh i don't think it really matters as long as you're the most powerful man within your within your grasp if that makes sense to you sure that's great if you have that but what i would i would argue and i'm not saying that thomas would be arguing with me i'm i'm not saying that thomas would be arguing with me. I'm saying the classic definition. I would argue that what does Stalin have that Shanker would desire? Like, I mean, it really is just ratcheted up. Like, Schenker, it gets every, he snaps his fingers. It happens. I mean, they literally, he, Saltsman literally uses the word

rubber stamped, or rather phrase, rubber stamps. They rubber stamp everything he wants. And it's interesting. I find it interesting, too, and I don't mean to fear too far off the topic. But we're talking about a group that's inherently left-leaning. I won't say left-ist, but I'll say left-leaning. And it's interesting that that collectivist mentality, that, if you will, that socialist phenomena just still always gravitates toward that strong man. And it just keeps doing it over and over again.

And I find that this is yet another example. And if you want to say in a micro scale and Stalin's the macro scale, but it all washes out the same. How is this any different than what Stalin did? And I would say probably none, probably not at all. Well, if we look at the nuts and bolts of the machine, as it powers itself and as it grinds its enemies down. Yeah.

I mean, and this is a guy who could walk the streets and no one was going to, you know, try to take a shot at him or anything like that. I mean, he had absolute power within his realm. And no one was going to, you know, try to take him down. in the way people would have tried to take down Stalin. Right. All right. On the surface, the markings of a once true Democratic organization

appeared to remain intact. The grassroots committees, the weekly union newspaper, the publication of minutes of the deliberative bodies, and the union elections. But in the everyday operation of the UFT, in the Nets and Bolt's mechanics and the mighty federation, Albert Shanker had become the UFT, and the UFT was Albert Shanker.

Funny that I just used the phrase nuts and bolts mechanics. That's interesting. Altamare's return to Lane coincided with the upsurge of student unrest and racial upheaval that hit the school as part of the strike aftermath. Again, he was in the forefront as his own school bore the brunt of the venom pouring out from nearby Ocean Hill, where adult agitators were using Lane students to spearheaded drive to destroy the settlement terms, as they had done twice before during the long-drawn-out conflict. Those same forces, which had been bent on destroying the Union during the strike, now singled out lane as a primary target and concentrated their attack

on a school they considered to be a union stronghold. By December 1968, the school was in the throes of its worst disruption as conditions paralyzed the educational bureaucrats. The union fully expected this type of guerrilla warfare by local vigilantes, and Shanker had encouraged chapter militancy as a means of encountering such groups. It's interesting that he's willing to take on his political opponents so vociferously, but the actual problem, well, that's, we'll leave that be. Well, yeah, I mean, well, one group will kill him and the other one won't. Yes, exactly. At a citywide meeting of chapter chairman immediately after the strike, he announced,

Every employee in America has the right to expect that his employer will provide for his physical safety on the job. He went on to advocate the use of job actions as an alternative to the citywide strike as a weapon to be utilized by school chapters when the board refused to provide for their safety and security. The conflagration that surfaced at Lane and at several other high school, schools during the winter of 1969 tore at the very fabric of society. But it was a battle to which the union leadership would not address itself, preferring to leave each school to its own devices in facing the revolutionary fervor of the Black Panthers, SDS Weatherman, and ASA militants.

The union had emerged from the great school strike badly battered and scarred, divided internally with more than 5,000 of its members having crossed the picket lines at breaking into schools, stripped of its liberal image in a liberal town, blamed by many, including the much-respected Civil Liberties Union, for the racial polarization, Shanker made the healing process the very first organizational priority. It was a time to lick wounds, to analyze what had gone wrong, to reflect upon the future, to patch up the black-white rift, to restore the union's progressive image, and to rebuild a splintered organization that still

faced a major battle over a permanent school decentralization bill. Once again, through organizational priority, the needs of Lane and the high schools in general were deferred in favor of more pressing demands. It was clear from the beginning that there would be no union show of strength in dealing with the racial flare-ups and the assaults against Lane's teachers and students, which were occurring by January 1969, on an almost daily basis. And as I've asked before and said before, I mean, how do you just not leave? How do you?

I mean, many teachers did. A lot of teachers left. But I mean, how, I mean. Well, I can address. Well, a couple of things I want to say real quick, Pete, while we're on the subject. Sure. I find it interesting that Saltsman uses the phrase, the black, white rift, healing the rift. Why is there a rift when the two communities were brought together?

isn't isn't i mean those very words are paradoxical there's a lift when we're brought together that doesn't even make any logical sense until you realize that you're dealing with two communities that shouldn't be brought together and and i'm not even right or wrong i'm not even making a judgment on either community i'm simply saying how is there a rift by bringing people together right off the bat, that should tell you this is an experiment that has already failed from the get-go. If you have to heal something, if you have to heal a relationship from its simple creation, then doesn't that speak volumes? Doesn't that tell you the relationship should have never occurred in the first place? Well, a word that you used there that I think is very important

is experiments. And I think that a lot of people, you know, even listening to the right now do not realize because they may say that it would like try to make it into a conspiracy theory of some sort but this was a social experiment they they did not I was going to say they did not know it was going to happen when you'd you know after Brown be bored but some people some people may have done it with malice knowing exactly what would have happened but there's probably a lot of ideological people there who, who, you know, we're like, well, no, this is going to be great for everyone. There were. There were. And I can speak to this again very

personally, which if I haven't said it already, I want to say thank you again for allowing me on your show. This is a very, a deeply personal issue to me. So to address a couple points and so that I don't forget or lose my place, let me just say state very clearly what I'd like to address. One is I'd like to address the why didn't people move. And two, I'd like to address the ideologue versus malice. So if I lose my place, just feel free to remind me and pull me back on the track. Number one, I'd like to address the, why didn't people move? Well, you have to remember, Pete, this, and I'd like to remind your listeners as well, remember, this is a time where not everybody is on their cell phone. There is no internet. Society is beginning to be atomized, but it hasn't been

atomized yet. Remember, television itself is only 25 years old, 30 years old, roughly. I mean, not everybody had a television in 1948, you know, 1950 yet. So you're just starting to get that to become a thing. So your culture isn't completely destroyed. Therefore, people still have a family. They still have friends. They still have a church they go to. They still have a community. They don't want to leave this. And I can tell you this personally because that was my family's option. When the white flight began, everybody was leaving my neighborhood. But my family didn't leave because my mother had her parents in Philadelphia right

across the bridge. My father had his brothers and sister. He was one of nine. I mean, it's easy for us now to say, well, why don't you just leave? But remember, these people had ties that we don't really have anymore. My mother had a church that she went to. My father was baptized Catholic. He wasn't practicing.

But my mother had a church. She was deeply involved with. She was even a Eucharistic minister for any of, I mean, you were in seminary. I'm sure you have an idea of what I'm there. I didn't go to Catholic seminary. They're not a Catholic ceremony. But what I'm saying is you understand what I'm saying in the larger sense, that people are involved in their church.

They take on these roles. And it becomes an integral part of their life. so I and I'm I please don't feel like I'm attacking you because I'm certainly not but I do just want to remind people that society wasn't so adamant so just getting up and leaving is not like it is today it's it's not the same thing at all the world has fundamentally changed so at this point they still had a reason to stay so I'll drop that for now and move on to the other one that I wanted to mention which was the ideologues when I went to Japan with my father in 2019 thankfully right before the COVID thing happened. My father was talking to me about how they tore down his old school, Camden High, which was a beautiful building built in the early 20th century. I'd want to say roughly 1908. Don't quote me, but roughly 1908. It's a beautiful old building. And he was lamenting that the school was torn down and that the city was, you know, was in shambles. It wasn't anything like he grew up in. And I'm sure most of us can relate to that because I can't

imagine anybody these days leaving their hometown and finding it better than it was when they left that's just not an american experience anymore but i you know i just looked at him and i said well dad what you know why why didn't you ever send me to camden high and he looked at me and he because i went to a private catholic school like i said i'm i come from a catholic family so i went to a catholic school so he's i said well you know why i said no dad look me in the face and tell me why you didn't want me to go. I said, I have to hear about all these guys that you taught with, guys that spoke German, French, English. And this is in like 1971, 72, you know, all these guys that were smart, very highly educated,

very motivated, you know, physically fit, spiritually fit, mentally fit, cream of the crop. They all went into this experiment thinking that they could pull a people up from where they were in penury and poverty. They thought, these men genuinely thought they could go in, work hard, and pull these communities up and put them on a level playing field. They genuinely believe that. But when they saw things happening, boy, did that change. And I had to get my father to say, well, why didn't you send me, Dad?

And he said, well, you know, the most I could get him to say is, you know why I didn't send. And I said, right, because you knew these two communities don't. mix well and you knew no matter how hard you worked it wasn't going to work but this was this was the quagmire in which these men found themselves and women i i can only see men because my father taught but you know many women i'm sure were teaching as well well thank you for that that was great that was great i i don't take anything i'm not going to take anything personally like that so all right let's keep going mhm while the disruption was not confined to laying alone

only the Lane chapter had decided to reveal to the public all that had been covered up by the school administration. It was not a move that the UFT leadership uptown, especially welcome, for it was looking for peace and tranquility. Except for coverage of the Lane crises in the winter of 1968-69 and the fall of 1969, the union's own newspaper, the United Teacher, carried no stories about the chaotic mess prevalent at many city high schools for the organization anything that touched upon racial conflict was a taboo subject it was not until may 19 1929 after six months of turmoil in the high schools that shanker so much as mentioned the problem it's amazing um i'm sorry i just like i said it very very personal yeah

six months later how many people were beaten up how many people were uh sexually assaulted how people were intimidated? How many people were strong arm robbed? What happens in just six months? It's just a gas. I'm sorry. Continue, Pete. Please continue. At a closed meeting of high school chapter chairman, he blasted the board for inaction and the mayor for helping to create a tone conducive to violence in the schools. But his remarks were not for public consumption, and there was no change in the union's hands-off policy regarding his high school disruption. Union politics and other UFT concerns left the high schools without an effective spokesman during their time of greatest need.

Not even a unanimous vote by the high school committee demanding that the full-time high school vice presidency be re-established could induce Altamari to force the issue in the administrative committee on which he sat. It was an election year for divisional vice presidents, and fearful that Shanker might support an insurgency against him in the unity caucus, Altamari avoided the whole issue of lane and of lawlessness in many of the city's 60 academic high schools. CYA, cover your eyes. The divisional vice president wasn't about to risk a bloody primary fight and possible defeat

by standing up in defense of the legitimate concerns of the 12,000 high school. school teachers. Later charges in the high, later charges in the high school committee accusing the Shanker leadership of being party to a conspiracy of silence drew vehement denials from the UFT officers. But the union leaders continue to turn a deaf ear to the daily reports of arson, of militants and adult agitators, intimidating teachers of teachers conducting classes in rooms with shades drawn and doors locked, and of bands of youths running wild through the halls, smashing windows and bowling over anyone who dared stand in their path. I just, it's just mind-blowing, absolutely mind-blowing, to think, what is even the point of sending

your children to something like that? What is even the purpose? They can't concentrate. I mean, we're not even getting to the safety issue, which obviously is a concern. but as I like to say my train doesn't even get to that stop I'm at a full station ahead of that what's even the purpose how can anybody conduct any kind of actual education any kind of activity other than as my father said babysitting in a situation like that how is that any different than prison if you're in a locked room with with the shades drawn how is that any different than prison and there's howling and screaming in the corridors. It's bedlam. I mean, it's literally and figuratively bedlam, especially if you know the etymology of that word. So I just find it

absolutely, in the most classic sense of the word, incredible, that anybody would try and continue this experiment. It almost appears as if the state does very often. They create a problem. and then they put themselves out there as the only ones that can fix the problem. So you have to keep coming back to them. Now, the difference here is that there's no problems. You know, if you go to Shanker and you ask him, you know, what's going on at Lane? I heard that, you know, somebody, you know, a teacher was raped. What are you talking about?

It didn't happen. Who's lying to you? Yeah, I mean, it's literally like aversion. of thank I mean I don't know someone could replace her that's much more terrible but like Lori Lightfoot the former mayor of Chicago now she she got voted out this week yeah and there were people were there was a reporter who was like there were 15 murders in Chicago last week yeah and what do you plan on doing and she would cut them off and go, where, where, what are these QAnon questions? What are these right?

You know, what, you know, what, what, I mean, like, literally she would do that. And that is basically what Shanker, I mean, Shanker is at that point where it's like, if you go to him and say, oh, there's, you know, there's violence publicly. Oh, there's violence. What are you talking about? There's no violence. I don't know who handles it. Would it be, forgive me, I've never lived in New York. So if, for any of your listeners, don't, you know, don't, don't, don't, don't pillory me. but who would handle that con ed because i want to know what their gas bill is for gaslighting all yeah that's got to be tremendously do they have a contract a subcontract with con ed or or whoever whoever does that because they're guests they have to be gaslighting countless people

i mean just i mean i'm unbelievable and he has such a lock such a stranglehold such an iron-fisted grip over this group i can't imagine imagine you any sane man walks in that room and and says and you know and says okay look we have a problem here and walks out not feeling like I'll try not to swear like they're absolutely insane like like they're just not they just have to question reality at that point they have to be gaslit and and attacked so vociferously so vehemently by such a group that's in such heavy lockstep that I can't imagine they walk out and not be not just question reality itself like could you fathom that like going in pointing that out

and all these people like like just to step back to your example lorry lightfoot oh what kind of cue and on question is that well at least this guy has like his friends he can text he goes did you hear this lunatic you must walk out of that room there and just wonder if if up is still up and down is still down. Yeah. I mean, it's kind of the point now where you look at her and you look at, you look around and you look at the,

just degenerate people that are put in positions now. I mean, they're basically all Batman villains. Right. And they're like bad. It's like Gotham City comes to, it has materialized. I mean, Lori Lightfoot and, you know,

this. Navy whatever associate admiral who is just a guy in a dress and it's just what is what's even going on in here well I talked about this before and I don't want to go too far up the topic but I just want to address it very quickly with the whole with the whole the reason a lot of you're seeing a lot of the trans and LGBTQ and all stuff like that is remember that one of the tactics and I'm kind of addressing your point is what's going on with all these Batman villains is running everything. And I'll just try and keep it very brief so we can get back to the book because that's why we're here. But remember that a tried and true tactic for many,

many decades, has been, especially by the CIA, get somebody, compromise them, and then put them in power so you can control them, right? I'm sure you know this. I'm sure your listeners know this. I'm not going to condescend to any of you. But I do want to kind of keep that train rolling and say, okay, now remember, what do people do when they discover, and I'm legitimately asking, what do people do when they discover a technique that works? What do they do, Pete? Do it over and over again. Exactly. You're 100% correct. So what they did is they found these people like booty judge or whoever and they get them and they get them compromised or if we want to say Obama, we get them and we put them in power so they're controllable. But if you do that enough,

well, now all of Congress is degenerate homosexuals. Now, all the executive branch are child molesters. So what they do then is now that they have the majority, they have the power, now they want to normalize it and legalize it. So there's no hold over them anymore. How can you hold over me, and I'm not a homosexual, but as for example purposes, how can you hold my homosexuality over me if I make it everywhere? how can you hold my trans nature and I'm not trans but if how can you hold my trans nature over me

if the admiral whatever the the what is she the Levine what is she had that health surgeon general whatever she is I don't even know I try not to pay attention to to to him or her it's like well what are you going to do what are you going to hold over these people and the answer is nothing absolutely nothing and that's the mistake that if we want to use the term the deep state made you put enough of these comic people and i do mean that literally and figuratively to work off of your statement these comic people well now they're the ones in power sure you can twist one or two of these people if homosexuality or pedophilia pederasty more accurately but i'm i'm fine damning either one of them peterasty or trans people sure it's easy to twist them if they're the if they're the

quote, freak in the room. But what are you going to do if they're the norm? You're going to do nothing. You have no hold over them anymore. So anyway, I didn't mean to take us too far off topic, but I felt relevant to respond to your statement of how did we get here with all these comic people. Yep. No, good point. All right. By the spring of 1969, Shankaric consolidated his absolute control over the organization. Internally, dissent was equated with disloyalty, independence with insurrection. George Altamari was helpless. Even had he the inclination to represent his constituents, he would have been alone.

For most of the other independent-minded executive board members had spent their energies fighting Shanker on Vietnam. The other two-thirds of the body could always be expected to side with the president on any vote of substance, especially one which pitted Shanker against Altamari. As the high school crisis deepened, the further the leadership removed itself from the rank and file. Strangely, the efforts to focus public attention on the strife-torn high schools came not from the teachers' union, but from the city's high school principals association, an organization which only once before in its history during the 1968 school strike, had dared publicly to condemn the school board.

But on January 23, 1969, just three days after the Syracusa burning, the principals group made public a detailed and analytical report of the high school situation, damning the school board for abdicating to extremists. In the strongest language, the usually reserve association blamed the board for failing to stand up to extremists and for refusing to support the efforts of school-based administrators to take firm and appropriate action against agitators and self-styled revolution. Lucianaries. The high school principals had elected to wage the battle the UFT saw fit not to make. In its opening paragraph, the principal's report called attention to deliberate planned confrontations designed to provoke the school authorities into action that will win adherents and sympathizers for the dissidents and disorders and fears of new frightening dimensions stalked. the corridors of many of our schools. Yet in the face of those obviously clear and present dangers, our Board of Education has virtually abdicated its responsibilities for the safe and orderly conduct of our schools. Preoccupied with the dismantling of school system, it does not understand or care about, our Board of Education seems unable or unwilling to come through the

defense of our beleaguered schools. No one appears to be in charge. No one appears to be listening. I just want to say briefly here that this, again, this is a micro of a macro issue in that if you look where they say that the system itself had decided it was going to be inactive on this issue. So the lower ranks, lower in the hierarchy, I don't mean actually lower in any kind of ability, obviously. But the lower ranks had to come in and say, no, something needs to be done and we're going to we're going to do it if you won't well keep in mind this is really the reason that you've been seeing a lot of news over the past few years about lynching and anti-lynching and we're going to punish that and i just want to let people know especially

given my law enforcement background and i i'm sure you're not necessarily a big fan of law enforcement and that's fine i'm i'm i just want law enforcement to work for me yeah yeah exactly and it should and it should. You'll find I'm a knee-jerk iconoclast. If people say they love cops, I'll be the first one to say I don't like them. And if people say they hate them, I'll be the first one to say that I do. I'm a knee-jerk iconoclass when it comes to that. But anyway, I just want to say the real reason that you're seeing a lot of the anti-lynching rhetoric now has nothing to do with race. They like to say that and people think it's about race-baiting, but it really isn't. What it really is about is they don't want the people to know that if the system stops handling the problem, then they can handle the problem. That's really the lesson they're trying to inculcate there. It's just like why they went after so strongly and so vociferously, why they went after Kyle Rittenhouse. It wasn't a race issue.

