The Pete Quiñones Show - The History of California and Its 'Occupation' - Complete w/ Thomas777

Episode Date: October 23, 2025

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Search Trump-Ireland gift vouchers. Trump on Dunebiog, Kush Faragea. I want to welcome everyone back to the Pekingiones show. We are here for a new series. How are you doing, Thomas? I'm very well, thank you. Well, this is actually a request that I got during one of my Sunday live streams. Somebody said that you always talk about how California used to be like white America was,

it was like the pinnacle of white America and that it was destroyed on purpose. And it became, it is what it is now, and that was done on purpose. So, you know, the idea is, um, you try to go over the history and explain exactly how that happened. Well, I mean, there's two things. I mean, there's the demographic situation and there's dysfunction in that regard. And, you know, a kind of cultivated. anarchy but it's also

look California is also just not a blue state it didn't one day become a blue state in 1992 that's not how things work that it'd be like it in 2028 it's declared Illinois is now a red state it's as red as Texas

it can never be flipped and that's just how it is you know I don't accept that that's preposterous and plus just the the facts don't bear that out. Whenever there's a plebiscite, because I mean, California's got an unusual constitution,

you know, that's why they hold these plebiscites. Like somehow every time there's, you know, a social issue put to an open vote, you know, whether it's what the regime euphemistically calls gay marriage, whether it's affirmative action, there's always like a raw majority against it. So California is just like rabidly, liberal safe blue state, but when people

go to the polls, they always vote this stuff down, and then the Ninth Circuit steps in to reverse the plebiscite. I mean, like, what, so how does that work? You know, and it the reason why, you know, not only were

Reagan and Nixon products of the California plago culture, but even like resistance types and fringe people, like the birchers, that was like their heartland, like Tommy Messker was in Los Angeles, really until the SPLC went after him because of the unfortunate incident with Ken Mieski and that Mugoleta-Sarra guy who lost his life when an incident

to this fight. It's kind of like a nothing thing, you know what I mean? It was young guys being foolish, you know, on both sides of that conflict. And a guy lost his life, unfortunately, and, you know, the local authorities swept in, and Morris D's, like, smelled proverbial carry-on to feast on and a way to make money off of the misery of others, which he was never going to pass up. And, you know, Metzker was, he had to protect himself, you know, from this, this, lawfare that was being deployed against him.

So you're not moving to Indiana. But, you know, he, there's a reason why, you know, like, he made his home in Los Angeles, because that's, that's fertile ground for those kinds of politics. And even at this day, like, I realize that, you know, you can't extrapolate what a political culture is in terms of its substantive tenor, you know, from the street or the, the prison yard, but somehow, like, California is, like, it's unbelievably, like, racialized

in the penal system and on the street. In a way, like, that'd be unheard of in Chicago. This is by Chicago being, like, massively segregated. So it's, like, so California is basically, like, the Sweden of, the United States, but on the street, like,

people only aligned by race, and, like, if you talk to some guy across the racial divide like you've got a problem. You're going to get like regulated for it. Like that's interesting. I don't see how that's possible. You know, so is that. And I I'll get into the substance of our discussion

in a minute. But I don't know why people who take this at face value. It's like you wouldn't you know, if FMSNBC tells you that Vladimir Putin is some like dangerous madman or if they tell you that Donald Trump is

is you know a rapist or whatever ridiculous you know in vile cap they're they're favoring at any given moment it's like you wouldn't believe that but you believe it when they just declare

that California is insurmountably blue like why would you believe that plus this is not all electoral politics works there aren't just quote safe state so it's like we're not going to campaign in Texas or we're not going to campaign in California because it's safe That's not how you run a campaign.

You know, like, if Reagan had done that, he wouldn't have slept the country. Like, you just don't challenge in these major and essential electoral prizes because they're safe states. I mean, that's obvious horse trading. It's obvious that, you know, there's a combination of, the technology and the ability to aggregate data in real time. and, you know, kind of changing parameters within the political culture at federal level.