He didn't shoot anybody that wasn't white. I mean, well, we could argue that Jews say they're not white, but that's a whole other issue. Well, yeah, well, depending on this situation. Right, right. Yes, exactly. But for purposes of this conversation, like it wasn't a racial issue to the masses. It's not a racial issue.

But they had to nail him to the wall because, again, they don't want you knowing that as a citizen and a good citizen, it is your right to handle a problem. And I'm even tired of the word right. It is your duty to handle a problem. And I want to say just one more thing on this topic before we. get right back into it. When I went for my license to become an armed private investigator, I had to go through a great deal of education for that, for schooling, firearms law, et cetera. In my class, they were taught in the firearms class, they were discussing firearms laws and usage

thereof, et cetera. And they mentioned how according to my state law, an individual is allowed to bring a shotgun to a riot and use it to disperse the participants. You are legally allowed to fire a shotgun at rioters in my state. And do you know what he said when teaching the class? And I will quote him verbatim, don't get any ideas. That is the system telling you here, even though you have the legal right to do this, don't do this. Because again, they don't want you know.

knowing that you can solve the problem. And more importantly, the Second Amendment isn't a right. It's a duty. You have a duty to protect yourself. You have a duty to stand up to government overreach. You have a duty to do these things. Not a right, a duty. But anyway, even stronger responsibility. Yes. Responsibility. Yes. All right. The body of the report provided an eloquent response to the demands of the militants that would have transferred all the decision-making powers to them. But the most decisive part of the document was its focus on student violence and appeal to the school board. It concluded, meanwhile, as we continue to heighten and sharpen our awareness of and responsiveness to the pressing and unmet needs of our students and parents,

we are united in our determination to make and keep our schools places where teachers can teach without fear and harassment, and students can learn without distraction and disruption. There are limits to the right to dissent, as there are limits to every other right. The right to dissent does not confer on students the right to disrupt the normal school processes. The right to dissent does not entitle any students who deprive their fellow students of their education if they do not share or wish to join in their dissent. Nor does the right to dissent, by its mere utterance, give instant sanction to student demand, that cannot legally be granted or that students are demonstrably incapable of performing.

The right to dissent carries with it the obligation to respect the rights and opinions of those who do not dissent. This, we take it, is the essence of democracy. This is what we propose to safeguard in our schools and in our society. And in this, we know we can count on the overwhelming support of our parents and students. They see clearly that the the disorders planned and executed by small, destructive groups are a menace to their education and security. The hour is late. Our schools are in peril.

It is the ineluctible duty of our mayor, our Board of Education, our superintendent of schools, to do what they have sworn to do. Protect our schools, protect our schools, our teachers, and our students against the disturbers, the violence, and the enemies of public education within and outside the school system. We call on them to act firmly, quickly, and courageously against the divisive, disruptive forces, and individuals loosen our schools working to radicalize, subvert, and poison the minds of our students. We call on our mayor, our Board of Education, our superintendent of schools to stop

surrendering our school's piecemeal to the foundations, the opportunists, the extremists, the unrealists. We asked the mayor, the Board of Education, the superintendent of schools to stand up and talk up loudly and unequivocally for our schools. The people of this city, the teachers who man our schools have a right to know whose side our public officials are on. The side of the parents who want their schools to be places where they can safely send their children to learn, are on the side of those who, by design capitulation, indifference, or their naivete, are leading our schools down the road to anarchy. We call on the mayor, the Board of Education, the superintendent of schools to meet at long last their sworn commitments to

provide a full, meaningful, secure education for all the children of all the people, all the time in all our schools. And that's probably in all, everything I've read of statements in this book is from the teachers and from the union, those are the strongest words out of it, out of any. Yeah, it's, they struck me that way as well, be very much so. Because as I said, I've been following along with you do it through the series. And I would, I would co-sign that 100%. Okay.

There was no comment or acknowledgement from the UFT of the High School Principles Association report, a report that the New York Times gave front page coverage on January 24th, 1969. The high school principals had enunciated the feelings of the overwhelming majority of teachers, but still the teachers' union remained silent. Never once, yeah, never once during that entire 1968, 1969 year, school year, did it, executive board address itself to the burning controversy raging at Lane and at several other disrupted schools. I guess when they say burning controversy, no pun intended. Sadly. Yeah. By the fall of 1969, Altamari reelected to a new two-year term and beginning

to feel the pressure from those troubled schools began moving toward the problem of high school disruption, feeling somewhat more secure with a full term of office before him, and with high school teachers growing impatient with the union's refusal to oppose the board's new suspense procedure, a procedure which aided the disruptors. Surprise. Yeah. Altamari finally made the issue of student violence his prime concern. As the 1969-70 school year opened, renewed violence at Lane prompted the vice principal

vice president to use the high school committee as a vehicle to bring the problems directly to the executive board. On November 20th, a high school resolution stated that the executive board assumed the leadership and responsibility of demanding an immediate investigation into the current disruption in the high schools. A month later, the committee had its guest speaker, Richard Strider, a mayoral aide on the school task force who announced the disruption and disaffection plaguing the high schools is sounding the death knell for integrated education and this is and this is 53 years ago 54 years ago goodness gracious and you know you can go to Twitter on any given day

social media on any given day and see it's still happening Yeah. Well, as I said about the, as I said about the PUA slash Benz slash M. G. Toe, et cetera, movements. I wrote a lot for the sphere a few years back. I switched over to other things in the past few years. But as I wrote, as much as the work we've done has helped, as much as the work we've done has turned into larger, larger movements. I would argued a lot of the mannosphere became the dissident right, but that's a topic for another day. And I'm addressing your point about social media at this juncture regarding the schools. Again, I see a parallel here because I don't think anything I've written or Chateau

Hortiste or plenty of other bloggers have written about that was as impactful as women simply posting to Facebook, women simply posting the Instagram. And I say as strongly worded as the statements we were, read just moments ago were, I don't think any people, any words rather, will wake people to the situation like simply logging on to Twitter, Facebook, if they don't ban the videos, YouTube, what have you. It's only when people are, the reality is put right before them and their eyelids are held open that they cannot close them and their heads are held still that they cannot turn them. Will people realize just how bad things are? And,

I think that is what we're learning here is that these problems have existed for 53 years now. And now we're only beginning to be allowed to notice them or have the technological capacity to know them because Shanker can't lock it down anymore. Not him personally, but his type. He has an archetype in the education system. Yeah. And in a lot of other systems. Oh, yeah. Absolutely.

Yeah. Yeah. All right. Strider emphasized the need for increased school security and voices concern about the polarization brought on by student militants. He went on to warn of a flight from the public schools and city in general unless the trend towards violence was curbed. Strider had been an asset in helping to cool things in Lane after the October riot, and he sincerely believed that the full resources of the city had to be committed to solve the high school crisis. As part of my own efforts to concentrate attention on the disruption, I set forth my views in an open letter to high school chapter chairman. That learning conditions in high schools continue to deteriorate is a conclusion readily conceded by everybody involved with secondary education in the city. How to stem the tide of violence, disruption, and lawlessness is, however, a question that still goes begging for answers, which education. and public officials have been unable or unwilling to provide. Perhaps there are no easy answers for the problems which are deeply rooted in the urban crisis

and which are probably more sociological and political than educational. But one thing is clear to those of us who have now, over a period of time, grappled with it in our own chapters, in the high school committee and in the executive board of the UFT, namely that there are. will be no educational reform and no peace in the high schools unless this very matter becomes a number one priority of the organization. He goes on, and to my colleagues on the executive board, I am sure that we all understand that the lane problem is in many ways an outgrowth of last fall strife, in that those same

forces which were committed to our destruction in Ocean Hill are now operating, some quite openly in fomenting racial turmoil and polarization of the student body at Franklin K. Lane. It is, I know, apparently to all of us, that what happens at Lane has immense significance not only to the high schools, but for the entire school system. Let me read that again. It is, I know apparently to all of us that what happens at Lane has immense significance, not only to the high schools, but for the entire school system, the city, and our own organization. While there are no easy answers to the complex problem before us, I know that

we will want to stand firmly behind the lame UFT chapter and give all due deliberation to find possible avenues of resolution. As calendar year 1970 opened, as calendar year 1970 opened, And there was nothing on the horizon to indicate that there would be any alleviation of the high school crisis in general or of the problems peculiar to Franklin K. Lane. Good Lord. And that is the ending of the chapter. Good Lord. So, yeah. I mean, it's, in this is the way bureaucracy works.

bureaucracy is bureaucracy is about protecting the bureaucracy and expanding it right and it's clearly clearly in a situation it may have helped that

well a contributing factor may have been hopelessness them realizing that nothing was going to be able to stop this black-white problem and or what do they call it a rift. Rift was the word they used, yes.

Yeah, this black, white, rift. And, you know, it's, I'm not, there's always a rift there. There has been a rift there since day one. And every once in a while, the social engineers step in and cause that rift, you know, push chaos.

to that riff so that then we have violence and whatever we see, you know, whatever they're this is very much an example, a living, breathing example of the road to hell is paved with good intentions. I mean, I think as you do, that there's probably a lot of malice behind it, too, but let's leave that aside for the moment. Even if there isn't, like I'll use again, I'll use the phrase that I use frequently, my train isn't even getting to that station. Even if we say that there is no malice behind it, what is the de facto difference? It's still misery. It's still pain.

It's still suffering. After 53 years of this, what's gotten better? Can you tell me anything that's gotten better? Because I asked to be on this show for a reason, and I'm going to give it and I'm going to prove that now even more so. My father's not a drinker, but I became a pretty heavy drinker when I was in law enforcement with immigration so my father one day said son why don't you meet me at a bar i'll meet you there we'll have a drink together and we'll talk so i met him at a bar after work one day

and he maybe had half a beer and he tried one of my cigarettes because he gave up smoking years ago and i was all small talk and it was just unusual because my father's not that kind of guy and we spoke for about an hour talking back and forth we got up we left the bar I started to leave and say goodbye, and he stopped me. And he said, you know, I just want you to know that I'm sorry. And I looked at him. And I can't even tell you how I knew, Pete. And you'll forgive me that it's kind of tearing me up a little bit inside trying to remember

because it's intensely personal. And he said, I'm sorry. But I knew what he meant. But I wanted him to say it. He said, I'm sorry. I was so busy raising everybody else's kids. I never raised my own. I haven't spoken to my brother in 11 years. Excuse me, it's 2023, 12 years. And I am, and I don't use this word in the pejorative sense. I am retarded in a sense that in a lot of ways,

I don't know things a man my age should know. I had to learn from the internet. I had to learn from hard life lessons because while yes, I had a dad that didn't abuse me, that did put food on my table, did put a roof from over my head, and I'm very grateful for those things. My neighbor taught me how to tie my shoelaces. My father was an art teacher. He never even taught me how to draw. When I asked him, he handed me a book. He said, here, figure it out.

When I needed to know how to tie a tie for Catholic school, he handed me a book here, figure it out. So when you talk about the costs to this experiment, it's not just money. These are people's lives, Pete. These are people's lives and families that have. have been sacrificed on this altar and that are still being sacrificed to this very day. This has effects. I saw a tweet and you'll forgive me. I'll wrap up after this on this thought process.

I saw a tweet not long ago and it was discussing this matter and it said for this we gave up space. And I'll be honest with you, Pete. I lost my mind because I said space and forgive me, but I'm going to swear, fuck space. I lost my family. I lost my brother. I lost a community. I lost a childhood.

I lost a dad. And I'm firmly of the belief. If you don't have a dad there teaching you, walking you through things, you're going to be retarded. And again, I don't even mean that in the pejorative sense. You're going to be about 20 years behind the curve. And I sincerely believe that. You're going to know some things, but other things you're just going to fuck up too much

in life. And you're going to only learn that way. So my first thought was, fuck space. I don't care about space. You have no idea the damage that this caused over families, over communities, over generations. So again, we're not just talking about one man being set on fire, which is tragic. And I grant you that. It's horrible.

It should have never happened. But we're talking about entire families, lives, communities, set ablaze, metaphorically, and sometimes literally. All for what? For what? Is anything better in 53? years from this anything well and it's not only in schools now it's everything um we are our whole lives are a function of power that you know we're we're in an age of absolute politics like francis parker yaki said and they basically wants they want it all they want every bit they

want every bit of us and those of us who are like no you can't have this you can't have that. Now, I'm going to read those books, and I'm going to find out, and I'm going to research those people that you say are the most evil men that ever walk the earth. I'm going to find out about them. I'm going to go read them, and I'm going to quote them, and I'm going to, I'm going to internalize what they had to say about these people. Because when I remember somebody were talking about the train the train in East Palestine

and someone posted up a picture of of Mussolini saying at least when he was there the trains ran on time and somebody posted up the picture of Mussolini hanging upside down

and laughing and I had to remind the person to which they couldn't respond that the people in charge now, the fucking scum that run this fucking place, they're the ones that, their forebearers did that.

When you look at, when you look at somebody like Mussolini and you're, you're celebrating him being murdered by the scum that murdered him. These are the same scum that rule over us now.

Yeah. I mean, you have a frequent, you've had a guest that I'm very close with, dark enlightenment. I've had many times. He and I are very close. And he and I both came up, I think simultaneously, it was a discussion between he and I, where we both came up with it.

You're living now in Spain in 1936. Pick aside. This was years ago. We said this. I'm happy being a phalanjist. Right. And that's what it is. It doesn't, we can all sit in, I said to you on Twitter, I think not long ago, I don't

have an ideology. I have a to-do list. I love it. That was you? I didn't even realize that was you. Yes. Yes. Yes. I have an ideology. I don't rather, I don't have an ideology. I have a to do list. I'm too old for ideology. I don't have time for that. I don't. I'm not going to go too far with this statement, but, you know, load a rifle and then we'll talk. You know, show me some kind of action. Show me a willingness to stand up because I already lost my career standing up to corruption with the federal government. I told you in the beginning of the episode, I lost it by upsetting a senator.

And that's why I lost it. I already lost my car. I've already paid paid the price. I'm already effectively unemployable, which is why I have to work for myself. I'm not demanding anybody do anything that I haven't already done. And as I said earlier, I'm only not using my name in my face for my dad's protection. As far as I'm concerned, I'm a dead man walking. Like I literally do executive protection, private detective work, process serving.

I already put myself out there all the time. I'm a dead man walking. I do this for my father's protection. So what I'm saying to you is I'm with you 100% and I ideology to me is just so in the rear view mirror that it's invisible to me at this point. I just, as you said, I want the cops to enforce the law. I mean, I want order. Frankly, I don't even care if they break the law in some senses.

Just make my city safe. Make my community safe. Make it so that, you know, my girlfriend doesn't get mugged on the way to the car. my 84-year-old father doesn't get beaten and his car stolen in a parking lot, as we just saw on video not long ago. You do something. I'm tired of talking. And I really think at the end of the day, that's why people rallied around Trump.

And whether people like Trump or not, I couldn't care less. It's the first man in generations. That's actually, I don't know, done something, acted like a leader, like vaguely acted like a leader rather than just the same milk toast non-choice we've had since you and I were in diapers. Wouldn't you say there's something, you know, something to that? Yeah. I mean, I think they just, I think they didn't like him because he was a man. Yes.

I would say that's exactly right. Because we're ruled over by spiritual women, either physically or spiritually, but spiritual women. And I think you're going to see that that's really why a lot of the problems we have are what they are. If you want to go to Eastern philosophy, it's that kind of yin-yang that's tremendously out of balance. You're smirking, so I'll take that as a good sign that you understand where I'm coming from with that.

Completely. All right. I'm going to get out of here. Hang out. I want to ask you a question, but I'm going to end this now. I appreciate it, man. This was, you know, I've had a bunch of people on to talk about this, read this with me, had some good people on and everything.

but the kind of personal touch you brought to this is, yeah, I would think very few people could do that. Thank you, Pete. I'm truly, and I'm sure you hear this all the time, but I am 100% honest and sincere. I'm honored that you have me on, and I thank you very much for the opportunity to speak to you and your listeners. I sincerely and deeply mean that. Thank you.

I appreciate it, Charles. Thank you. Getting towards the end of this. here. I'm thinking since this is the last official chapter DE, I think we'll do this. Then there's an epilogue, which is a few pages. Maybe I'll do that by myself. Maybe I'll have, you would recommend it actually have like a panel to talk about this of past guests. And maybe we'll go over the epilogue in that. But yeah, let's get this thing done. How you doing, man? Thank you so much for having me. I really enjoyed the last episode. Charles was a dear friend of mine and I was grateful

that I was able to arrange that you guys hooking up. But, you know, this book is, I think, really, really important. I've made this point elsewhere. But, you know, this is 15 years after Brown v. Board. This is, you know, a kid who was born in 1954 is like a sophomore or junior in high school when this, when this book takes place. And it's, uh, already a manifest failure, you know, and people tend to think of this as like a recent thing, but, you know, this is very shortly compressed in time, so it's interesting to talk about. You and I just looked it up. The New York City school budget is $31 billion. So, I mean, it's just astonishing how much money gets spent on this. It's a real, no real good effect,

you know. Yeah. And, you know, what we saw, especially from the last chapter, in two parts with Tim Kelly and with Charles is that every penny of that the union wants for themselves and I assume it's not any different nowadays so yeah of course not

all right let me to start reading this stop whenever you're ready because I guess this is called the last days let's see exactly what that means Just as the flag incident provided the backdrop for the riot of October 31st, the riot itself was a signal for another month of seemingly endless turmoil.

If outside adult groups had played a minor role prior to the riot, they assumed major status after it. On November 2nd, a number of federally funded anti-poverty agencies, including the East New York Alliance, the Brownsville Community Council, and the East. New York Community Corporation coalesced to come to the aid of the militants holding a press conference they charged that the violence of October 31st was a police riot and demanded the removal of law enforcement authorities from the school hold up so so you're telling now so you're telling me that shadily funded NGOs are blaming the police

police and telling ordinary people that it's their fault and that we should have no cops. I've seen this movie before. Yes. It's amazing. It's, you know, history. I like to say history doesn't repeat itself, but it certainly rhymes. This really looks like history repeats itself. I mean, obviously, it's not happening in the schools now, yet it kind of is.

we just don't hear about it, but it's spilled out onto the streets, and this is pretty much what they do. It's a playbook. We'd hold that on to it for 50 years. Oh, I mean, 70, really, but yay. Yeah, yeah. All right, I'm going to keep going. Holding a press conference, they charged with the violence of October 31st was a police riot

and demanded the removal of the school. Several of the militant student leaders were on hand and presented a new version of what touched off the riot. So they basically, a new version is newspeak for, they just lied. They're just telling lies. Okay. A spokesman for the militants said that the trouble started in the cafeteria when a black girl refused to produce an identification card requested by a teacher on duty.

The student claimed that the four policemen who were on patrol in the cafeteria were called to the scene, and according to the youth, then the cops came and started beating on this girl. We could all see it. Pretty soon everybody started throwing milk and stuff. The teacher starts something, and then they call in the cops to do their dirty work. Emerging as a key figure immediately following the riot was Mrs. Olivia Taylor, head of the East New York Alliance and a member of the District 19 Rump School Board, fiercely nationalistic about the black movement,

and with a long history of anti-teacher and anti-UFT activism, Mrs. Taylor headed up an ad hoc committee calling itself the Black Parents Emergency Committee. Assisting Taylor was Lloyd Mapp, recipient of a $10,000 per year salary in federal monies as the education director of the East New York Anti-Poverty Agency and Thelma Hamilton, head of the Brownsville unit. Together they came to fan the flames of discontent and pour more fuel on the brightly burning fires. After the riot, on the afternoon of October 31st, local whites had marched in front of the building as a protest against the violence. Now, Monday, it was to be the Black's turn.

The African American Students Association was busy over the weekend, too. Militant leaders greeted the Black students on Monday. Monday morning with flyers stating all caps, this has to stop. And apparently it said, the flyers said, quote, A beautiful black sister and a member of ASA who has a rheumatic heart condition was brutally beaten by a slimy white pig badge 29336, a boss brother and ASA member who had polio as a boy and his left leg is injured as a result of the illness who was beaten and thrown through a glass plate window of the finassed supermarket by two pigs, badge 470, and badge 476.

Nine other brothers and sisters arrested by rampaging pigs. Nine other brothers and sisters arrested by rampaging pigs. I mean, these are sentence fragments, not these, these aren't even false sentences. Students at FK Lane have been vamp on by principal celib, teachers, UFT, and the pig, because they tried to raise the red, black, and green flowers. flags of the black nation. We believe that the brutal racist attacks on our black brothers and sisters have got to stop. The pig school system has never educated black people and now they are trying to beat and brutalize our young brothers and sisters. Let's put an end to this

whole mess. No more pig school system. Remember from now on, don't participate. No pledge to flags, no singing of songs, no assemblies, no lunchrooms, no athletic teams, no welfare, no No, Foots. Oh, no, I threw that one in. Sorry. There would be no... Unironically, I am agreeing with this guy. Like, okay, sure, fine. No. This is the...

The lie of American black nationalism is that, is that, like, they build Wakanda in, like, rural Georgia if they were just given the chance by themselves. I'm sure you've seen the meme of, like, what happens if we got rid of all the white people? You get Haiti. What happens if we take over for the white people? You get Zimbabwe. What happens if we, you know, and just over and over and over again, we see this failure. Yeah. And, and, you know, we could investigate why. We could do real science. We could, we could sit there and ask questions of like, is it, is it bad family structures? Is it lack of a patriarchal family structure and, and, and, and, women are just having kids with whoever they might and a lack of patriarchy is the problem? Is it low IQ that's the problem? Is it, you know, what is it? But the second you want to ask those questions in any real rigorous way, you're a bigot. And, you know, Scott Adams is a spineless jellyfish. But he wasn't wrong about like, you know, half of them. these people just don't think it's okay for you to exist. They hate you. And they've hated you for a half a century now. I don't know if you saw the, um, it was a great Twitter thread,

probably like a week or two ago. I actually, um, saved it, printed it offline. And it's basically a guy who's been working, a white American working in Africa, uh, sub-Saharan Africa for the last 15 years. And he basically says, look, if we left, if we decode, basically you have all these dictators there. And these dictators are, they've set up this system where they get to basically enslave all of their people and the white people from the West are there just to keep the lights on, just to make sure infrastructure doesn't fail so they can keep robbing their own people. And it's like, okay, well, if you were a part of American, you know, the American foreign policy regime, you say, well, we need to, we need to have these people rise up to fight against these. No, they, they can't.

They just can't. They can't do it. And it's just, it's the same thing when you see things like this, when you read a letter like this that is broken English, when you, I mean, it has not gotten any. better when you see the videos of a 6 foot 5 15 year old 300 pound black kid in a high school who attacks a teacher from behind and he clearly knocks her unconscious and he continues beating her and he continues stomping on her yeah and you know um you know Trayvon martin was 5 foot 10 and 180 pounds or something like that. And George Zimmerman was like a short, fat dude.

I mean, you see these, you know, you see these things where it's, I'm sorry, man, but you saw that go even younger, you know, this allegedly 13 year old kid on a school bus, black kid who's just pounding on this nine-year-old white girl. And you're like, okay, okay. So I heard somebody try to explain away the 1360 number the other day. It's like, well, you know, the average age of a white person in the United States is 58 years old.

The average person of a black person is 33 to 35. Of course, there's going to be more violence. Okay, throw those numbers all the way. Let's compare 17-year-old white high school students against 17-year-old black high school students. Just stay there. If there was video of white high school students committing violence against their teachers, just absolutely pounding all day long. These teachers were flooding.

I mean, these videos were flooding social media. I mean, it would just be more MSNBC calling for, you know, basically the elimination of the white race. It's not just like the racial average, because in 1970, the average age of a white person was probably 37 or something. We're like low 30s because of the baby boom. That's how old baby boomers were. in the third. And they were more violent then. And, you know, last time I was on, we suggested

you can look it up. You know, Charles talked about his father's experience in Philadelphia, New Jersey. Same thing happened in Philadelphia, New Jersey. Same thing happened in Boston. Same thing happened in Baltimore. Same thing happened in Chicago. Same thing happened in Seattle. So all over America in the late 60s, you had black students just violently reacting to. being held to decent standards of behavior. Yeah. And still to this day, if you ask them, adhere to basic civilized norms of behavior,

they interpret that as you racist. And then the second that that's on the table, they can kill you. Because, oh, he called me the N-word. So I get to kill him. And different juries, I think there was a jury that, you know, acquitted somebody. on the basis of, you know, he used the wrong slur on this person,

and so he was just driven to a rage and killed him. And, of course, you see, you know, the Antifa, who are just the NGOs that fund this sort of stuff, right, burning stuff down in Atlanta and the J-6 protesters. So this is all just Nuremberg regime nonsense. Yeah, it's just you want to argue that things are different. now than they were then, but you just,

you can't. You know, you can argue things are getting better. People, I love to watch people argue that things are getting better. And maybe on some small scale somewhere there are, but when you look at just basically how it's gone from militants in schools to militants, you know, calling for white extermination on TV.

and elected officials doing the same thing. I mean, okay. Well, I mean, making the argument that we're getting better, you know, things are getting better is kind of, kind of probably why more and more people every day are contacting people like you and me and going, yeah, you know, I used to think live and let live was a thing. And now, you know, now I'm waking up.

well you just the one thing we've made some progress on is now that now that smartphones are ubiquitous i mean i think you're old enough to remember um i was friends with guys at the time but um uh the fellow is at the right stuff like let's let's put body cams on all the cops after uh michael brown and fergus and and you know like sure let's do it and then you know instantaneously once that was done, right, like all of a sudden, oh no, no, no, we don't want that because, because you know, the television show

cops, right? If it, if it showed its actual you know, like who actually was that they were chasing and who actually was doing the things that, you know, get the police called, they artificially, you know, induce white people to be on that show.

Like, they, if you took a broad spectrum, it'd be overwhelmingly me back. The next biggest group would be Hispanics. The next biggest group would be white people. It's the same pattern you see everywhere, right? And Hispanics are, actually Hispanic crime is getting a lot better. I mean, Steve, Steve Saylor's been talking about it recently. Yeah. Yeah. And you know why? But 1353 turned into 1360. Well, and it's not even really 13. It's more like six. Five. Because, you know,

Because, well, if you're looking at, like, men between the ages of, say, 15 and 40, you know, it's 3% of the population. Yeah. Yeah. It gets, it gets, and I heard someone break it down one time, a long time ago, and it was almost getting into fractions. So, I'm going to keep going. The school was an armed camp on the morning of November 3rd. the first school day after the riot. Only a few hundred students were in actual attendance and classes were dismissed at 11 a.m.

to allow for school conferences. The dim view teachers took the credibility of school officials was reflected in the statements to the press of chapter chairman Bowman and Johnson. Corrections have to be made. We're a little skeptical about the proposals made because of what has happened in the past five years. In accordance with the Gracie Mansion Agreement, high school superintendent Jacob Zach came to Lane early Monday morning to meet with the chapter representatives. Suspicious of the board's willingness to come up with any plan that would

effectuate immediate and meaningful relief, Bowman and Johnson drafted their own proposals based on their own understanding of the school's problems and needs. At the appropriate time, their nine-point program was unveiled to the participants of the morning conference. They recommended, one, security, permanent complement of 12 to 15 security guards, restoration of cuts in eight-hour allotments. Two, immediate freeze on all new admissions from November 4th through June 30th, 1970, which shall be applicable to transfers and new admits. Three, a team of attendance experts will be assigned to Lane to determine the extent of truancy, out-of-zone students, et cetera.

Four, all efforts consonant with Board of Education Bylaws and State Education Law shall be made between November 1969 and February 1970 to schedule the school for a single session for the spring term. Five, in September 1970, the incoming 9th and 10th grade classes shall not exceed the maximum of number of students necessary to maintain the school on a single session for the 1970-1971 school year. Six, central zoning will conduct a thorough re-examination of Lane's zone, its feeder pattern at Al, with a view toward making revisions to assure the sustenance of an integrated student body and to reverse the trend towards segregation at Lane.

7. The assistant superintendent in charge of the high school division should clarify for the benefit of the faculty, the Board of Education policy on five-day suspenses, and delineate at which point a student may be referred to his office for administrative suspense. This request results from contradictory statements made by Mr. Selleb at Lane High School and Mr. Zach at October 31st, Gracie Mansion, Conference. Eight. The dean should furnish the superintendent of schools with a list of names of students who incited or participated in acts of disruption since October 23rd, 1969, and whose continued presence in school in there, the dean's view, a clear and present danger to the student body. Nine.

It is understood that as part of Mr. of Mr. Montserrat's commitment made at the Gracie imagine meeting, the board and the union will confer centrally on the matter of revising the educational curriculum to provide specialized job orientation and training for those youngsters who are not college bound. That's rearranging the deck chairs on the side title. Jacob Zach was new on the job. He had been appointed assistant superintendent in charge of the city's 91 high schools as a result of the new decentralization legislation, which removed the high schools from the

jurisdiction of the local school boards and re-centralized them under the direction of the central board. The meeting was convened in Selleb's office early Monday morning. With Zach was one of his chief assistants, former high school principal, Walter Wolfe. Joining Selleb were his assistants, Peter Tadaro, and Mary Cohn. Altamare and I sat with Bowman and Johnson comprising the UFT team. also participating in the discussion was richard strider the mayor's representative from the school task force with only 24 hours left before the opening of the polls lindsay had a vital stake in seeing to it that the talks didn't break down let me keep going

please yeah zach quickly took command of the meeting he started by advising that the commitments he made about he was about to make came directly from the super intended himself and that Brown was intent on following through on every pledge about to be made. The UFT chairman held their own proposals in abeyance while Zach promised with a team of attendance experts the daily attendance had dropped to 51 percent and the immediate rescheduling of the school for a single session. All the schools programming and reorganization personnel would be brought in on Election Day Tuesday and on the following weekend to reprogram the school They would be paid at the hourly rate of $10.25.

The high school superintendent honestly believed he had brought glad tidings that would more than satisfy the UFT chapter, and he was anxious to go before the faculty with his wonderful news. Zach had tried to speak at the faculty meeting following celib seizure on the afternoon of the riot. Never before in his personal life had he met with as much hostility from subordinates. but to the staff Zach was the enemy representing as he did the bureaucracy

that had doomed their school to the sufferance I mean you're judging one level of bureaucracy against another yeah I mean I'm sorry

I'm trying to be articulate here and all I can get out is just frustrated disgusted thumbs and awes because of $31 billion is the annual New York City school budget. And if you're a white parent, I was just scrolling through Telegram looking for something in particular, and I happened to see a little white girl sitting on a bus

getting beaten by a group of black girls saying this is what you get. So if you're a white parent in New York City and like a thousand square foot apartment costs you millions of dollars you're paying thousands and thousands of dollars, tens of thousands of dollars in school tax every year. And you can't send your children to public school. And it still costs $31 billion every year. And these two bureaucracies are just going to play

They pass the hot potato back and forth, back and forth, back and forth until it blows up. And we've seen, you know, all these trends that are talked about in this book kind of germinate recently with, you know, the crime problem in Chicago. It got so bad that a Democrat lost a race in Chicago. I mean, you know. And of course, the solution is not going to be any better. well probably not um but you know Eric Adams is like I'm going to be tough on crime like he can't be tough on crime he can't actually solve the problem because he everyone knows what the problem is the problem is black criminals flagrantly disobeying the law and anytime a police officer does

something about one of these criminals the community rather than saying hey thank you for taking this dangerous psychopath out of our ranks and getting him away from our children and our old people and our neighbors, they have a riot over this dangerous psychopath. Michael Brown was, I'm a large man, you know, over six feet. Michael Brown was six foot five, 300 pounds. He strong-armed robbed the dude right before he got shot. Not Derek Chauvin. I can't even remember his name.

I can't remember the police officer who shot him. He went for his gun and the cop, despite being relatively a big guy, Michael Brown was immensely bigger than him. Immensely bigger. And what was he doing? He was walking down the middle of the street. He was blocking traffic.

And there was a perfectly decent sidewalk 15 feet away. And if all he'd done is, oh, yeah, sorry, and then moved over, walked down the street with his soul and swiss your cigarettes, no one would have said, nothing would have happened. And so instead of actually solving this problem, and, you know, if you think that from the mayor down to Harold Saltzman to and everyone in between, the union presidents, the principals, the vice principals, the teachers, everyone knows what the problem is everybody from mayor john lindsay all the way down they all know what the problem is they just are going to lie and not saying anything and that all this bureaucracy

is buck passing back and forth um while they get very healthy salaries to to lie about stuff yeah yeah uh as darren welson was the cop he's left it up real quick but uh in the michael brown case. But yeah, I mean, I was trying to figure this out yesterday. Normally when, so there's this, you know, the whole trope about how they're so scared about right-wing, right-wing violence and, you know, how white supremacy is the biggest problem in the country. And normally when you have a government that is grown as authoritarian, and totalitarian as the one we have is normally what you see

is you see the violence coming from the potential violence would come from the other side you know it would come from people who would oppose it people who would get together and oppose but you're not seeing that the violence that you see

is coming from in the streets I'm talking about private violence versus public violence the private violence which is are just apparatus of the state, the Antifa's down the line, BLM, they're on the side of the state. So when you look in history and you see that the people in charge are their apparatchiks

are out in the streets causing violence, how do you handle that? What is the, you know, what do you compare that to? And how do you, what do you think, how are you supposed to judge that? I mean, at this time, Nixon has, Nixon's in office and they absolutely hate Nixon. But remember shortly before this, when all this was starting in the school, not Brown v. Ward, the Brown v. Ward was done in Republican president, too, Ike, but LBJ was in office. And now, and then you have people out in the streets, actually, you know, who LBJ would, what was the one who gave them the right to vote, you know, the Voting Rights Act of 65 and

the Civil Rights Act, the Free Money Act of 1964. So what, how do you interpret it when the ruling class, the elites in charge, quote, and hood elites? the regime in charge is their people that are committing all the violence. So a useful comparison. One of the people who fire bombed those police facilities in Atlanta is an attorney for the Southern Poverty Law Center. I'm sure you've seen that. I wrote about it this week, yeah. Yeah, yeah. That's right you did. Good piece.

Um, sorry, you know, seen, seen and heard all kinds of stuff, but all sorts of stuff, yeah, but just, okay, I have roughly 1,800 followers on Telegram. Um, and I'm on the podcast. It gets a few thousand listeners every once in a while, you know, third rail on the right stuff. Um, if one of my listeners, for one of my listeners, or, one of my readers was involved in something like firebombing a police facility. You would absolutely know that I'd be pulled in for question. You'd be pulled in for questioning. Everyone that would even remotely associate with me, but it would be pulled in for questioning. you know this

Douglas Bakke case Ricky Vaughn you know he's being persecuted and you know he had people infiltrate you know like we've the January 6th thing was a Fed operation

and I was listening recently to your excellent show you did with Tim Kelly on on Waco and you guys mentioned a couple things in there you know Operation Northwoods and Operation Showtime, I think it's what the Wake Operations called.

But just take these three things together. Operation Mockingbird, we know that they own the media, or they heavily influence the media. Operation Northwoods, they plan false flags. They've admitted to this. And if you, uh,

um, uh, Douglas Mackey, not, uh, Spacky, Douglas Mackey, the, uh, Ricky Goin. M-A-C. Um, anyway, um, I forgot that I was screen sharing.

That's all right. Uh, and, uh, Operation Showtime. So they have no problem killing, uh, women and kids and lying about it. So, we have a government, you know, a deep state that, that is, uh, controls information, plants false flags and kills women and kids. and, you know, all those based right-wangers with their guns on the Constitution haven't stopped this at all. And, you know, we could argue.

I think the whole thing was probably done when Marlboro or Mrs. Madison was decided and problems with the Constitution as is. But, you know, regardless, you know, the Federal Reserve, You can pick a time and date. It's a fun game to play with, you know, right-wing dissidents of, when do you think the thing went off the rails? But the complete, you know, information control of, you know, January 6th, look at what Tucker's been on our thing about that, you know, it's a complete lie.

You know, the regime probably had multiple hundreds of feds inside that crowd. whether there's CI's or whatever and ordinary decent people partly because they're just not interested in this sort of thing that they're too busy being decent people who don't think about this sort of stuff are

at the whim they're under the influence of a bunch of people who are obvious bad actors and the entire system is set up to political disenfranchised, ordinary, decent, mostly white people.

Like, that's the point, is, is, I, you know, the Nuremberg regime that you and Thomas have talked about. That's the point of the Nuremberg regime is it's deathly afraid that ordinary white people would stand up for themselves politically. And that is, like, it is, its whole bent is towards preventing that. and keeping those people from ever politically self-actualizing. And you can see it right here in this book of, you know, I'm sure that whatever the school budget was in 1970,

it wasn't $31 billion, but it was a lot. And none of that money was going towards, you know, two-thirds of the teachers were, you know, Jews and probably the other third were, you know, communists and, you know, all the aides we've talked about previously in the book, All the aides are these underqualified, resentful black and Puerto Rican mothers, right, that are single moms that are, you know, finding a gimmee job. So this is the system at war with itself. I don't know what to do about it, because if you just withdraw,

you're ceding the field of politics to, you know, the great Orrin McIntyreco, you know, people who want to be left alone will always get beaten by people who are willing, to use power but well the something that's really important to if you want to compare like you mentioned january 6th and this is the bureaucrats in this just don't care they do not care about these kids it just don't it doesn't matter think about the january think about the people in jail right now for january 6 the prosecutors the judges they all know it was a lie they all know it was a lie the politicians they all know it was a lie. The investigators all know it was a lie. The press, they all know it was a lie. They're willing to take years of people's lives away. And everything they own, too.