And a bunch of things like this. So, like, after the Cold War, it's like, well, we're basically going to take, we're going to take certain, like, electoral college prizes off the table and, like, only fight in certain states. That's part of horse trading. Like, we get Texas, you get California. I mean, this is obvious, you know. and especially in the case of California

like I very much got Chicago and my DNA but you know I don't have deep roots here like my folks are from Western I mean my mom's long gone but my dad and my mom was from California from Los Angeles and I my early life I spent a lot of time there you know and

so it's not just academic to me, you know, like, I saw what Southern California was like in the 80s, you know, I mean, and it wasn't it wasn't like people claimed it was, you know, and I was there throughout the 90s, too. I mean,

not as much regularity. Like, the last time I was out there was 2000, but, I mean, it was the same deal. I mean, there's weird stuff there. There's definitely a lot more kind of open advice and things than you'd find in Chicago or like in the south

but this idea that it's some like that it's a great big Berkeley or that it's like Eugene Oregon and like that's ridiculous you know it's incredibly racialized it's incredibly segregated you know the people there

have a very law and order of sensibility especially considering the kind of unless you're talking about you're talking about I don't know they're talking about East LA or unless you're talking about some of these like day one white hoods or unless you're talking about what remains are like blacks Southern California, which is ceasing will exist. I mean, there's just a fact.

I'm not talking about it's like shit. Like unless you're talking about hoods like that, like people don't know nor trust their neighbors. Like it's, you know, it's not at all that people claim it is. So I figure we could probably make this a three-part series. Like today I want to get into the kind of history of how California became California. because that's important. You know, I've been a discussion the other day about Wisconsin, because Wisconsin is an unusual state.

You know, like on the one hand, like on the one hand, they'll go for Bernie or they'll go for Trump as, is like protest gestures. But it's like the same population that goes for both. And they, you know, they abolished the death penalty when I was basically unheard of. they were founded by a bunch of Bavarians

essentially I mean I'm in the culture there I don't mean like this the governmental apparatus a lot of whom were kind of the 1848 refugee kind of the refugees of 1848 you know so they've got

they had a peculiar ideological persuasion you know in California from day one it was very very racialized you know and there was a number there was a successive

incidents of secession movement during the war between the states and there was concern um there was concern that a bunch of free soilers who were for all practical purposes like rabid white nationalists and uh

some of these some of these Spanish people both uh people literally descended from Spaniards you know as well as as well as like Mastizo people you know, who owned land in Southern California, who remained after the Mexican war, there was concern that they were going to click up,

and they were just going to tell the federal government to go to hell and say, like, we're our own territory now. Come get us. You know, this is not a state that is a heritage of tolerance. Ready for huge savings? Well, mark your calendars from November 28 to 30th, because the little Newbridge warehouse sale is, Back. We're talking thousands of your favourite Lidl items all reduced to clear. From home essentials to seasonal must-habs, when the doors open, the deals go fast.

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or of love for the federal government you know and even if that was true you know again like let's say everything that was alleged is true that California just can never be

flipped it is always blue because of Mexicans so Hispanics love senile old white ladies like Nancy Pelosi they love like vulgar Yenta is like Barbara Boxer

like really they don't want their own people running things. You know what they say is true you'd have some like young like you know some young basically like socialist the like Mexican guy whose whole thing was you know like justice for like the farm

workers and probably some kind of weird pastiche of liberation theology Catholicism and that kind of like crusading evangelical sensibility that tends to be I mean, not in terms of sexual stuff or social matters,

but in terms of economic matters, like left wing, like that's who California would be full of in terms of its garment, if what was being alleged was true. It wouldn't be some, it wouldn't be some, like, a zombie-fied hag white lady, you know, like, who everybody despises.

You know, like, that's ridiculous. So I, you know, I'm trying to disabuse people of those notions, but, yeah, With that background laid, we'll kind of get started. The key to California's existence as a state, you know, was the Mexican War. When Mexico City was captured by Winfield Scott, he was the commander on the ground. And the Mexican War was formative in all kinds of ways. Stonewall Jackson, he was an artillery officer on the ground there, and he, you know, this is based.

basically were the guys who came to make up the core of the Confederate Army, like, learned out of fight with combined arms. You know, Winfield Scott, Jefferson Davis, Zachary Taylor, Stonewall Jackson. Winfield Scott and Jefferson Davis became real rivals in offs, like way back then. And Winfield Scott, of course, he essentially defected to the union cause, if you want to look at it that way. and he was responsible for he died very shortly after the onset of hostilities and even 61,

but he played a key part in devising the Union battle plan in terms of, you know, mobilization and devising logistical infrastructure and things like that. But this kind of political,