Yeah. Because, you know, they're losing their house. They're, you know, I mean, this sort of thing is just devastating. It's devastating financially. These people, I mean, these same people who were the head of this teachers union in 1969 and 1970 who didn't care that your kid you sent you may have sent your white kid to this school and they weren't coming home these are the this is the same class of people it's like the people who um when the train when the train derailment happened in east palestine uh posted up about um you know moose a picture muslini at least when at least my trains ran on time. And people, you know, people on the right were like, you know, posting pictures of him dead. And I reminded them and they wouldn't respond to me that the same people who

were in charge right now, the same people who were in charge of this school system right here in 1969, the same people who were in charge of January 6th and putting these people, these innocent people in jail and taking away years of their lives, taking away everything that they have, killing them, basically. Those are the same people who did that to Mussolini. And the same people who did it, it's a mustache, man. But, and the same people that, that, um, I'm, I'm a Catholic. Um, to me that the greatest statement of the 20th century was Francisco Frankel. Yeah.

Um, the second he was dead. They tore everything he built down. Yep. And he kept communism out of that country for how many years? 30. 30 right and

um you know a a spain that was a backwater that was poor he brought it up to to you know there's the Mondragon

collectives and there's a lot that that he did that was good but we can't ever talk about that you know we can't ever talk about

the good thing you know good things that uh any of these people did because of course they're evil right wing you know blah blah blah blah but I mean just just think about this you know um you could call vladimir Putin an evil man a murderous dictator a thug you can call jiji jing ping uh you know a uh a tin pot dictator who doesn't listen to anything and is isolated and you know those all might be true

the pejoratives that the establishment uses to describe those two men. What cannot be cannot be said about either of them is that they're unserious. There are 100% serious people.

Modi in India is a serious man. Bolsonaro, who they had to get rid of in Brazil. Yeah. The world is a difficult place. and a lot of hard work is required

to keep the wheels on the bus and you know America's greatest city should have a school system that functions this is not like this is not sending a man to the moon this is not you know

going to the depths of the ocean this is having America's biggest greatest richest city have a functioning school system where teachers do not get burned alive and students do not get regularly assaulted for their race. You know, and a serious nation would make things like making sure that as many people as

possible, you know, are really educated. How many, you know, I'm in my mid-40s-ish, I think you're a little bit older than IMP, but not by much. How many people younger than me just didn't reach their potential because the school system failed? I mean, yeah, they could have worked harder, but the culture promoted laziness, marijuana, and degeneracy to them so bad. And, you know, if you get into weed when you're 14 or 15 and you become a, you know, awake and baked stoner from 15 to 25, you're never getting that time back.

You're never going to reach the kind of state. where you could actually compete with the Soviets, you know, we are supposedly re-onsuring about a lot of industry and, you know, re-industrializing, and, oh, you know, globalism is over and we're going to have to, you know, bootstraps. Well, you know, in the 1960s, when we were panicked about Sputnik, we had a population that was capable of, like, actually getting to work and doing real intellectual work. Do we have that population anymore? I don't think so.

And these sort of schools are a big reason why we don't. have the ability to compete with China on an intellectual basis anymore. We just don't have it. Yeah. And we have these bureaucracies in slap fights over, you know, quote, what are you going to do to get us out of this mess? Yeah. All right.

Let's keep on up. What are you going to do to get us out of this mess once each for a job? challenged. On Friday, Zach didn't have an answer. Now he had something concrete to tell them, or so he thought. When Zach finished making his report, a report that included few of the essential commitments demanded by the chapter leaders, Bowman presented the chapter proposals. Zach and the others were taken by surprise. They didn't expect a set of demands and the high school chief retracted, and the high school chief retracted, becoming defensive. Mechanically, he began his response to the nine-point program.

No, there couldn't be security guards at Lane because the budget didn't provide for it. But if the mayor supplied the money, Gracie Mansion all over again, no, there would be no freeze on admissions because other high schools were even more overcrowded than Lane. And it wasn't fair to relieve one school while others were bulging even more. No, there would be no guarantee of a single session for September 1970, nor could there be a commitment for a rezoning to relieve racial and benefits. balance. And no, he would not crack down on the militants because a buckshot approach would bring Kenneth Clark down on them and put the board in trouble with the civil liberties people

who had left last term court case hanging. He reminded the UFT delegation that Clark, a member of the State Board of Regents, was still breathing heavily down the board's neck concerning the implementation of last May's court ruling. Finally, no, there could be no assurances for a comprehensive restructuring of the school's academic program to provide specialized job and career orientation for those students who are not college-bound. Zach had nothing in his pocket except a guarantee to go on to a single session right away. It was the old public relations game and it was intended to take the board off the hook. Now, if something happened during the reorganization period, which was expected to last several

weeks, they could always point to the rescheduling to show that something was being done. If there was a blow-up afterwards, no one could say the board had been non-responsive. It was a clever hedge for Nathan Brown, and Zach played it to the hill. Anyway, they could reason. Wasn't the single session a key union demand. If Salad had been the Maverick at Gracie Mansion, he had by Monday reversed his field, and he took his signals directly from Jacob Zach. There was no question about where he stood on this day.

Zach's word was gospel, and every UFT doubt, fear, and counterproposal was subject to the principal's piercing attack. He had made his peace. Instead of standing up to fight for his school against the bureaucrats who had let it down the path of ruination and who were ready to throw him on the scrap heap along with it, he was now quite willing to play their game. There was no relief, no real change, nothing except the shallow promise to condense the school day. Zach was a tough negotiator, and in spite of a full day of discussion, he decided to know, he decided to know more than he originally, he conceded to no more than he originally presented from Nathan Brown. Grudgingly, the chapter leaders agreed to go before the faculty with Sack and Selleb in support of a package they knew didn't fill the bill. It was a major error for which the entire UFT delegation was responsible, including Altamari and myself.

Zach had been so convincing in his promise that Lane would be given the very closest attention and most preferential treatment in the future. With the chapter's acceptance of Zach's proposals, that afternoon went the last hope of bringing a sound and innovative educational program to Lane. We all knew that we had failed in our mission, that we had been brought off cheaply, that we had forgotten the painful lessons taught by years of broken promises. Zach was a school politico, and like the rest of the breed, would quickly forget about Lane once it was out of the public eye.

November 4th was Election Day and the people of the city of New York gave John Lindsay another four-year lease on Gracie Mansion. When Lane reopened the next day, Sonny Carson, the militant former head of Brooklyn Corps, was waiting at the school telling newsmen he was there to confront school officials and to cash in our first payment from Mayor Lindsay for the black votes he received in the election. Olivia Taylor and Lloyd Mapp arrived with a delegation of about 40 concerned parents from the black community.

Demanding to meet with Selleb regarding the suspension of militant student leaders. Their presence in the building sparked a new wave of violence. A newspaper reporter who made his way into the school gave this eyewitness account. Can you pause

for just a second? Sure. We do it, man. so obviously these are some terrible people but you want our votes you give us stuff we want you know it's a it's a it's a two-way street for these folks and that's the way it's always worked and that's the way it is always work

and so when you take ordinary decent Christian white people and make them all de facto libertarians because that's effectively what happened in from 1980 to 2016 you know the ideology of they elect me to power so I won't use power because using power is immoral just preserves power for the other guy when he eventually takes your lunch and then he's going to use it a bunch and then people are going to get really sick of it because they're getting a boot stepped in your neck and then they'll elect the people back into power who don't do anything but caretake yesterday

gains. You know, Robert Lewis Dabney had these people pegged over 100 years ago. There's a great quote by him I can find it, I guess, but you know, all the problem of Northern conservatism is just, let me see if I can remember it here. Northern conservative

serves only one purpose, to keep radicalism in wind, in shape, basically, in shape, so it has somebody to whip on its way to petition. You know, the the decent people

the decent white Christian people who were being attacked physically financially morally by this stuff you know we need to stand up and say no

and that's you know in libertarianism as much as I admire a lot of the central bank stuff I still you know still on regular listening

to Tom Woods there's a lot of great stuff there but this whole idea that participating in the process is ipso facto immoral all that does is seed the ground see the process to evil people and you need to demand something you know yeah i'm i'm i'm ever since i got my old

twitter account back with all the libertarians that you know used to follow me um it's been quite the uh quite the journey just seeing how many people haven't learned anything in the last three years. And, you know, I'm sorry that it took me until 2020 to see clearly exactly what was going on with the world. But, yeah. You know, actually, real quick, you deserve a lot of credit. I think more people needed to be able to be where you were at.

You could have, you could have, you know, lived until you were 70, but making a lot of, pretty decent living as a professional libertarian and uh and you had the intellectual integrity to say I was wrong and to stop and I think you deserve a lot of credit for that a lot of credit I um you know folks free man being the wall slash yeah yeah I also like the the grifter status that I got after that when I make um um I make less money than I did if I would have stayed a libertarian and I would have kept lying to people um I could could be making an insane um i mean i could be let's just say that um i'd be traveling a whole lot more than i do now but you'd be very comfortable it'd be very comfortable you know and the fact

that um that people wanted to throw the grifter thing around you know and then when i and then when it's like idiot it's like i don't make as much money as i did when i when i was a libertarian they're like, well, that just proves that you're just like a shitty grifter. Okay. Well, I mean, you can say that from your, you know, from the bedroom in your parents' house, but, um, yeah, well, those folks pay them no mind that there's no integrity having, uh, low class trash people. And the decent people, you used to talk to, they, they know you're decent, but I do think that you deserve a lot of credit. for publicly changing your mind and publicly going about face and, you know, cutting ties and it costs you both personally and financially.

And I commend you for that. And I don't do anything. I don't advocate for anything. I don't do myself. I'm a don't donate to Pete. I believe everyone who's listening should, you know, kick in five bucks. You know, don't spend any money at Starbucks. They hate you anyway.

Give money to Pete instead. I will say this people I really have a genuine admiration for the people who made the journey with me for the people who were right there with me who were you know libertarians free man beyond the wall and then when I started talking about what was going on and how I didn't see any of this being able to fix it and you know it was beyond it was beyond anything that you know, libertarianism in free markets could fix, you know, that it was a cultural issue and, you know, you can have sound money and still have a crappy culture. But I think that you, I think that you, the only way you can have sound money is to have a good

culture and I think the all I think that you can still have a have sound money and still have a crappy culture and the sound and the money is not going to stay sound for very long no it's not and and uh I put it on my telegram recently you know a gift of someone you know just punching down uh you know that someone said uh you know fiscal liberal or fiscal conservative but social liberal and and that's a contradiction in terms you can't have that because then you end up with what we're seeing here in this you know who's going to pay for all these uh you know if you have this socially liberal society where there are no morals and no standards enforced you know there's going to be un unwed mothers and there's going to be guys you lose all

lose the rent money gambling and there's going to be people doing shooting heroin in the stairwells and there's going to be kids who skip school who are effectively economically castrated and can't really work in any kind of job because half the students don't go to school half you know we kind of alighted over that but 51% of the students were true it how do you how do you know um maybe in in 1970 there were there were you know scut jobs that these people could have done but in you know the 21st century that's not a thing you know you can't uh you can't you know the knowledge economy there are no jobs for someone with a you know a 98 Q and no schooling illegal immigrants. They certainly aren't done by, you know. So the idea that you can have this

society where the good people make no political demands because making political demands is immoral, but we don't have a political culture that encourages virtue. You know, I'm not the biggest fan of John Adams for a lot of reason, but he was completely correct when you said our constitution is only fit for immoral and religious people. You can't have self- government without people who would govern themselves and you know this this is just perfectly showing that well said all right um let's read this newspaper reporter's eyewitness account throughout the morning bands of white and black students swarmed through the hallways which were heavily patrolled by police and teachers the rampaging students were sent back to their

classrooms but other groups replaced them in the hallways at 1138 am, kerosene was tossed into a crowd of more than a thousand students in the cafeteria. It smacked into the walls and students were hit by the flying glass. However, the kerosene did not ignite. Chaos followed with groups of up to 30 students thronging into the cafeteria. Fist fights broke out and tables and chairs were thrown. After 30 minutes, police broke up the melee. On November 5th, school officials were unable to guarantee the same.

safety of students and teachers at length. It appeared that they had chosen to close their eyes to the open warfare. People in responsible governmental and educational positions were paralyzed with fear. No one was in control of the school except perhaps the militants. They directed their cadres with precision timing. They had planned their morning activities well, and when they went into action, it was a well-oiled drill team. Bowman and Johnson were outraged at Celibus failure to to act. The anger they had suppressed all week over the Gracie Mansion sellout by the UFT heads and their own self-blame for having let Zach off so easily now surfaced. Selib had been wandering about all morning trying in futile desperation to pull things together,

but no one was listening. Realizing the dimensions of the breakdown, he returned to his office to put through an emergency phone call. Several of the deans and coordinators and the chapter chairman had already congregated in Selib's office simultaneously to demand the closing of the school. But the principal had already reached that decision and dialed the superintendent of schools. The situation here is out of control, he told Brown. The principal wanted permission to shut down the building. From one-town Livingston Street came the official reply. The school must stay open no matter what. Selib was reminded of Montserrat's edict about school closings under fire. The principal's face reddened.

No one at Lane had ever before seen him lose his composure, but the order to keep the school open was insanity and more than he could bear. Okay, he shouted back at the superintendent. I'll do whatever you want, but if anything happens to any of these kids, I'm not going to be responsible. Sob slammed the receiver down on the hook and repeated to the gathering the choice words he had for the superintendent. Bauman took it from there, calling Shanker's office to tell Sandra Feldman about the

Brown's Sullab Tiff. At that very moment, Schenker was on the phone with Brown. Minutes later, the union president was talking to Selleb. Had the principal actually requested Brown to give him the go-ahead to close the school, Shanker wanted to know. Selib, realizing that an affirmative answer would place Brown in a box, evaded the question. He began retracting, modifying what he said. Evasively, he parried Schenker's question. By the time he was finished, he was categorically denying any. difference with the superintendent. Of course he could keep the school open, and he did. But Morton Selib's problems were just beginning. The Woodhaven Cypress Hills Community Association

had initiated a boycott keeping most of the neighborhood youngsters out of school. On this day, they carried their fight directly to the principal. Selib had made the mistake of letting Carson and followers enter the building earlier in the day. Now the association leaders demanded equal time. Selim refused. Putting on his overcoat to shield himself from the light snow that had begun to fall, he went out into the street to face the angry mob of local whites. Insulted and berated, abused and humiliated, he stood there, a mere shadow of a man, while the demonstrators charged him with cowardice and malfeasance. While a hundred mothers marched around a police barricade shouting,

Selib must go. Long and Galliani charged that Selib and his two deputies, Tadaro and Cohen, proved themselves incapable of handling discipline at the school and must be replaced. Selib's weak

and vacillating approach to the crisis had left him alone without allies with no basis support. Even teachers who had natural sympathy for him could not stand by the principal on this day. And on this first day after the election from City Hall came to her statement that the mayor was watching the lane situation closely and that members of his staff were working with school officials,

faculty members, and the police to make sure all necessary steps are taken to maintain the orderly educational process. I want to go back to here. He said, putting on his overcoat to shield himself from the light snow that had begun to fall, he went out into the street to face the angry mob of local whites. delineations um insulted and berated abused and humiliated he stood there a mere shadow of a man while the demonstrators charged him with cowardice and malfeasance while a hundred mothers marched around a police barricade shouting so let's go yeah okay well i think the uh author's ethnic bias is

showing here because um never in the entirety of this book that he doesn't describe the black parents in equal terms and you know that they were more violent you know that they were more inarticulate you know and all of these charges are completely accurate he is

you know a shadow of a man he does have to go he doesn't have split someone in the school all of these people were completely correct in their assessment they tried multiple times you know with the community community association

they'd said what happened so you know little Janie at school oh no and they got the concerned parents together and they formed this committee and and you know tried to work through the democratic process over and over and over again and finally

it comes down to and much like today you know you see the you know the people who are part going charging hard against the vacs and all those other nonsense it's 50 year old women with kids that

that are oftentimes they'll fed post harder than anything I've ever said and I'm notorious you know I'm a notorious thought criminal and these older Gen X women and boomer women will well they'll go hard in the paint man

they'll throw some elbows is anything you know the author can't say they're wrong but he paints them as like this you know angry you know the only different between them in the KKK is some white hoods or something.

No. No, these are just decent people demanding to be treated decently. That's all. And decent people deserve to be treated decently and not decent people don't deserve to be treated decently. That's it. That's all. And the truth is that if your child doesn't go to school,

if you're demanding, effectively ceding sovereignty, you know, not singing the national anthem, but singing, you know, whatever, lift every voice and sing or something and flying a different flag you're you know uh when when when when white people do it in schools we're we're planning an insurrection but these people don't know that they're just expressing themselves nope this is this is just the nuremberg regime is exist to prevent those parents of working class white people from politically self-actualizing and that's it that's all it Yeah. Yeah. I mean, their children are being brutalized and they're not allowed to have, they're not, they're not allowed to get emotional over it. I mean, black parents can get emotional all day over whatever they want to. But as soon as a white person gets emotional, oh, that's scary. We've seen what white emotion does in the past. Really, where? What are you talking about? What are you talking about?

these people I keep reading before I'm not even able to publish this not all the faculty members at Lane agreed on the causes of the breakdown Maurice Gumbs an anti-UFT teacher gave an interpretation of the situation as seen through the eyes of the blacks

in a blistering attack against the staff he posted an open letter on the faculty bulletin board entitled why is there trouble in Franklin K. Lane? And this is what he wrote. It requires no brilliant sociological analysis to determine that when a predominantly white staff, middle class, and conservative, drives in from the suburbs to meet a group of black ghetto children there is bound to be unrest. Delete black and white, if you will. The statement remains equally true. If there was any doubt about the nature of the problem, it was quickly

dispelled at Friday's October 31st faculty conference. The smell of fear, reaction, and hysteria was very strong at that meeting. There was Mrs. R. sobbing about students being scalped and burned. There was the elderly man with the Prokoshino button and rabbinical training shrieking about Fifth Avenue Scheisters who were trying to run the school. There was a tall physical education teacher warning solemnly that the school should be closed. Then there was the kindly looking deputy superintendent, Zach, whispering about muggings in his building of international intrigue and a plot to take over the school. And brisk Mr. S. pleading, what is going to happen on Monday? Yes, and a hysterical voice screaming. Remember Syracusa. Syracusa was when it was

burning, who got burned right at the beginning of the book. Finally, the big moment when Mr. J. let it all hang out shamelessly and receive the loudest applause of the day. Images of black buck savages raping the helpless white women. I wouldn't want my mother or sister down there with them. Black animals running wild. It's a zoo down there, student cafeteria talking about. 500 of them backing me up against the wall. Black burheads being bloodied.