California was a microcosm after the Mexican war of the political divide that developed between the Democrats, which were then the Jacksonian Party, and the Whigs, and we're going to get into what that means. And California today is the legacy of that in real terms, not

in terms of the propaganda narratives. But when Mexico City fell on September 15th, 18, 47, the end result was that Mexico was essentially required to secede over half of its territory,

including the present-day including was present-day California, Nevada, Utah, most of Colorado, New Mexico, Arizona, and a small part of Wyoming. You know, I mean, Mexico, after it achieved independence from Spain, I mean, it was, it was, it was, it was, it was, it was, it was, it was, it was setting itself up to be a major power.

You know, people forget that. Like, Mexico today is basically like a rump state, okay? Um, the American delegation and president Polk, and Polk was actually a really good president. and serious historians have started crediting him with that. Polk was a protege of Andrew Jackson. Okay.

And he was very much like a Jacksonian executive. You know, he viewed the kind of like white warrior yeomanry as like the backbone of this country. He viewed the president as having a special mandate

because he's the only nationally elected representative like he had contempt for Congress he thought you know the judiciary had nothing to say on trying to restrain

authority express he delegated through article 2 but he was a great man and he he basically accomplished all of his objectives in a single term see he said when he took a We knew the other boss.

He said he would not run for any more, for a second term. He would not seek incommency, and he didn't. He was a great president. But, Polk realized, like, we can't impose a totally draconian piece on these people. We've, you know,

the Mexicans. He's like, we've got to, we've got to compensate them somehow. All told, the U.S. government paid Mexico $15 million. In the literal language, of the

peace agreement quote in consideration of the extension acquired by the boundaries of the United States and then the government also like it the Polk's administration

like it's satisfied like publicly held debts like owed the Mexican government by American citizens okay so on the one hand Mexico became like a rump state like almost fiefdom of America but, I mean, they were compensated.

You know, this wasn't Polka, and Polk realized, too, like, a lot of these southern officers, I mean, God love them, like, they're my own forebears, but he realized there was a potential of these guys, like, putting their boot

on the heels of Mexico's neck, and basically, you know, basically, like, ruling, like, like, you know, like, occupation of warlords, and he's like, we can't, we can't have it. You know,

um, And Winfield Scott was a very impressive guy and a great general officer. I mean, I've got no love for his politics. But, you know, a commanding general, especially in those days, where, you know, commanding control was truly in situ. You know, you needed a president who had actual authority behind his is dick tots to

you know to kind of bring that power to bear the but the the the piece of Guadalupe Hidalgo

pen went to paper on the 19th of it was finally ratified in the 19th of May 1848 like I still at he's ended you know with fall of Mexico City, but it was months later that his treaty was hashed out.

Nicholas Trist, who for practical purposes was kind of the first Secretary of State, like in the Department of State as we think of it. He was sent down there as Polk's representative to liaise with Winfield Scott. What he ended up doing was Polk, as well as the military establishment, had wanted Trist to push way harder for more territorial concessions. Trist didn't do that, but initially Polk said he was willing to pay the Mexicans $30 million in compensation.

Trist literally have that number, okay, which honestly is like splendid negotiation. But Trist kind of became persona non-grada subsequently. But Trist is so important. with a lot of no-nothings and nativist types. It's interesting. You know, and a lot of these guys, Trist, it wasn't, he kind of played both sides of the aisle. Because on the one hand, like, you paid lip service to these guys who wanted to expand slavery westward. And presumably, um, a lot of these same elements, particularly in the military establishment, who were almost all, uh, southerners. who are part of this kind of core group of officers who won the war in Mexico.

Like, presumably, they wanted to expand slavery, like, you know, deep into what had been Spanish America as well. You know, and Trist was unwilling to get behind that. Like, he stood on business for, like, slaveholders' rights, and, like, he was a slaveholder, but he came down on the side of the first, resoilers with we cannot expand this westward, you know. And I think that was a source of some of the tension.

And Polk struck very much kind of the same sort of compromise in terms of what he was willing to publicly advocate for. You catch them in the corner of your eye. Distinctive. By design. They move you. Even before you drive. The new Cooper plug-in hybrid range. For Mentor, Leon and Terramar.