Put them in the streets so the police can take care of them like they should. Even the black bodies lying in the cafeteria as an example. I don't understand why the police did not draw their weapons. Only applause for Mr. Jay. No protest against his criminal remarks. Suppression of the symptoms with no desire to touch the real problems. No introspection. For the future, angry black boys and girls will keep coming to Lane from rat-infested

homes in the ghetto. They will not be gentle and submissive to start with. Very quickly, they will meet and recognize the contempt and fear expressed on Friday. They will react. they will close rank becoming brother and sister in the face of the enemy if there is anything definite it is that there will be increasing

unrest and violence at Franklin Kela some people can't be helped man I mean I'm reading this and I'm just like and if that happened and

And if that happened, and, and if that happened and, so, I'm going to sleep tonight. To quote someone, me, ne friego. Can you, can you, um, can you translate that? I don't care. All right. About the continued unrest and violence, there was no question. The student militants were not wanting for support in the black community. Solvably behind them were the Carson's, Maps, Taylor, Campbell's, and black teachers like gums,

who all chose to excuse the violence by philosophizing about the root causes steeped in the pathology of ghetto existence. The time was right for Kenneth Clark to step back in, and he did. The noted educator, Regent, social scientist, and author called a press conference to charge systematic harassment of minority group youngsters at Lane. Pointing especially to the UFT and the white community, he alleged discrimination against black students by special interest groups, which were systematically excluding

minority group children from their right to an education. A shutter went through Nathan Brown. Kenneth Clark had become a sacred cow in educational circles wielding vast power. He was hailed by many as the outstanding national authority on the subject of educating ghetto children, and in New York City he was above criticism. No one saw fit to question Clark's motives. No one asked why Clark hadn't spoken out against the inhuman atrocities that were being perpetrated on whites by black youths.

The witch hunt he called for would be conducted by his own Ford Foundation-funded Metropolitan Applied Research Center, which would demand a purge of white racist teachers, sadistic club swinging police, and the bigoted local community. Such was the frame of reference that noted educator brought to, the noted educator brought to already troubled scene. We heard this before, that it's always white racists and sadistic police and bigoted local it seems like you hear this over and over again. Did you know about the Union League?

I mean, I know what it is, but go ahead and explain. So my friend John Fashcroft over on his show, Eagles Nest talked about this. I didn't know about it. I'm someone who has done quite a bit of studying about the war between the states. But post the war between the states, there's this organization called the Union League. and it was radical blacks and carpet beggars educating against local elites they committed many acts of arson burning down barns

which is effectively starving a family because that's where all their food is stored you know food for the winter burning down barns stealing livestock I mean just a arson terrorism burning people's houses down well they're intermittent night this happened in you know all over the Carolinas um you know reconstruction got pretty ugly and uh you're seeing the same sort of tactics that happened in in reconstruction era post-civil war uh happened in the second reconstruction which was the civil rights movement and and it uh it spread to all over the country so uh and you're seeing the same sort of stuff now

None of this stuff changes. If it works, don't, you know, if it ain't broke, they'll fix it. The crisis in the city's high schools began getting more local as well as national attention. In February 1970, the New York Times ran a series of articles about the troubled high schools. One report focused on the environmental conditions in the ghetto, which made educational achievement almost impossible for large numbers of black youths. In explaining the high rate of truancy, for instance, the study noted, Some are so poor they have no time for anything but the struggle to stay alive. Some are frustrated by their inability to do high school work.

Some are rebelling against parental and teacher authority. Some are sapped of energy by asthma and other chronic ailments. Some are living the half-life, the half-lives of drug addicts. Some are turned off by studies in which they see no sense. The article went on to talk about the free hot lunches in schools, which for many of the youngsters is the only decent meal they get. They use that same one today. And it talked about the broken, chaotic and unstable homes and of muggers lurking in the hallways and of the prevalent diseases, which make education seem unimportant compared to everyday struggle to stay alive, replace prevalent diseases with climate change probably in the next five years. a guidance counselor in a troubled school summed it up best when he said no real change was going to take place in the schools until there are fundamental changes in the society outside the schools well thank you very much captain fucking obvious wasn't this all about culture all along

you know anything to say about that well and who's going to change is it me i'm i'm i'm i'm boring and married and don't you know like a wild night for me is like three whole beers you know who needs to change here well that's dangerous i mean you're white and you're having three beers i mean you could basically want to start to colonize uh yeah i mean obviously colonize by that four colonize the ghetto you're colonize the ghetto go in there and be around people you wouldn't want to be around the first right right but by that fourth one i'm starting Galactic Laban's wrong plans or something ridiculous

You know like This is absurd Absurd You know This is 1970 Um It's American culture is Is as upsetting of blacks

As it's ever been Um Motown is a thing White kids are dancing To black music They're The wealthiest blacks have ever been existed in the face of the planet

or are blacks in the United States of America they're the wealthiest Africans that have ever existed anywhere there's lots of good industrial jobs that they can work if they get a somewhat decent education they can go work at a Ford factory they can go work at a

you know work on the docks in New York City there's places they can go and you know and yet it's somehow the white Irish guy's problem. And it's his fault. Or the, or the, you know, India, Puerto Ricans or somebody, it's somebody else's problem. It's always somebody else's fault. Puerto Ricans are contributing

way too much to this bullshit. But like, you know, it's always somebody else's problem. And even today, you know, like, you know, Scott Adams, again, cowardly. And, you know, he's just, He pointed out, like, if all you care about is education, like if, if you cared about education, you wouldn't skip school. If you cared about learning stuff, you wouldn't skip school. Now, I mean, today, if you care about education, you'll skip school. You know, because you're not actually getting one in American public schools. But in 1970, you know, you got college graduates today who can't diagram a sentence.

in 1970 everyone knew how to diagram a basic English sentence basic mathematics like you graduate with the ability to function as an adult and huge chunks of this community aren't interested in functioning as adults and we can we can do a chicken and egg thing if it's genetics or if it's just the culture whatever it doesn't matter if it's genetics with the culture it's their problem It's their problem and ordinary white people need to stop pathologizing themselves. It is their problem and they're going to have to fix it, whether it's Haiti or Zimbabwe or South Africa or anywhere or American ghettos. It is their problem and we can't fix it.

All right. Earlier I had written to New York State Governor Nelson Rockefeller and to legislative leaders urging action on some of the educational reforms needed in the high schools. The letter was in response to press reports that Lane students had helped turn the state legislature into a shambles on January 12, 1970, during a lobbying campaign organized in part by Leslie Campbell and the Afro-American Students Association of which I had become chief adult advisor. I wrote, I was alarmed, but not surprised to learn the abuse heaped on the legislature yesterday by a group which included a sizable delegation of students, from Franklin K. Lane High School.

The teachers who watched the buses depart from the school had little doubt that the legislature was to be subjected to a small taste of the violence and terror that has become something of a routineized way of life at our school. You were exposed yesterday to just a minuscule sampling of what has been the general order of things at Lane High School for 14 months. 1% of a 5,000 student body being permitted to turn the school into a battleground and create the ugliest kind of racial polarization. In addition to legislation to revise pupil suspense procedures and to bring schools like Lane into the realm of manageability, the message also concentrated on the need for educational reform in high schools. Funds must be appropriated for a rather comprehensive and realistic program focused on job orientation and career training, which will truly meet the needs of those non-college-bound youngsters who are most alienated by the current general course of study and for whom the high school experience is irrelevant.

If our high schools are to survive, if the dream we share for an integrated society is to be realized, if educational reform is to be an answer to bring the alienated into the mainstream, then it would appear that this problem must be a priority for this legislative session. school had become more than just a microcosmo society. The groups and individuals who were continually inciting the disturbances were well known to the Brooklyn District Attorney's office. At the time of the October 31 riot, Lindsay announced that he had asked Brooklyn District Attorney Eugene Gold to conduct a special investigation to determine if there had been any criminal activity connected with a disruption. If the investigation was ever conducted, nobody associated

with the teacher leadership of the school was aware of it, nor were any findings revealed. The militants continued to force their will on the school. There was little hope left as November drew to a close. Lane High School was, in every sense, a freak institution, an orphan of the educational system. What hope there could be for a school that was considered too hot to handle? What hope could there be for a school that was considered too hot to handle even by local politicians? It was a school to which neighborhood residents refused to send their children, a school from which teachers sought to transfer, and into which others refused to accept assignment. The future couldn't have been darker.

No, it could. It didn't take long for the faculty to realize that the mayor and the school board had again begged off the lame controversy. Neither Seymour Lockman, the Brooklyn School Board member, nor Murray Bertram, the Queens member, was going to inject. himself into the problem of a school that sat squarely on the boundary line dividing the respective boroughs. And even Jacob Zach was growing weary because of all the time and attention this one school was requiring from his staff and from him personally. The promise of immediate conversion to a single session was a neat ruse perpetrated by the school board to cover itself in the event there was another explosion that semester. But there was

a direct correlation between the incidents of disruption and the administration's movement towards actually implementing it on election day November 4th and on the following weekend more than 50 teachers were employed for nearly 900 man hours to reprogram the school for a single session the cost of the job more than $9,000 money squandered since the single session was not put into effect that semester one second at $9,000 I mean you mentioned it with Charles $3,000 was roughly equivalent to $24,000, I think.

Yeah, $6 would have been 48. So, yeah, you're times it by, what, eight? So three times, it's $75,000. Yeah, yeah. $75,000. Yeah. And that's for one day of work, for work that did not ever get put into. It never happened.

This is just bureaucracy. It's money laundering. It's just pure money laundering. It's everything we see. It's looting. On Friday, November 7th, after another week of turmoil, Bauman and Selleb jointly announced that they had reached agreement on implementing the single session. The pressure was still on.

The union chapter had even gone as far as to allow a variance in the contractual limitation on class size. Quote, under our contract with the Board of Education, Bowman said, we can have no more than 34 students on register in any class. We have agreed reluctantly to allow larger numbers here at Lane so that we can get a single session as quickly as possible. He was sure to add. However, it must be made quite clear that this is an emergency situation and what we are doing is the only available solution. Meanwhile, the reorganization toward a single session, proceeded, but it was soon obvious that the administration was stalling as long as possible, hoping to limp through to the end of the semester without a midterm shift.

Several department chairman had objected to the consolidation of classes in mid-semester and had persuaded Selib to hold off. The union chapter, aware of the game Zach and Selib were playing, didn't push the issue since it was the February semester they were primarily concerned with. but there was no end of the chain of deterioration. On November 7th, school's superintendent Brown visited the school, and after implying his criticism of Selleb

for having allowed Sonny Carson's enter the building, he emphasized to waiting reporters that there would be no discharges, transfers, or suspensions to achieve the single session. Quote, under no circumstances, will we remove any students in order to reduce the number, of those on the school register, he said.

By mid-November, there was still no single session in spite of the $9,000 expenditure for reprogramming. At the same time, new students were still being admitted into the already overcrowded school, and on November 14th, I wrote to Zach reminding him of the discussions on November 3rd. Quote, while the teachers have consented to temporarily suspend several of their contractual working conditions, no comparable accommodations have come from your office, I said. Single session does not relieve overcrowding, and it is wrong for the public to be given the impression, as it had come through the news media,

that the problem is being solved by the new schedule. The letter concluded with an appeal to the high school superintendent to make good his pledge to keep the enrollment to an absolute minimum by placing a freeze on new admissions until the size of the student body was reduced through normal attrition. the admission of 40 to 50 additional students each month will most assuredly prevent the school from getting back on its feet and carrying on a normal educational program.

But didn't they just admit that they're not going to get rid of the problem students and they're not going to punish any of the crimes and they're not going to throw a bunch of people in jail? Like if you, you know, I've thought about this a lot. Our schools are strange places. Because in grown-up land, if you were to randomly walk up to a girl on the street and rip her shirt off and sexually assault her, you'd be looking at a few years in prison and a felony on your record.

But we can let people do it in high schools, and it's like, oh, it's just kids being kids. What? No, it's, it's assault, you know, I'm not, you know, the, oh, anybody who fights gets suspended sort of thing is, is a little ridiculous, but these are like real, no BS, grown-up crimes. If you light somebody on fire to the point where they nearly die, that's attempted murder and arson and a whole bunch of other things. And you should go to jail for a really long time for that. I mean, at a bare minimum. In a sane society, probably something else would happen, you know, for people who light people on fire. But, uh, we're, we're going to pretend that, oh, it's, you know what the problem is?

We have two sessions of school and kids just can't get up at six to go to school. And the poor kids who are going to school until 730 or 8 o'clock at night, it's just terrible. You know, they have no time to do their homework. It's terrible. Come on. nonsense all right we'll keep going

we don't get this done today get this chapter done Zach responded with I must say I am deeply disturbed about what you propose the freeze on new emissions and the manner in which he stated he insisted that any such relief for Lane

would impose impossible burdens on other schools and he proceeded to give statistics showing that many other high schools were operating at even higher rates of overutilization It was the same approach of playing the needs of one school off against another, and in the end, doing nothing for any. Still another week passed in November, and no change of sessions. Things were cooling it seemed, and there was less pressure to make the session shift. But on November 25th, the school erupted again.

Fights broke out, and a fire bomb was thrown from an upper floor window into the courtyard below. There were several confrontations between police and black youths. Several of students were arrested on charges of disorderly conduct. To the militants, the flag issue was still very much alive. They had declared a section of the cafeteria to be their turf, and there each day, a delegation was entrusted with the duty of keeping the black liberation flag displayed atop the table. There was a standoff with the administration electing to take no further action on the flag question. On November 25th, however, the militants decided to step up their campaign and tried to hoist their flag high,

over the cafeteria. Several teachers intervened, touching off another spree. Black students charged out of the cafeteria and up to the fourth floor where one ended up wrestling with a policeman. In front of the auditorium, a patrolman was surrounded by an angry mob of blacks. The school was on the verge of another full-scale riot. For Bowman and Johnson, it was the last draw. They had consulted and compromised. They felt, and they had been deceived by Zach and Selleb and sold out by their own union leadership. The militants had initiated the disruption. The militants who had initiated the disruption had been suspended earlier for five days and were returned to school. For the first time in all the six weeks of conflict, the UFT chairman publicly threatened a strong direct action by

the chat. Wait a second. You're telling me that a couple of dudes with German and English last names were sold out by a, okay. We were promised a single session, they said, but nothing has been done to relieve the serious overcrowding, which makes the single session technically impossible. We're not quite sure what kind of job action, what kind of job action would take place, but something could be done very soon. Selleb had flip-flop once too often, and when he began advocating by end-to-end idea, the end-to-end idea as a substitute for the single session which had been promised, fundamental integrity was subject to question by the union chapter. The word had come down through UFT channels that Brown had reneged and was now in favor of the end-to-end plan, which provided for two totally separate school sessions each day. Under that kind of setup, which was already being

utilized in a few high schools, the younger students would arrive at noon and depart about 6 p.m. The upper grades, juniors and seniors, would begin the school day at about 7 a.m. and would be finished by noon. Under this system, only half the student body would ever be in the building at any given time, theoretically, and there would be no need to maintain the student cafeteria, which was a perennial trouble spot. It was a plan that was totally unacceptable to the UFT chapter. While the session feud simmered, the school board continued its charade of giving lip service to efforts to combat high school disruption. On November 9, board president Montserrat announced that, student dissent would be tolerated in the schools only if it was nonviolent and did not interfere

with normal educational processes. But Montserrat failed to make the distinction between student dissent, which was essentially an educational matter, and the kind of lawlessness which in the society at large came under the purview of the police department. His comments reflected a clear unwillingness to admit that the disruptions went well beyond the scope of student dissent. In an effort to appease the student union, SDS, ASA, and Panther-connected radicals, which were operating quite openly in the public high schools, Seymour Lackman, Brooklyn's board member, sponsored a resolution calling for increased students' rights. Included in the board proposal were provisions giving students exclusive control over student newspapers free of administrative censorship, the right to wear political armbands, and other badges of symbolic expression. Black Panther buttons were especially popular at Lane, and the right to prepare and distribute political literature on school premises. Their proposal elicited a wave of criticism from parents,

teachers, and administration. In his carefully prepared statement, Montserrat tried to pacify the critics by announcing teachers have a right to teach in a climate free from harassment and other disruptions. Parents have a right to expect that their children are safe in school and could pursue a meaningful education. Among the several rights of pupils themselves is the right to learn without interference from their schoolmates, and the right to be free from illegal assault at the hands of any persons. These were familiar words. They had been uttered by his predecessor, John Dor, by Nathan Brown, and by Donovan before him, and even by the mayor himself. It was old hat to students who had been victimized by student descent and to parents who had already lost faith in the ability and the will

of the public school authorities to protect their children. The militants had been enormously unsuccessful in polarizing the student body at Lane, of generating unrest, and of igniting the fires of Rachel turmoil in schools throughout the city. Few who had lived through the nightmare took Montserrat's words seriously. Seriously. Even when the board president stated, assaults on fellow students and others in demonstrations that interfere with normal instruction will not be tolerated.

At the same time that we ask principals and students to promote a truly democratic atmosphere in the schools, we promise them also our full support of any actions to ensure proper order and effective learning, including the arrest and exclusion from school of students who inflict injury on others. And damaged property, sorry. But the Lockman proposals on student rights weren't winning many friends. friends. Most educators recognized the document as a farce because the plan was impossible to administer. Lockman's plan removed areas of responsibility from principals which state law mandated they exercise. Louis Shakur, the veteran principal of Jamaica High School in Queens, exposed to a proposal in a critical letter to the board sponsor, telling Lockman, I find that the vast majority of parents are less concerned with students' rights at the present

moment than they are with the increasing disruptive and menacing atmosphere of the schools to which they must send their children. During the past several days, we have learned of the latest disturbances at Adams, Forest Hills, and Franklin K. Lane. In my experience, it is not the vast majority of youngsters modest about their attainments and certitudes who need a bill of rights for their defense in a city, which has been child-centered for a generation. The majority of high school students today need psychological and sometimes even physical protection against the small minority of aggressive, dogmatic, negative, and loudly assertive adolescents who dominate the scene.

All right, after a short break, let's get this going again. All right. Had Lockman, um, Shankor first comment and then it goes to after a lengthy ridicule of Lachman's plan

charging the board member with education and most violent elements in the student Shankar concluded did I read that one already? No, no. This is a part of I'm supposed to be reading. All right.