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And like to understand the history of the West, the American West. like you've got to take that into account. You know, the degree to which it was kind of a fight between these Jacksonians who basically wanted to make the West like

an extension of the American South and this kind of like agrarian slave empire and these free-soiler types who were basically allied with big business. You know, and what became like the kind of new

Republican Party around Mr. Lincoln, which was kind of like the vestigial elements of the Whigs. You know, they didn't, they were opposed to slavery but they, but not for like the reasons that

like Quakers were, that these or like John Brown tape abolitionists were. One of the reasons they were opposed to it is because they were very hardline white nationalists. They didn't want like non-white people. They need slavery as like this degenerate practice, you know, in no some measure because it involved, like, race mixing and things.

Like, these are the people, these are the political factions that were, like, fighting for dominance in California. Like, progressives were in order to be found. They didn't exist. You know, so that that's relevant to our discussion here, because it's like, okay, I mean, if you're going to claim that like New York is like a progressive heartland, that's overstated too for all kinds of reasons,

but I'll accept it because you do have that culture in New York, in Boston, throughout New England, dating back to literally the early 17th century. It doesn't exist in California. You know, yet you're

supposed to believe that I guess one day in the 1970s this became the dominant culture and now it's just ironclad and insurmountable it's not all things work you know and this stuff doesn't matter you know people they develop these conceits I guess

because they imbibed what they're told by regime adjacent media and things that somehow precedent is just wiped away after 1989 or something, and after the Cold War, you know, the enduring conventions in any given locale

just like, don't matter. Like, that could not be farther from the truth. That's just not political life. That's not only work. You know, history bleeds into the present in all kinds of ways. You know, and especially especially when we're talking about political cultures

and the kind of nuances therein. I mean, that's why we have an electoral college. It's not some weird conspiracy or whatever you know, the Walmart shopper types think. Like, nor is it something that the federal governments, like, thinks of some great

thing. They had no choice. You know, because otherwise there's not going to be, there's going to be a legitimacy gap, you know, a mile wide if such things aren't abided. You know, and the reason why those things exist is on grounds of

historical imperatives, but moving on Trist had been he'd been a liaison to Cuba and he spoke fluent Spanish and he seemed to have an affinity kind of for Spanish peoples you know both like

the Spaniards themselves as well as you know some of their mixed race and indigenous charges and things and there's speculation that both at the time and subsequent

some of which he views this as a laudable thing, some of which is repunitive that he sympathized with the Mexicans more than he cared about with Polk and Winfield Scott wanted him to get done. So he found a way to basically like let the Mexicans preserve

especially these military types who were sitting at the negotiation table. He allowed them to like retain some of their honor as officers and as men while also, you know, managing to save the Polar administration, literally half of the expenditure that they'd anticipated. It's interesting to speculate on.

I think that's probably true, okay? But the, but yeah, he didn't, he and both Paul and Winfield Scott were not at all happy. And subsequently, Trist was ordered to leave him. Mexico and he refused. He just stayed there. He wrote a 65-page letter back to Washington. How many people could write a 65-page letter in those days is incredible.

That's what he did. And he outlined his reasons from staying in theater. And he spared he he he did not

the opportunity to go to ways to explain you know how he'd executed a brilliant negotiation you know

and managed to bargain down Santa Ana to accept you know only $15 million in compensation for the concessions but

you know the so all told um Polk had wanted the concessions to extend to specifically include Baja, California. Trits had drawn the line, and presumably this is one of the reasons by Santa Ana had been so amenable. He drew the line directly west from Yuma to Tijuana and San Diego, instead of from Yuma South to the Gulf of California, which left

all of Baja as part of Mexico and that's really what infuriated Polk, okay? But, you know, you a great diplomat, I mean, don't get me wrong, I think Trist was compromised if you want to look at it in those terms,

absolutely. But you can't, you can't second against a diplomat as to what he says is a key concession that, you know, you're, the opposing party will you know it considers to be

you know not negotiable you've got to defer in some measure to your diplomatic corps you know even if you're a very even if you were very hands-on executive and any wartime executive is going to be hands-on

you know so just as a complicated figure like I forgive me if that always seemed like a boring tangent it's actually important not just for the subject on the table today, but just understanding American diplomatic history. And, you know, Mexico is in, it's,

what happens in Mexico remains important for all kinds of reasons. I mean, we're dealing with that today, and it's a key, it's a key issue upon which Mr. Trump's, you know, campaign for the presidency in 2016 and today is hinged on. but um yeah the uh you know it's important to

understand the degree to which kind of the war between the states and we'll get into the the experience of California and the American Civil War but you know the West wasn't the war between the states changed everything and what was then kind of the established

United States of America with you know the western most boundary of the actual United States like not being much beyond where I'm sitting right now. Arizona was a Confederate territory, and some of the final battles in the Western theater skilled into the American Southwest. But California wasn't really,

they weren't impacted in the same way. So it's almost like things were, even after the Civil War amendments and even after a lot of this after the radicals were able to impose reconstruction on the South, you know, and even

during the period people view as either alternatively, you know, the gilded age or the long depression, you know, from like the 1870s to around the turn of the century, like the stuff that was happening in sociological

terms in the rest of the country like wasn't really impacting the west you know um it was it was like remote to them you know and it didn't um really like the bad lines were still between the people who'd been kind of like wig you know wig slash republicans you know free soiler types by design. They move you, even before you drive. The new Cooper plugin hybrid range. For Mentor, Leon, and Terramar. Now with flexible PCP finance and trade-in boosters of up to 2,000 euro.

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28th to 30th of November. more to value and these Jacksonian Democrats who again were basically um who were basically Confederates and all but name you know one of the and the thing that kind of both held in common was this like highly racialized view of politics you know we'll get into this in a minute because it bears on one of the significant secession movements that some of these parties in California tried to

get off the ground. You know, it was literally illegal for blacks to settle in Oregon. You know, and that was a free-soiler imperative. It wasn't racist Confederates who were implementing that stuff. You know, the reason why for it, and rather than trimming around a bit, was because there was concern about, you know, this Indian like native population you know developing a real enmity with a black population that you know

presumably a potential to swell and with significant demographic and that wasn't unfounded like there'd been violent incidents between black folks and between Indians and Oregon you know but it's also you know the Oregonians they weren't going to like turn Oregon into some like some dysfunctional like multicultural state. You know, and they, it meant nothing to them if people you know, this was in 1840, 1850s, you know, the

like the post-belved decade after the Mexican war, it meant nothing to them if people tried to sell them on like abolitionist moralizing. You know, like, what is it? So what? That means nothing to us. You know, that's your problem and your dysfunctional little corner of the country where you know, you can't, you can't, you can't,

come to terms over slavery. What does that have to do with us? You know, that was the degree to which the West Coast was kind of this remote place. I mean, that carried on until after World War II. You know, so again, it's like

where where did this supposedly, like, rapidly progressive California come from? I mean, one day it appeared spontaneously in the 70s. I mean, that's not only work. But the key to this stuff, too for

conduct it was the presidential election of 1844 and this was key to kind of how the bad lines ended up being drawn in the war between the states

as well as California's political culture Polka ran as again as a as a Jacksonian Democrat against Henry Clay who was the Whig candidate and it's important

as the end of the Whigs were because the Whigs became the Republican Party. Okay, like the new Whigs. There's a difference between the old wigs of, you know, the Revolutionary War era, you know, and the guys who called themselves the Whig Party of the mid-19th century. Between the 18, 30, 1850s, like, they were, like, they were one-half of those

that was called the Second Party system. Okay. And four presidents, ran on the week ticket is William Henry Harrison, John Tyler, Zachary Taylor and William Philmore,

Daniel Webster, Rufus Choate, William Seward, John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, like these were these were also like their most prominent

standard bears. But the wig base of support, again, there were entrepreneurs, they were professionals, they professional people, um, hardcore Protestants, particularly evangelicals who disproportionately settled California and the urban middle class. Uh, it had almost no backing from unskilled laborers and poor

farmers and even guys, even like agribusiness types, um, in those days, you know, so this, again, this was, and they basically, uh, they had, at the time they'd claim that, they were like the descendants, like the Hamiltonians. They'd say that we're like the Federalists. You know, this is the day one Republican Party, okay, for all practical purposes. And they viewed California as essential to a lot of their ambitions. You know, and aside in the fact that, you know, again,

they had what we consider white nationalist sensibilities. Like, they viewed, they viewed the Confederate cause. and sympathies they were in as like holding back the country. You know, something that's also lost in the shuffle. You know, until after World War II,

Republicans were high protectionists. You know, and the Whigs believed in that high protectionism. You know, they wanted to jealously guard American domestic markets and they wanted to protect and subsidize American industry. It was the Southerners who were the free traders.