After a lengthy ridicule of the Lachman plan charging the school board member with abdication of the most violent elements of the school, to the most violent elements of the student community. Shakur concluded, the omitted preamble to the board resolution justly decrised the dehumanization of our schools, noting they have become too large and impersonal. Here is where the Board of Education can make a real contribution to the improvement of the high schools.

For 40 years, to my knowledge, the high schools have been overcrowded and on multiple sessions. What we don't need is more rhetoric encouraging. greater permissiveness. What we don't need at this point is the weakening and undermining of the authority of the school administration, which has through every form of ledger domain, kept these large monsters operating with amazing efficiency and even educational success. I haven't seen a word ledger domain in so long. What we do need desperately is 20 buildings within the next two years to end the unconscionable overcrowding which has afflicted the high schools. It is the overcrowding which sends pupils to school at dawn and has other pupils traveling

home after dark. It is overcrowding that deprives teachers of a room of their own and hampers development of warm interpersonal relationships with pupils and produces dangerous anonymity. Unfortunately, without strictly enforced regulations, 5,000 pupils can never be safely scheduled into a school built for 3,000. It is the overcrowding that has necessitated many of the rigidity's restrictions and regulations that have offended and many of the grievances would be dissipated as the overcrowding diminished. It wasn't politic to oppose the Lockman Plan and, as it had done with the board's earlier student suspense decree, the union was quiet on the issue of students' rights.

the board was doing the expedient thing and the union ever so fearful of impending, of impeding its own image restoring program did not object. But the school board received its own first personal glimpse of student anarchy at its November 12th public meeting at the Fashion Institute of Technology in Manhattan. The meeting, which attracted about 700 persons from all over the city, was for the purpose of holding an open forum on Lachman's document, which he called the rights and responsibilities of high school students. Only a few days earlier, the Afro-American Students Association had held a general meeting

at JHS Junior High School 271 in Ocean Hill and had decided to attend the board's public session to protest a resolution, which they felt didn't go far enough, and counter it with a list of black student demands. Lane's militants were well represented in the 40-member ASA delegation that forced the school board vice president Murray Bergdram to adjourn the meeting at 9.30 p.m. before the controversial item could be debated by the speakers who had come for the specific purpose of stating the views of various public and private organizations. The ASA militants took control of the floor microphones and began reading a list of the 15 demands to the board. Responding with vulgarities whenever a board member tried, to remind them a proper protocol in decorum, the students intensified their barrage. People who had attended public meetings for years claimed they had never seen anything resembling the fascistic tactics of the black student militants. One observer representing a coalition of high school, they should, I hate when they do that.

These are commies. One observer representing a coalition of high school parents association said, the demonstration was not a spontaneous uprising. Black students had been going up and down the aisles seeking support. If there's any future for the New York City school system, somebody better step in and do something. There are people I know, people I know that I actually like, like to spend time with, you know, and have no problem having a meal with. Who will say we just need to talk to these people. They're still, we share a nation with them.

you know, we have to have a dialogue with them. What we've been trying for half a century? I think I brought this up, but it's worth bringing up again. I'm sure you've seen it, you know, like what are white people good at? And then all of these mulatto high

della, like, oh, stealing cultural appropriation and everything, you know, not one positive thing to say about white people. Not one. not the arts pretty good running water is kind of nice lights that work electricity you know none of that so don't take Thomas Edison was okay or Isaac Newton or whatever I think it was Joe Sobran

it was either Joe Sobran or San Francis I can't remember which but the resentant that these people feel because it is the white man who revealed the world to itself is so profound and so bone deep that they'll never get over it. Sorry to half drop all these quotes on you.

But it's worth thinking about of like, you know, a lot of these folks have been in America for 400 years and we can talk about the 1619 project and how it's ridiculous and stuff. But, you know,

that's 400 years and they still haven't culturally, assimilated to basic norms like don't assault people 400 years of like don't just pop off and hit people don't

don't attack policemen and people want to be like well we just need to talk well you can't reason someone into something that they didn't out of something that they didn't reason their way into it and they're just not reasonable You've got people

You know He's a black guy But the U2 of Algos Who dragged me down this rabbit hole Of like a Of Non-white people Repeating basic manager

Talking points from 10 years ago Or 15 years ago But he sadly passed on now A black guy Kevin Samuels is his name He'll do these little shorts And you know He's a well-dressed guy

Probably 40s 50s before he passed away jacket tie you know and he'll get these black women on his on his show and say how old are you 38 and how tall are you 5, 4 and how much do you weigh 190 pounds and he says okay well and if you can't pick a 7 how do you rate yourself 1 to 10

oh I'm a 9 that person's completely delusional and that's the women raising the children that are at, you know, in this school is a delusional single black woman who is literally incapable of introspection at all of like maybe it was something bad I did. Maybe I made some bad mistakes.

Maybe I picked a bad person to be the father of my children. Maybe I... But I did he, breakfast this morning, P.E. Exactly right. Exactly right. And so, what is there to talk about? There's only take Scott Adams' advice before he checked out. And I'll have more to

say at the end of the chapter, but, but, but yeah, I'll move. Well, I mean, we're, we got gold coming up here. So, let's get to it. For at least 30 minutes to well-trained students expertly carried through on their avowed aim of breaking up the school board's public meeting. One of Lane's most notorious militants, a girl, read the group's 15 demands to the board, an end to automatic suspension of students, ban police and police aid from schools, adhere to fire regulations by keeping open all school doors,

open schools to daily parental observation. That's interesting. Eliminate the general course of study, of course. Suspend regents' examination, the statewide end-of-term test, because they are racist. I was a Regent Scholar in New York, but that's not really saying much. Altered teacher qualifying examinations to make black educators proportional to the student population.

Check books and educational materials to determine their adequacy. You know they want to put some we was in there. Create school clubs along ethnic lines, such as all black organizations to be supported by the school's general organization fund, Provide music and lunchrooms. I mean, this is just like you get into the Gibbs Hill.

Provide music and lunchrooms and more dances and athletic programs with rifle clubs and self-defense classes instead of games. This gets into something that I was freaking going crazy on on Twitter this past week with all these frigging free, all these Second Amendment advocates who are like, oh, no, even even Antifa. gets guns everyone gets guns you know and i'm like and they're like well you know that yeah and i'm like you would okay giovanni vint genteelie let's see how it works out yeah you would hand them you know the cad files for you know to build the guns that would kill you and they're like well the cad files are already out there yeah but i already but i did have breakfast this morning that's exactly what they say that it's like but i did have breakfast this morning and this is coming from libertarians who like to

they like to pretend they're like the smartest people in the room and they're doing their own version of but I did have breakfast this morning. Yeah, but freedom. To just let's fucking retards, man. All right, let me finish this. Let's finish the list here.

All right. I have something to say. Yeah, okay. Ensure the teachers have the background to teach courses such as black studies. Create student faculty councils with equal representation to make decisions on curriculum, staffing, discipline, and school regulations. Reorganize high schools along community lines so black students will not have to attend schools in hostile communities. Say whatever you want.

This is, let us take over the school and do whatever we want. I mean, basically. And destroy the academic, you know, black studies and make sure. the students have a faculty councils with equal representation to make decisions regarding curriculum what the hell does it like a sophomore literally means a wise idiot what's a 15 year old sophomore know about how they should be educated like even the slightest it's it is literally the inmates running the asylum this this entire and you know what most of this list most of that list has been de facto achieved by these same radicals going to Columbia's Teachers College and then becoming the deans of education at every major you know um

a doctor of education like Jill Biden has no one actually takes it seriously because you could literally be a typing monkey and we get it and ed D but uh but you know all the people who've gotten one you know they'll believe all this nonsense you know eliminate the general course of study well if you've got a 98 Q you're not going to college right well and that's what they're trying to do is they're basically um you know the good idea was well let's funnel them into schools where they can learn a trade yeah like europe does yeah yeah yeah like prussia I mean, when you start reading, like, you know, the history of education in Prussia, which, you know, they brought it here. And of course it didn't work.

You don't have a shared culture. But it's exactly what they did. And things were. And it still works today. You know, if you're a 15-year-old kid in Italy and you're like, Giuseppe. Yeah. You're 15. You're good with your hands mechanically inclined.

Do you want to keep going until you, you know, like, fail? out of University of Milan or do you want to work at Ferrari Ferrari? It could be out of his classroom seat and with a wrench in his hand faster than you could say you know

and he's going to be making and he's going to be making good money and he's going to be faster than you can say child that kid is going to be gone and be like yeah I would rather work on Ferraris and learn how to make you know engines or whatever and and

This is one of those idiotic things that American right-wingers, which is essentially libertarian in economic outlook, we've gotten rid of all the jobs for people with an IQ below, well, I don't know, 95. By computerizing everything, by making everything complicated, by making everything difficult. And by importing people who, you import a bunch of people who are 80 IQ, 80 and 95 is really no difference.

and they can just take their jobs and pay them less. Yeah. But we've eliminated all the jobs that, not all the jobs, but a super majority of the jobs that could be done like manufacturing or, you know, resource extraction or farming, you know, we've consolidated farming to such an extent.

It's not that farming is a stupid person's job. It's extremely complicated. But, you know, we've eliminated all the, all the ways, but why this person could make a living. At the same time, we've imported millions of them and made it so that, you know, eliminated the general course of study. Well, what are you going to study? Because you're not capable of going to college.

You know, the average IQ in the black community is 85 in America. 85. That is 30 points low from someone who could actually... achieve a college education where the education actually taught you something at like what could be considered a reasonable college level 30 points you know so it's it's absurd to sit here but you know the pedological schools have all been taken over by these left wing crazy communists um and so they effectively have gone you know acceded to all those demands It's absolute madness.

We got like, I think, three and a half and a half more pages here. Let's rock it out here. All right. November 12th came and passed and the board had witnessed the reckless abandon of those they were seeking

to appease with their program of student rights. So every sincere observer, it was perfectly clear that the militants weren't the least bit interested in defining and protecting students' rights,

but rather with the exploitation of avenues of controversy to bring forth more violence, more disruption, more polarization. Three months later, the school board tried again, holding another public meeting on the Lachman proposals. But once again, the meeting was disrupted by student militants, and again, Bergstrom ordered an early adjournment that denied private citizens and groups the right to present their views to the school board. All through the month of November Franklin K. Lane functioned haphazardly a powder keg that could explode at any time. Racial tensions and violence intensified throughout the month.

It was common knowledge that most of the very same militant leaders who had provoked the October 31 riot and subsequent disruptions were back in school doing their thing. By this time, many had undergone even more indoctrination as evidenced by their brash statements to school authorities. One assistant dean noted that a key leader of the militants had told him, I am committed to continued violence at Lane and added, if anybody tries to take down our flag, there will be a blood bath and the white kids will get it. I so want to, like, play the conservative, the dumb conservative game of, oh, what if the white kid said the Senate? But never mind, who cares?

These remarks were recorded on the student's disciplinary record and the deans insisted that the information he brought directly to the principal's attention, but Selim flatly denied knowledge of any such statements and later chastised the assistant. Dean for having brought the threats to the attention of the union. Meanwhile, Zach had promised that student disruptors would be permitted to return to Lane and yet no less than eight such youngsters who had been given the maximum five-day principal suspension were all returned to the school

when the high school office and or Selleb decided to drop the cases. Even when one of the militants told the dean, you better start thinking about your wife and kids, there was no sense of urgency on the part of the bureaucrats to invoke the measures available to them to remove the school delinquents. Attacks by black students against whites continued. White stayed out of laboratories, the auditorium, and the student cafeteria. The auditorium, especially, had become a den. It was there that a white girl had been attacked by a group of five black girls,

stripped off all her clothing from the waist up, beaten and kicked. It was also the place where a white boy had his hair set of. fire by a group of blacks. Soon, even the deans were challenging the principal for his inaction. Their job was to maintain safety, but they found their efforts to remove the violence stymied by the principal. Selib, in turn, pointed to the new suspense law, which he claimed prevented him from moving against the provocateurs. By the end of November, the staff was totally demoralized with many teachers refusing to make even the slightest attempt to enforce school discipline. For many, it was a question of their own survival.

The mere request for a student's identification card had come to be considered an act of provocation. Teacher stopped asking, in those grim November days, a fatality would have come as no surprise to anyone who spent any time, any amount of time in the school that month. It seemed as if the cheapest commodity was the very life of a child. Yes, absolutely. I mean, the United States got federal government both at home and abroad facilitated 60 million abortions

in the United States since 1973, sometimes with direct government funds, sometimes by just not enforcing laws against murder. By and subsidizing it in other states, it's probably, you know, tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands, maybe even millions of abortions elsewhere. We can get into it some other time, but the communist Chinese government

wouldn't exist without assistance from the United States deep state, and they aborted 300 million people. Every person, man, woman, and child in America alive today was aborted. That many people were, were aborted in China under the one-child policy. So, yeah, these people don't care about children. Yeah, they are, they're anti-humans. I got, I got yelled at for referring to the members of Antifa as anti-human this week. And I'm like, don't you think that's a little much? I'm like, do you really want to know what I want to call them?

It ends with you and ends with mention. All right, keep going. As conditions worsen, as conditions worsen, all signs points into the prospect of SELAB being removed as principal. The school's UFT chapter, however, had never been among the group's parent or student who were demanding his dismissal. It was a faculty splitting issue and one which the UFT chairman chose to avoid. Neither had any great love for SELB, but they realized that as a prohibitioner since his arrival at Lane in 1967, a probate, I'm sorry, but they realized that as a probationer since his arrival in late in 1967, he had no tenure in his rank and could not be expected to assert any authority

if it went contrary to the wishes of the higher ups. For Selleb, they believed tenure was the name of the game and he would do nothing to jeopardize that $26,000 salary, $7,000 over his previous pay as department chairman, which would increase automatically in the next three years to a top of 32,000. Most teachers felt that Selib would be replaced, transferred or kicked upstairs to a post at board headquarters after June 1970, and that his only real concern was getting tenure in the 32,000 guaranteed income that came with it. The suspicion that Selib was on his way out was given even greater credence when the board sent a principal in training saw Levine to sharpen his spurs in Lane's wars. Levine, 37 years young, arrived on the scene.

with a reputation as an outstanding administrator, the man who had put out the racial fires in another Brooklyn High School, Canarsie, the year before. As the rumor of a celib for Levine swap grew louder, the chapter leaders made their own personal position clear. They were unalterably opposed to making Selib the scapegoat. They, who had been among his severest critics, knew that a switch would mean another three years with a probationary principle. Excuse me. How different things might have been had there been a strong experience and tenured man at the helm during those tumultual receiving. Oh, that?

Do you hear that? That was good. All right. Escape, go there, but it's various critics. Okay. Would a secure and knowledgeable principle have permitted the board bureaucrats to bury the school and would he have allowed it to sink to their depths? Selleb had certainly contributed to the downfall they felt,

but he was better than the alternative proposition of going through another three-year probationary period with a brand-new man and the don't-rock-the-boat boy's attitude that went along with it. As bad as Selleb had been, they were willing to gamble with him, hoping that he would be a different administrator once granted his tenure.

Lane had been leaderless for so long, that another probationer was exactly what the school did not need. The speculation about Saul Levine's future ended on March 16, 1970, when he was permanently assigned as the principal to George Washington High School in Upper Manhattan, a school that had been racked with violence and shut down earlier on 13 consecutive days over the demand by a group of adult agitators to operate a grievance table for students in the school lobby. As the final days of the fall semester approached, a question arose as to the type of physical organization the school would have for the new term beginning in February.

Zach had promised an immediate conversion to a single session in November, but later backed off, leaving the decision to implement it in Selleb's hands. Albert Schenker and Nathan Brown had conferred often on the lane question, and in spite of the November pledge, Brown now told the union leaders that he would order the end-to-end session for February. On December 9, Zach came to a meeting of the Lane Parents Association and announced that the superintendent was still undecided about the sessions for February. In reality, Brown didn't want to make the decision, not wanting to be held accountable if the school blew under the end-to-end plan. Brown passed the buck to Zach, hoping the high school chief would give the order, but Zach had made the single session promise before a full faculty meeting at Lane and wasn't about to be called a liar by 300. teachers. He, in turn, left the decision to Selleb, who announced his preference for the

end-to-end arrangement over the single session. Choosing to subvert the pledges made on November 3rd, the principal called the full faculty conference on December 15th to try to sway the staff to his way of thinking on the end-to-end idea. But Selleb made a poor case and was no match for Bowman and Johnson who had done their homework. On the day of the meeting, they distributed to the faculty copies of a four-page study entitled An Analysis of End-to-end Organization. After setting forth the advantages and disadvantages of both end-to-end and single session,

the chairman concluded with their own view and preferences as follows. The Chapter Council is unanimous in its opposition to an end-to-end session at Lane as a solution to our problems. We might add that the Parent Association expressed our opposition to such a plan at the November 26th meeting of the Principal's Consultative Council. We feel that an end-to-end session is a drastic measure that may ease the problem of the cafeteria but does not address itself to the disorders and disruptions related to outside agitation, cutting, truancy, classroom behavior, narcotics, conditions in the halls, and school tone in general.

We believe the administration must implement existing rules with determining, and develop new rules to reestablish discipline and create and maintain a safe atmosphere for students and teachers alike. A mere substitution of new rules and new schedules without provision for their enforcement isn't the answer. Existing machinery can deal with the present problem if the responsibility of power is utilized. In our opinion, it is a comparatively small minority of the student body who are refusing to conform or cooperate with the rules of the school community. To permit the disruption of the education

of approximately 4,800 students and impose hardships on the entire professional staff because of their actions is to submit to the tyranny of the minority, to the detriment of all. We must not allow any individual group or organization to sell out education to achieve peace at any price. The future may well be that of continued

and additional pressures and the watering down of the quality of education in the public schools by methods like the end-to-end session to restore peace and quiet. But this will most assuredly continue to trend away from the public schools by those who want real education for their children. Those who cannot run will remain in a city school system whose greatest asset will be the ability to respond to the politically expedient rather than the educational need.

Not even hope will remain. The entire faculty... Actually, the biggest asset that school system has is real estate portfolio, but we'll get into that. Okay. The entire faculty, almost to the man, voted to sustain the union recommendation. Lane opened with a single session in February 1970, a session which at least offered hope that an educational program could be conducted, and that the school would be returned to the mainstream of academic communication. Students, parents, and teachers held their breath and waited.

and that is chapter seven the end wow i mean astonishing i really can't um that's the last chapter the book really there's an epilogue i think after that but right i remember you know you were kind of to furnish me a copy of the book and i read it in like two days um and i just remember finishing that chapter and having my mind blown. A couple things come to mind, right? Like, the only real asset of the New York City public school is the trillions of dollars of real estate that those schools are wasted on. If you're listening to this program, it is morally obligatory for you to pull your

children out of public schools. Because the only difference between the Franklin K. Lane and you're, you know, you could have a 99% white neighborhood. and have this same exact thing happen to you next year when the federal government will resettle 500 Afghan refugees in your neighborhood deliberately to destroy you. And your daughters could be going to school,

have their shirt and clothes ripped off and be beaten while they're sexually assaulted in the auditorium of their school by a bunch of Afghans or Somalis or who knows what, from where. If you're listening to this program and you teach in a public school. Shame on you. Find a real job. You know, the problem that right-wingers have is they didn't make any demands.