You know, as anybody who's, like, if your, if your economy is dependent on what amounts to, like, a one-crop paradigm, figuratively or literally, you know, as the Confederacy did, like, you're, like, you're going to be a free trader of a sort, okay? but this you know this is important because I've run across people including guys like Paul Johnson who in some ways is a good historian

in other ways he he seems their real blind spots you know he's if you read like his history of the American people which is kind of like his rebuttal to Howard Zinn's ridiculous you know garbage but in some ways it's a good book

but then he like he'll talk about the subject before us today. You know, it's like, oh, well, after after the work in the States, you know, the Republicans became progressive. It's like, that, that didn't happen. What are you talking? What are you talking about? You know, it's, um, I think it's

one part ignorance, one part, people just take out of face value. And maybe people just don't, like, outside the culture, like, don't understand. Like, if you're, I'm not, like, I don't like, shate anybody, but if people were, like, have immigrants, recent immigrant stock, or like, people don't really understand,

like dissenter Protestantism from within. They don't really understand what I'm talking about at like a gut level and like why some of these claims are ridiculous. I think that's part of it. But you know, among other things too, and this is key, people like Polk like Manifest Destiny.

It wasn't, like Mother Jones types, like they're like, oh, Manifers Destiny. You know, this is an example of, you know, white paternalism and imperialism. Like Manifest Destiny was an actual policy orientation. It wasn't just some, it wasn't some like abstract

conceptual phenomenon or like some sort of election year's slogan. You know, it was literally like we are going to, we're going to murk the Spanish Empire and everybody else in this hemisphere. We are going to conquer the entirety

of what used to be Spanish America. Like we're going to become, you know, essentially like the overlords of the Americas. that's what it was and the wigs were die hard against that you know um and this was a real dividing line between them and the jacksonians you know because that kind of thing like perpetual war for perpetual peace is always bad for business like we talked about before that's why economic uh explanations for warfare never make any sense but It's also, if your whole notion is, you know, bringing the capital base of America into the looming 20th century,

like you can't have the public coffers being plundered by a bunch of southern generals who want to live as Cordillows by conquering Guatemala. Like, you can't have that. You know, and this was a real, this was a real, this was. is a real clash of values and ideologies at a conceptual level

you know and plus two I mean if you're any mission of conquest and policy terms I mean that's that's going to lead to a kind of globalism

you know and and there's always going to be some kind of essential market integration there even if it's not in like the neoliberal sense of what we view as free trade, which isn't really free trade but you know what I mean.

You know, if your model for prosperity, as was the that of the Whigs and the Republican descendants was, you know, came in with the American system.

It's, you know, again, it's based on protective tariffs. You know, high protectionism, federal subsidies for the constructive infrastructure, you know, kind of like the Japanese system is and the German system was until America had destroyed it. You catch them in the corner of your eye. Distinctive. By design. They move you. Even before you drive. The new Cooper plug-in hybrid range for Mentor, Leon, and Teramar. Now with flexible PCP finance and trade-in boosters of up to 2,000 euro.

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The Liddle Newbridge Warehouse Sale, 28th to 30th of November. Liddle, more to value. Support for national banking, and obviously this was something that, you know, like horrified the Jacksonians. You know, they viewed banking as a way of Rob and. agrarians of of other personally held capital

you know modernization meritocracy, law and order checks on majority rule you know this stuff all this stuff put them totally at odds with the

with the Jacksonian Democrats you know and that this was kind of the political crucible that created California's political culture um I mean arguably

arguably the Whig Party of the of the mid-19th century it literally emerged in opposition to Jackson and then later their Republican Party was like the committee to elect president like Abraham Lincoln for political purposes and if we accept that

their wig forebears were basically like the official opposition to Andrew Jackson. You know, um, the smaller, the smaller constellation of parties, you know, what was called the National Republican Party,

the anti-Masonic party, which was a real thing, disaffected Democratic Republicans, which is what the Democrats used to call themselves. Um, the Federalist Party, which was by then defunct, as well as, you know, again, like a not insubstantial proportional like no-nothing types, you know. And that's important too.