Okay, well, I'm going to give you some marching orders, if that's not too presumptuous. Public schools, Delanda Est, there is no saving a system that allows this sort of thing to happen in public schools. In a sane society, the students who pulled that kind of crows. would be dragged out of the school, horsewipped, and if they did it again, they'd be hung. Setting teachers on fire, raping, murdering, you know, like this is a normal occurrence in New York City public schools today.

Thelonious assaults, these sorts of things shouldn't happen in any society that allows a basic breakdown of order in that severe a fashion in a school doesn't deserve to exist, and it won't exist for much longer. It's only, by the massive subsidy of the stock market

which you know, whether this is your banking class. We'll see if that continues, but that's the only reason New York exists. This is not a place that could continue the way it is. It's incumbent on you to do politics and demand

your taxes back. You're paying your school tax or your property tax or whatever tax you're paying for that school demand that that gets attached to students. That money follows students and not the system. There is no saving the system. You've got to burn it down and build something different.

And yeah, you know, it'll cause some problems to have money follow students and they'll be obnoxious black kids in every, you know, decent Catholic school in New York and whatever. There's, so, create St. Pinochet's Helicopter Academy homeschool co-op and find the three or four good teachers from your local Catholic school

that get driven out by the craziness that happens when, whatever. Take that money from the people who run the pedological establishment and think things like students deserve a role in the curriculum. Like that ridiculous listed demands from the black student or African Students Association or whatever it was

that said, give us everything we want with huge piles of money and let us do whatever we want and have no academic standards and let us teach that we was Kangs that everyone is from Africa and that Plato was African and Julius Caesar was African and Napoleon was a black man

and the Shawnee are African and the Sioux are African and the Skagit of they Africans and everyone in an African except for, you know, actual Africans or whatever. And they genuinely believe this.

Some of these people, like genuinely, totally 100% believe this. Okay? Do follow Scott Adams' advice before he got. Get away from these people. You cannot live around them. You cannot negotiate with them. You cannot reason with them.

And you can't educate your children. The world is not going to be a place that's going to be kind to the uneducated in the near future, if it ever was. But if you think a world full chat, GPT, and AI and robot vacuums is going to be a place for someone who can just, like, be a janitor and make a decent living, no, you're going to have to actually, you know, if you're a parent, you're going to have to prepare your children for a world that's going to be tough, and they need a real education to do that, and you need to get your children away from this system as fast as possible. And you need to take the money, not just get away, because white people have been doing that for half a century. You need to get away. You need to get away. way, and then you need to take the money, take their wallet, take their code, and get the money to these people so that you have a basis of power to actually fight this system. Ignoring it isn't going to get you there.

You can do as much as you want as far as you can homeschool some great kids, but there are still a system there that is churning out kids that are not going to be great and they definitely won't be friendly to your kids and I mean unless you know your kids plan on wanting to live remote for the rest of their lives um well Randy Weaver had that idea too and it didn't work out too but yeah I mean I read this book and The reason I started even reading this book on was because I looked at certain passages and I just was like, was this written yesterday. And, you know, we need to know what it's built to. And, you know, the question is, is, are people willing to do anything about it?

I guess we shall see. We shall. Yeah. And running away is not a solution. I want people to think that, like, there's some sort of disagreement. Like, no, you know, homeschool, great. But use power to get the money. Because the NEA is effectively, you're the UFT or what the American AFT,

or Ray White Gardner or whatever. A huge, yeah, it's like a national version of the UFT. I mean, it's, it's insane. It's a money laundering or operation for Democratic Party politics. That's what it does. Your school taxes go to, and it's the same ethnic group in charge today as it was back in, you know, probably Martin Sellevin, Randy White, Gardner, cousins somehow. I mean, guaranteed. They are, if anything, they are definitely the, um, the, um, the,

ideological errors of these people and they're probably biologically related to probably I don't but that's

you know we libertarians and conservatives and Christians all want to leave the world and separate themselves like no no no you wanted to

live in a world where you weren't sullied by this evil. Sorry. You're going to have to take it to wallet. Because the only reason we brought it up earlier, but $31 billion was New York City's school budget for 2023. It's called $2023. Down from $31.5 billion. $1 billion.

That was at one city. And what's it produced? Well, I mean, you know, Baltimore City schools, they get $14,000 a student or something ridiculous and nobody can read. So that's what you're getting. But you need to take that $14,000 a student and you need to put it towards your children. Or the children, if you don't have children, you need to find decent white people in your neighborhood.

You need to get that $14,000 that's coming out of your check, you know, they're out of your property taxes, that you're paying for and you need to direct those resources to kids who will actually use those resources and anyone who's willing to go but what about everyone's right to free speech and self-defense?

Just pat them on the head and ignore them because they're children. They're children and fools and there's nothing you can do to convince them if reality hasn't dawned on them yet it won't until it's way too late. They will be the guy in the last stone toss comic, you know, kneeling with their hands behind their, you know, about to get shut in a ditch. Well, at least we didn't use the government.

So there's nothing that comes from saving this system. It's got to be destroyed somehow. You know, if you find a friendly, friendly state legislator, you know, show him this book. Yeah. show him this book it's got to be destroyed and I really want to thank you Pete for both for having me on multiple times

but also for just bringing this book out I didn't even know it existed and I'm like I said I'm a notorious thought criminal and I didn't even know this book existed Twitter is good for some things it is good for something and I think that it's really important that people

understand that this is this is half a century now and it's it's gotten worse not better all right well as you as per usual when i do this i'll link to your uh to your telegram channel well thank you so much um thank you for the uh this might be might be my longest episode ever i can't remember thank you thank you for me no thank you for joining me for this one i really appreciate it it was a wonderful and thank you again for doing this and everyone remember to go to freeman meal the wall slash donate and kicking some bucks because I think it's forward slash I think it's forward slash support support but but you know go there

and I don't ask people doing anything I haven't done I support Pete and and I probably need a few more bucks for it's been a bit but you know this is you want people to be brave you want people to speak up for you then um you know what the market speak and it's going to cancel your Netflix subscription and give them money to Pete or something support to people that don't hate you I really appreciate that thank you thank you Hey, everyone. Well, it's been a month and a half, almost two months since Dark Enlightenment and I did Chapter 7 of Race War in high school. There is an epilogue left, and I thought I would knock that out myself, actually thinking about maybe doing a roundtable of some of the participants to come in and talk about this book and how it affected them. But, you know, we'll see what happens.

Got a lot going on. And I'm going to start the Spanish Civil War series with Thomas coming up. And that'll probably be out. The first episode of that will be out before this comes out. And I'm really excited and doing a lot of study for that. So I'm going to finish this up. And then we'll see if we can get a roundtable together to talk about it. Because I think this book impacted from the things people said,

it impacted them greatly. And, yeah, so let's move on to the epilogue. I think the last thing we talked about was basically that the teachers' union was getting everything that they wanted. And basically, there was little, if at all, any thought about disciplining the faction of students responsible for the violence. So, all right, let's get going. Epilogue. The spring 1970s semester was the most productive and peaceful term Franklin Cayley in high school had enjoyed in four years. In May, there was a faculty student picnic at Long Island's Heckshire State Park, and in spite of an all-day drizzle, some 350 students and teachers participated in the outing. So that's, what, less than 10 percent? Yeah, considering there was, what, four to five thousand? Bert Jeffrey, a black industrial arts teacher, who was well-liked and respected by most of the staff, even though he had crossed union picket lines in the 1968 strike, assumed the new position of coordinator of student affairs. Working closely with the militants as a confidant of sorts and as their link with the administration, Jeffrey was a key factor in keeping things cool all during that spring term.

So they found someone that they could relate to. I don't know. By April, the register was down to 4,274 students, a number that was realistic for the single session. It was still absolutely insane if you think about it, that many kids. And accordingly, there were far fewer drop-ins, and it even became possible to resume assembly programs.

Even the tone of the school cafeteria, the most reliable barometer in the building was almost bearable, a far cry from the anarchy of previous semesters. Much of the credit for the prevailing peace was directly attributed to the presence of 12 black and Puerto Rican security guards employed by the school board to patrol the halls and regulate entrance to and egress from the building. While the guards had the power to arrest, they carried no weapons and wore street clothes. often emulating the mod styles worn by the students themselves. Friendly, personable, most in their early and mid-20s, they quickly established a rapport with the black youngsters. The guards came to recognize a no by name the students who cut class and who wandered the halls or loitered in the lavatories, stairwells, or cafeteria.

They won the respect to the student body and were able to get some of the most troublesome students back into class or at least remove from the areas where they most frequently cause disturbances. The same black student who, the same black student who reacted with hostility to the politest request by a teacher on hall patrol usually acquiesced to the same request made by a security guard. So they had to win the respect of the student body. So who was in charge? Yeah, this makes no sense whatsoever, but I don't think any of this does.

during that spring semester lane was actually a place of teaching and learning at any given time of the day one could stand at the far end of the main floor first corridor the hallway which was usually the most densely congested with aimlessly wandering students and for minutes not see a soul there during a subject class period the quiet halls were conducive to a healthy educational environment and inside the classrooms the learning process was taking route. And there seemed to be some hope for the future, too. The Lane UFT chapter had gone on to record the previous October as favoring the introduction of a special job and career-oriented program for the school. A faculty committee headed by Seymour Cohn and the chairman of the great advisors, Seymour Har, both UFT chapter activists, met with numerous industrial and business business leaders for five months to secure career-oriented jobs for students, which would lend themselves to meaningful curriculum revision. Meaningful, yeah, curriculum revision. If school could somehow be more relevant, they thought, by having a direct correlation to the job students held after

school hours or in alternate weeks, and if more than just a handful of Lane students could participate in such a pilot program, then maybe just maybe the school could be saved. The school could be saved. That kind of makes sense. I mean, the school, if school theoretically is supposed to ready you for what your vocation will be after, if it's not going to be academic, it probably should be teaching you something how to work with your hands or looking at what you do for the job you have after school and helping you push you in that direction. And this all seems logical if you're going to have public schools. There should be a separate vocational school, but whatever. Cohn and Har, with the help of Mary Cohen, no relation, drew up the blueprint for the program in the hope that it could go into operation for the fall semester.

Oscar Dumbrow, formerly principal of James Monroe High School in the Bronx, had been tapped by Jacob Zazz. to fill one of the new positions as acting assistant superintendent in charge of Brooklyn high schools. The two lane teachers with the support of the school administrator, Bowman, and the UFT chapter, and the central UFT office, sold Dombrow on the new idea. The new assistant superintendent even tacitly agreed to their top priority recommendation that the new incoming class be kept down to about 800 students, as opposed to the 1,300, they were usually. admitted from the feeder junior high schools. Confident that they were on the verge of winning a new life for their school, Cohen and Har made great strides in interesting private enterprise in the prospect of a partnership with a school that had become the orphan of the academic community in New York. But it didn't take long for the bubble to burst as soon as it became apparent that this

was another in the long line of public relations gimmicks used by the school board to deceive parents, teachers, and whole communities. So, let's find who exposed this all. It started when the Lane chapter learned that local pressures from Ridgewood Queens, home of Assemblywoman Rosemary Gunning, of anti-bussing fame,

had resulted in a secretive and unannounced zoning change for Ridgewood's Grover Cleveland High School. Cleveland, like Lane, had drawn its students from a contiguous zone which included both Brooklyn and Queens. But unlike Lane, the Ridgewood School took only about 30% of its student body from the predominantly black Bushwick section of Brooklyn. In the spring of 1970, a core of black militant students engaged in a campaign of violence

creating unprecedented turmoil at Grover Cleveland. Again, who's in charge? The civic and political forces of Western Queens reacted strongly and with dispatch. The result, no more Bushwick Black students would be sent across the Brooklyn Queens border into Cleveland. The school would soon return to its former Lily White status and Ridgewood was to be spared the fate that had befallen Woodhaven and Cypress Hills. But that zoning shift had far-reaching implications for Lane High School. To accommodate the change, Brooklyn students who had been in the Cleveland zone were redistricted into the already

overcrowded Bushwick High School. The over-utilization rate for Bushwick would rise to 212 percent. Put in other terms, for every seat in Bushwick High, there would now be two students. Instead of opposing the cynical coup, UFT Vice President George Altamare, who we've mentioned his name numerous times, registered no protest and directed his seat. energies to seeking out an annex building to house Bushwick's overflow. Unfortunately, the Bushwick UFT chapter was not moved to action, allowing Altamare instead to lull them into acceptance of the rezoning with promises of speedy relief and special programs.

We've seen how that worked in the past. For Lane, the Cleveland shift meant an adjustment in Brooklyn zoning, since Bushwick High School was picking up a large area that formerly went to, Cleveland, Lane was saddled with a part of what had been Bushwick Zone, killing off any chance to keep the incoming class down to the 800 figure. But what am I going to do with 500 kids? Oscar Dombrow pleaded when the chapter leaders pressed him on his pledge to give Lane a reduced incoming class.

Not only did the high school office back away from its promise to give Lane this numerical relief, but its bureaucrats went a step further. twisting the knife to doom lane to yet another year of turmoil, violence, and racial polarization. In 1969, the graduating class of JHS, that's junior high school, 271 and 55 of the Ocean Hill Brownsville District, had been spread out among many different Brooklyn high schools. These were the students who had received special ideological training by the militant blacks in that experimental district

and who, consequently, harbored the most antagonistic feelings against Whitey, the system, and those UFT teachers who are purposely destroying the minds of black students. When did they just homeschool, man? Bowing to pressures from the other end of the borough,

the high school office now moved to zone the great majority of Ocean Hill students back into lane. They proceeded to remove the skip zones that could have given Lane the breathing spell it needed for the 1970-to-71 school year. Where Lane had only received, where Lane had received only 128 students from that controversial district in 1969, the number jumped to 450 in 1970. Controversial District.

That's a really good euphemism for, you know. And with that increase came the decline of incoming whites to 19.5 percent, basically the ones who are going to be punished. It was the final blow. The patient that seemed on its way to recovery in the spring of 1970 heard the death knell sound as school reopened in September. And with the influx of such large numbers of politicized and academically retarded youngsters, he means black youngsters, went what was probably the last hope of saving Lane High School. The scene in the fall of 1970 was almost an exact repetition of 1968 and 1969. Disruption, crime, and other acts of violence were rampant.

The program for job and career training got buried in the bureaucratic maze of funding, and there was a plan afoot to dilute it by the mayor's urban action task force by spreading the pilot project out among several high schools. Instead of saturation for Lane, they now began talking about giving the high school only a piece of the pie, a piece too small to make any difference if the project ever got off the ground. By January 1971, there were still no signs that the program would ever be implemented. I want to go back to that where it says uses a term,

retarded. With the influx of such large numbers of politicized and academically retarded youngsters, I would have to comment that it's not only academically, I would think it would be socially and, you know, look at what's happened in this school up until now. Violence seems to be when somebody is upset. Violence is the first thing that they jump to. I don't think it's a problem of just academics. I know a lot of people who are undereducated who don't resort to violence and the first thing they think of, you know, when they come up against a struggle, something.

Meanwhile, Lane again became a battleground. Added to the 1374 incoming ninth and tenth grade class were 691 transfers from other schools, mainly vocational schools, pushing the total number of new students to 2,000. When you see that they're coming in for vocational schools, these are kids who cannot do academics, and they're putting them into an academic school. With that swelling enrollment and renewed violence came the untimely 50% reduction in the core of security guards.

Well, yeah. Instead of the 12 guards who had played such a vital role in holding the school together the previous term, Lane was cut back to six in September 1970. I mean, why? Who needs to save that money other than the union leadership? And I think we've detailed in this series who the union leadership is. Of that six, only three remained from the original group that had distinguished itself in the spring term. part of the problem was that the school board had refused to permit a collective bargaining election that would have given the guards union representation a contract, security, fringe benefits, and a living wage.

In other words, I mean, look at this, this is in 1972, and he's using the term living wage. In other words, they weren't allowed to become bureaucrats. And that's what many union workers are. I know there are union workers who listen to this, who are good people. And, you know, but public workers who are in the public sector do not get a union. The fact that they are there in the public sector is union enough. It is protection enough. Try to get one fired.

Instead, the school board had chosen to keep their wages at the near poverty level of $2.87 per hour under $100. per week. With no job security and without pay during the extended holiday recesses, such as Thanksgiving, Christmas, and spring vacation, as well as legal holidays, and come the summer months, they join the ranks of the unemployed. Right, because teachers have to get all of these special holidays. I mean, even, they even get the Jewish holidays in New York. I don't know if they get that everywhere, but I know in New York, the schools I went to, they got holidays. So, yeah, of course. course. Small wonder that most of them refused to return to Lane. Here's just a footnote from talking about how the program for the pilot program, Urban Action Task Force had never been implemented. The pilot project is scheduled to begin in September, 1972, for 209th and 10th graders for 400 junior and senior class students. Okay. It was a severe loss to the school,

leaving a gaping hole in its security as a new term began. But as trouble flared at Lane, the chapter strategy changed. Where publicity had been used to great advantage in the past, Jim Bowman had concluded, Heading Altamario's counsel, that exposing the violence to the public would be counterproductive.

Of course, just hide the problems from the public, especially when you're getting paid by them. Consequently, there were no new releases from the Lane chapter and the new wave of terror went almost unnoticed by the school board and general public. So basically everything that had been happening in 67, 68, and 69 now is happening in secret. It's staying inside the school. In contrast, at the other end of the city at George Washington High School in Upper Manhattan, very familiar with that high school, grew up 10 minutes from it, there was a steady stream of publicity

about the organized violence that was gripping the school. The activist posture taken by the school's union chapter even convinced the staunchly liberal New York Times, which editorialized on the subject of high school violence on October 24, 1970. Reading from the New York Times. The city's high schools are badly in need of reform. Educational concepts and personal attitudes cry out for change. Physically, the schools are dehumanized by intolerable overcrowding that aggravates the disadvantages inherent in their excessive size. But none of these deficiencies can excuse to plain hoodlumism that has terrorized George Washington High School into shutdown, and that in only slightly less virulent form is turning some other schools into hazard zones for law-abiding students,

teachers and ordinary citizens on the route to and from the school. Just to give you an idea when I was growing up, George Washington High School had an amazing football team. I should tell you all you need to know and basketball. Part of the problem is that revolutionaries among students and parents regard such turmoil as the ideal breeding ground for their radical designs. They're talking, this is small scale for what we see today in politics and national politics. And that was happening at that time, too.

I mean, anyone who knows anything about the 60s, about the quote unquote civil rights movement, which was basically just violence. And they want you to believe that they were, everyone was marching peace, Kumbaya, and every, yeah, okay. Just like, what's his name in, uh, in South Africa. His people weren't, you know,

killing people and they weren't just flat out terrorists. unfortunately others honestly bent on essential reforms let the radical rhetoric delude them into believing that the violent behavior of a few students is indeed the forward wave of social progress you read that again unfortunately others honestly bent on essential reforms let the radical rhetoric delude them into believing that the violent behavior of a few students is indeed the forward wave of social progress there were people who believed about believe that that about the summer of George in 2020, that the violence and the murder that was going on in the streets would actually bring about change. Well, it would. It would bring about change in their favor, not in people who are concerned with order. Those of us, no, we just, we just get to suffer it. And then they put DAs in place that if we protect ourselves, we, um, you know, we get the book thrown at us. It is nothing of the kind.

Delinquent adolescence masquerading as Robin Hoods in order to escape punishment are in reality engaged in the lowest form of intimidation, shakedowns, extortion, and violence assault. Sounds like there's a mob. You know, like a, when I say mob, I'm referring to what people would historically call the mafia. Sounds like they're in the schools. They avoid being treated as youthful criminals by spreading rumors of racist persecution and by denouncing legitimate arrests as police brutality. People today learned from somewhere.

And this is the New York Times complaint. This is someone at the New York Times complaining about this at the time. The crisis at George Washington High must not obscure the need for pedagogical reform and better educational leadership, but the exploits of a small band of hoodlum should not be mistaken. tolerated as a form of routine, youthful alienation. They are a matter for effective law enforcement. The majority of students have the right to full assurance that they can attend school without fear of coercion and violence.

Lane High School was certainly more than a mere hazard zone in a Times editorial. In spite of the renewed warfare, a decree from police invests, Inspector Edward Joyce of the 12th Division, Brooklyn, removed four of the seven policemen assigned to the troubled schools as of November 20th. Joyce had met with Selib the week before with the idea of removing all seven policemen. The principal had told the inspector of the mounting tensions in the building, but Joyce was under pressure to get more of the 2,000 cops in his command out on the streets. The seven patrolmen at Lane, he thought, could easily be deployed to meet the demands from City Hall.

but the inspector was soon to get his first taste of student violence as only lane cadres knew how to supply it at bowman's insistence celib arranged a special meeting in his office bringing together the school administration himself to darrow and mary cone joyce captain serone at the 75th precinct and several lower-ranking officers, Bowman and his UFT Chapter Committee, Ed Johnson, Ed Grice, John Soa, and Betty Ann McDonough, Vice President Altamare, UFT District 19 Representative Richard Presida, UFT Brooklyn Borough Representative Maurice Sussman, and representing the school board, Assistant Superintendent Oscar Dombrough.

At issue were two points. First, there was the matter of the breach of January 1969 agreement signed by Altamare, myself, and district superintendent Elizabeth O'Daley, calling for the assignment of the seven policemen inside the building until such time as the principal and chapter chairman agreed on a timetable for phasing them out. While both Selleb and Bowman agreed on the necessity of maintaining the police, the principal had violated the 1969 accord, when he failed to bring the UFT chairman in on his discussions with his inspector. In all fairness to Joyce, he had no knowledge of the written agreement when he issued his order and was surprised to learn of its existence when copies were distributed to the parties by Bowman at the meeting convened on November 20th. Nor was Joyce aware that the agreement was the result of the behind-the-scenes play

between Nathan Brown and the mayor's own school task force. The second issue concerned the soundness of removing the police at this particular juncture. Even Joyce had the authority to arbitrarily terminate the 1969 agreement for removing the police detail, which we all granted he did have. There remained the question of the police department's responsibility to protect students from criminal activity on school premises. Selib, Dumbrow, and the UFT spokesman, primarily Bauman and Altamare, appealed to the inspector, but he was steadfast. Then as the discussion proceeded that all too familiar rumbling came from the student cafeteria in the basement below the principal's first floor office. There was the smell of burning paper, the chanting of power to the people, and the crash of tables and benches being overturned.

For what seemed like an eternity, but was probably not more than 20 minutes, the meeting continued even while all the signs of an emerging riot stared the participants in the face. Ben Rosenwald, an acting assistant principal, had made several incursions into the meeting, first brandishing a three-foot-long iron bar that had been hurled through a window, shattering a large pane of glass in the student cafeteria, and sending hundreds of students scurrying for cover. cover, and again, minutes later, bearing news of a white boy, having been beaten into unconsciousness by a band of blacks, and finally, a third interruption, to whisper to Celeb, what everyone in the room had known for 20 minutes. There was a riot breaking out in the cafeteria. Only when John Sawa commented, gentlemen, I think we're fiddling while Rome is burning, did the meeting adjourn. The riot had been brewing all week, and it was a about to spread from the cafeteria to other parts of the building. Now the police inspector would

see for himself and how he saw. I know I've said this and maybe more than one guest has said this, but at this point, just shooting them is just start firing is really the only answer. The school is a public place. It's public property. The police are supposed to be there for the public good and supposed to protect the public. And the kids, you know, that white kid who was beat into unconsciousness by a band of blacks, he deserved to be protected. And he wasn't. Which is why when I had Scott Greer on and he wanted to talk about how the police You know, well, we can't criticize the police because the other side criticizes the police. It's like the other side critic, the other side criticizes the police while the police protect them. You, Scott Greer talks about how great the police are while they turn their back on him. They turn their back on white people all the time. And I'm not talking, if you live in a small town, of course.

I mean, it's different in a small town, but this isn't a small town. This is what people call the capital of the world. And police did that throughout all cities throughout the United States in 2020. They turned their back. And they, I've said recently, for whatever the future brings when it comes to this regime and what anybody wants. to do, we need the martial class on our side. But the police, they need to repent at this point. They need to repent and ask for forgiveness for what they've done if they've turned their back on us.

I think that's just logical. I think we should demand that of anyone. The genesis of the November 20th disruption was easily traced to the emergence of a new school social club. The third world student union composed mainly. of young black youths who were bent on continuing in the footsteps of the original militants, most of whom were no longer in the school. The Third World Group became an immediate source of friction. Selib had given them special permission, which he later withdrew,

to meet in the school cafeteria during the homeroom period. Sorry, once you give them permission, you're not getting it back. All the evidence seemed to point to the fact that the Third World was behind the mounting tension. On November 23rd, three days after the big outburst, a teacher aide wrote Bowman a letter describing what she had witnessed during the course of performing her duties in the cafeteria. Allow me a sip here. The female teacher reports, I am a school aide here at Lane. Well, is it a teacher aide?

Sorry. I am a school aide here at Lane. I assist in the distribution of free lunch tokens in the student cafeteria during the official period. During that time, I have observed the meetings of the 60 estimated youngsters who participate in the Third World Students Club. When the official period ends, the faculty advisors leave. But after half the club members remain in the cafeteria for the fourth period, when trouble had erupted in the cafeteria, such as the rampage of last Friday, it usually begins at the tables occupied by the students who remained. from the third world club meetings. If you've, I mean, I've done episodes on this.

I mention this in episodes all the time, where when you point out the hypocrisy of the left, it just doesn't do anything. But for anyone knew who's listening, who just dropped in for this one, understand this third world students club, if this was, which is black, if this was a white club talking,

about Western, you know, West, pro-Western values, they would be crushed. The police would be coming in there to crush them. They wouldn't, they wouldn't even be able to get this thing off the ground. They definitely wouldn't have access to the cafeteria

during home room period. People, I know a lot of people who want to say, you know, white people just cry about this supposed war on white people. people. Just open your eyes. I mean, there's no way that this, you know, just look at the way you have communist teachers in colleges all throughout the United States and the world. How many fascist, quote unquote, fascist teachers, how many teachers who, you know, are sympathetic,

how many professors who are sympathetic to Mussolini, say, or to Franco are, what, I mean, I don't know if they're sympathetic, but, you know, some people, they would just have to be ex, call themselves experts on those people. Not sympathetic. I mean, there are professors in this country that have hammer and sickle tattoos. I mean, we are, until we're in power, that just keeps happening. And you can point out the hypocrisy all you want, but. I only pointed out here for anyone new who's listening who just hasn't accepted that in their mind yet, that, you know, saying that they're the real racist doesn't do anything. People in power don't care. Although Selleb had specifically ordered the faculty advisor not to meet with the club during the homeroom period, its members defied the principal and continued to gather in the cafeteria.

Now it was November 20th, and what a day they had picked to do their thing. aware that some of the highest-ranking police officers in Brooklyn were at that very moment conferring in the principal's office. The third world group swung into action. Marching their cadres up to the first floor, they picked up supporters with each pass. Behind the red, green, and black liberation flag the procession advance, chanting in unison the now familiar power to the people, Diddy, shouting obscenities at teachers who stood by dumbfounded, watching in shock disbelief. Joyce realized, and the small contingent of men left in the school was inadequate to curb the rapidly developing riots sent out an SOS for reinforcements. Within 15 minutes, a squad of 30 riot police was in the

building. Surone took charge, deploying the men at key points to prevent the mob's free access to all parts of the building and to force them to leave by the single exit adjacent to the principal's office. Without physically interfering with the demonstration, The police formed a human barricade that channeled the students out of the building into the street where they soon dispersed. Sensing the disruption, hundreds of other students seized upon the opportunity to get out of the school early and left. By 12.30 p.m., the building was 90% empty. Edward Joyce, red-faced but smiling as the meeting reconvened in Selleb's office observed. Well, when I pull a boner, I sure pull a boner.

The matter of the seven policemen at Lane was resolved and would be for some time if Ed Joyce had anything to say about it. The third world students had accomplished what the professional judgment of the entire high school division, administrative and union, had been unable to do. Convinced the police department that seven cops was not an excessive number to protect almost five thousand students from the everyday crime and frequent political disruption at Lane. You don't have to say political. The November 20th explosion did not go unnoticed in the local community. On November 28th, the Long Island Press carried a news story headlined principal blamed for outbreak of violence at Lane. Quote, after nearly a year of quiet and educational progress

in which our association, Cypress Hills, Woodhaven Community Association, was a major contributing factor. Lane is again a troubled school, declared Michael R. Long, co-chairman of the association, following an in-depth study of the situation. Our executive board found that Selleb permitted hate to be preached within his school despite repeated warnings of his staff that a dangerous situation existed in the school and was bound to erupt at a given time and displayed a complete lack of leadership

and allowing third world movement to function with the resultant senseless attack upon students. Okay, so they're criticizing openly. the far leftist blacks. How's this going to work out? The third world had set the tone for the remainder of the semester and as school recessed for the Christmas vacation on December 23rd,

teachers and students looked back on yet another semester of chaos and terror at Lane High School. What new horrors 1971 would bring, nobody could safely predict. On December 16th, Harvey B. Scribner, There's a footnote here.

Dr. Scribner came to New York by way of rural Vermont and Teaneck, New Jersey, whereas school superintendent's educational policies came under heavy fire. So on December 16th, Harvey B. Scribner, the new chancellor of the now decentralized city school system, addressed the UFT's delegate assembly. The chancellor post replaced the superintendent of schools as the number one administrative job. The next day I seized upon the occasion of his speech, to advise Dr. Scribner of the breakdown at Lane. The letter follows in its entirety.

This is the one that Saltsman writes to Scribner, if you're listening. Dear Dr. Scribner, like the rest of the UFT delegates who came to hear you speak, I listened with great interest yesterday, hoping that you would address yourself to the critical problem facing high school, such as my own Franklin K. Lane. Lane sits squarely on the Brooklyn Queen's borderline between the communities of Cypress Hills, cypress hills and woodhaven since your speech did little more than mention the problem of high school violence i must assume that your subordinates in the office of high schools have not kept you apprised of the guerrilla warfare that is raging at franklin k lane and certain other high schools or perhaps the high school office is not getting the information from their administrators in the field whichever the case i must tell you in all frankness that the situation here at lane high school is approaching anarchy consider if you will these facts let me get a drink 1. In many sections of the building, it has become almost impossible to conduct a lesson due to the constant disruption in the halls. Bands of students roam the halls banging on classroom doors and committing acts of vandalism. Dice games and smoking cigarettes in the student cafeteria hallways have become regular occurrences. Fires are set in student lockers, classroom and office windows are smashed. Last week, a total of 27 thick glass stair wall dividers were shattered.

Bullets and boards were doused with highly flammable fluid and set ablaze. Trays of food and other refuse litter the hallways and stairwells. Fire extinguishers are torn from the walls, released flooding the hall with foam. Many teachers conduct class with doors locked in shades drawn. Increasing numbers of students are attempting to draw teachers into physical conversations. Teachers fearful of their own safety are rendered helpless to enforce disciplines of the most fundamental nature. Faculty demoralization is setting in rapidly. If it's not set in by now, frightened students refuse to enter the cafeteria or a lavatory. The deans can provide alarming

statistics on the incidents of muggings, extortions, and brutal assaults against helpless and innocent teenagers. Reed White. There are strong evidence to indicate that much of the violence is organized from within the school by administratively sanctioned clubs, which are given direction by extremist elements in outlying areas from where Lane draws a large part of a student body. Read Black. Yes, you are correct in stating that the UFT delegates that student violence is only an emanation

of deeper educational shortcomings, which needs. reform. We heartily agree, but unless something is done at Lane quickly, I fear that there will be nothing left to reform. I'm reminded of a letter sent to Mayor Lindsay some time ago by the parent of a Lane student, pleading the steps be initiated to end the reign of terror. Her words echo a frightening reminder. This letter may label me a frantic mother, but please don't let me become a bereaved one. Chancellor Scribner, we at Lane need help and we need leadership. Don't turn your back on us at the high school office, as the high school office has done so many times in recent years, there isn't much time left. There was no reply from the chancellor's office, only a defensive response from Oscar Dobro charging that Lane's problems could be solved if only the teachers would be more cooperative.

Not that it really mattered. Bernard Donovan, Nathan Brown, Irving Anchor, now Harvey Scribner, the name, names and faces have changed, but one thing has remained constant during these years of strife at Franklin K. Lane High School. The crowd at 110 Livingston just didn't give a damn. For Lane, this really was the end. And go into some appendix of people who are, people want to look. So, but, blah, bah, bah, 1998, the, it just goes, showing the demographic. So in 1958, at Lane, 2.6% Puerto Rican, 21.5% black, 75.9% white. I'll jump ahead to 1961, three years later. 4.1% Puerto Rican, 23.5% black, 72.4% white.

Let's jump ahead to 1965. 7.2% Puerto Rican, 43% percent. black, 49.8% white. 1967, 12.5% Puerto Rican, 47.4% black, 20.1% white. When you go to 1969, you get 53.5% black. 0.1 American Indian, 0.39 Asian, 14% Puerto Rican. 1.4% other Spanish surnamed American

probably me and then other white would probably be me too 30.7%. So yeah then he has and I can see why this book was I mean he just was like

shows non-white enrollments and percentages and how they how they climbed in different schools in Queens and Brooklyn, Brooklyn and Queens, and these are all academic, quote-to-quote academic high schools. By Boys High School, by 1968, was 98% black. John Jay was 47% up from it. Just to give you an idea, boys' high school in 1960 was 54% black.

it jumped in 98% in 68. John Jay, 16% black in 1960, 48% black in 1968. Let's see, where's... Richmond Hill, 2.6% black in 1960, a quarter black in 1968. This is progress, by the way. Average daily attendance at Lane went from 1960 to 61, 86.5% to 1969, 70 to 55.2%.

And then he has a whole section of the people that he talked about in here and who they are. So, yeah, this is, this book is something. else. I don't know what to say about it. I went to New York City Public School from first grade through eighth grade. And I was in the Bronx. And this, the demographic, was completely skewed. Completely skewed. And I know that, you know, depending on population where I live in the South now, you're going to get the same kind of thing. But this was just forced. This was not something that was organic. It was what, after reading this book, in my opinion, it was a social experiment. It was social engineering.

And they, some people, got a lot of information about basically how they were going to operate when it came to populations in the future, not only school populations, but actual populations. And, yeah, you see a lot of the language that was used in this book, a lot of the tactics that were used. You see them just magnified now in multiple blood. And you see that when it comes right down to it in the 1960s and early 70s, just like today, when black people are brutalizing white people, in this case, children, they don't care. it's just the

I mean it's many things but I mean it's the price you pay for progressivism for the religion of progressivism maybe they think that abuse at a young age will just make people pliable and maybe it does

maybe it does more so now because kids are not as tough as they were. And even tough kids have to worry about being ganged up on because there was no one-on-one fighting. There was one-on-one fighting when I was growing up, but when it was interracial, it wasn't one-on-one. And it wasn't whites-jumping blacks. Sorry, grew up in the Bronx. I've said not the worst part of the Bronx, but definitely not the best part of the Bronx. So there is a possibility that I'm going to try and follow this up with, like I said, I think I said in the beginning, a roundtable of people who had joined me for the, for the readings

and see what their thoughts are on the whole thing. And I apologize. for spreading it out so much. I know in the beginning that I was doing, I was pretty regular with the episodes. Sometimes it'd only be a week, a week and a half apart. I know this, it's been almost two months since we did the Dark Enlightenment, I did the last chapter. But my life just got, personal life got busy. And there are other other projects going on and stuff like that. So I'm sorry. I will, these will all be part of a, they are now on Odyssey, part of a playlist. And when I release this one, it'll make, I'll make this part of the playlist as well. Read through the whole book so you can go and hear the different commentaries from different people. And,

yeah, I think this is important for a lot of reasons, this book for a lot of reasons, just because basically it's a foreshadowing of, you know, this book could be written today and to just talk about society in general. But it also shows how, I think one of the even more important things is to see how public sector employees will come together and when stuff like this happens, do everything to protect themselves, to make it a bureaucracy. and to expand that bureaucracy, because that's what bureaucracy does. It expands, especially when you have a bureaucracy where it's multicultural and nobody cares about each other, except the, well, the bureaucracy in this case wasn't multi-cultural if you were following properly. But the city and the school was.

So that's about it. pick it up you can the PDFs are out there if you know where to if you know where to look for them some people are reprinting these I don't know whether they're exactly on the up and up but you can if you go on eBay sometimes and you look it up you can find paperback copies of these for a lot cheaper than the hard covers are gone for I think the hard covers are gone for like I've seen them anywhere from two to three six hundred in some places. But there are paperbacks out there

that may not be official, but it's good to have the paper because digital can be done away with, but you can always make sure you have that. And yeah, that's about it. I appreciate you tuning in for this. Again, sorry, it took so long to get this out, and hopefully I can put together a group of people,

people and we'll talk about this and just basically wrap this whole thing up and see see if there's any more see if the people who did this have more insight to it than I do because different people see different things so all right take care thank you bye