Like when we think of at least, like, when we think of like the American old right, like we're talking of, these are the guys we're talking about. Like we're not talking about a bunch of like Neo-Confereus. You know, like we're talking about a bunch of guys who basically were, were Hamiltonian nationalists, you know, and who were, like, opposed to, you know, Jeffersonian sensibilities, guys, like, despised, you know, like, Jacksonian populism, you know, and, and, and, and, and, and, who were basically, you know, like, white nationalists, despite, like, falling, like, solidly into, like, you know, the union camp,

um, as it existed, uh, you know, during, um, you know, during, um, the post-war years. You know, like the guys who inherited the Mandel out of the failed impeachment of Johnson and things. You know, this is really interesting. And it, you know, this is, again, this is the foundation of, this is the foundation of California's political culture.

You know, and I want to, how long have we been going for? Yeah, I want to get a little bit into like the war between the states like in and how they impacted California like with the time we got left let me let me see where I'm at here it done

yeah on key to this too you know after the Treaty of Hidalgo this is a this is um there's people who drop like almost conspiratorial

narratives about this but um the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was ratified on February 2nd 1848, you know, America absorbed California,

you know, and the remainder of these this Mexican territory that became Arizona, Nevada, Colorado, Utah. But literally a week before the formal annexation of the area, like massive gold reserves were discovered in California. You know, and this legitimately happened. Like, it wasn't, This wasn't why, like, Trist proceeded the way he did.

Polk didn't know about this. Like, nobody knew about this, okay? This totally altered the state's demographics and finances. So there was, like, a massive influx of people in California. You know, not just a bunch of guys from, you know, back east. You know, and like what's now the Midwest and what was, and what was and is the South. But you had like a bunch of immigrant populations show up there. You know, you had a bunch of Europeans.

You know, you had a bunch of Asians. You've been trickling in, like, especially Chinese. This caused real problems. Okay. And this caused, like, among other things, it caused, like, a massive backlash against non-white immigration. You know, and again, this is one of the founding aspects of California is, We do not want non-white immigrants here. You know, this is not New York.

This is not Chicago. We do not want this. You know, for, like, just for, just to understand, like, the scale of this. Between, uh, between the, the time of annexation in 848 and 1870, the population of San Francisco and the day of annexation was, was around 500 people. By 1870, it was 150,000. you know, since this was unprecedented, okay?

You know, and this idea that people were happy about, you know, a bunch of, like, you know, alien elements, like, streaming in there. And not just, like, streaming in there, but, like, try and extract gold that they viewed as theirs. I mean, this, people were really, really, really, really mad. You know, it's, um, and this also, California, then, obviously, as tensions, you know, during the Buchanan administration,

you know, Buchanan was a, I think Buchanan was probably the worst president we ever had other than Biden. I mean, like, Biden is king shithead, and he will, like, never be dethroned. But, um, but Buchanan was a terrible president. And Buchanan was pretty openly gay, which is interesting, too, because, like,

I mean, I think it's a combination of conceptual illiteracy and just, like, nobody wants to claim him because he was a shit executive, but like I it's it's it's it's it's amazing how like none of the um like none of these simpletons uh

in academia like they they just like pretend that wasn't the case or something you know uh but I find that kind of interesting but in any event you know even even early on it became administration it became clear that there was going to be some kind of crisis

um you know between north and south and um the union had like eyes westward to California because it's like okay like these these gold this gold we're pulling out of the ground

is what's going to like fund our war chest you know um so California took on this outsized importance you know um and California court history suggests that there was like

this massive like volunteers from uh west of the Iraqis to fight for the union. That's really not true. Like, there were some, but, you know, Democrats

from inception, again, Jacksonian Democrats, they dominated California, like, from inception from day one. The issue was, though, that Southern Democrats were a minority

in the state. I mean, they weren't, like, a small minority. They were probably, like, 40%. you know um of the of the jacksonian element but they were the minority and um northern democrats they generally they either like tepidly backed the union or they were like neutral you know so this this divided uh this divided the the jacksonian vote um and this basically this is what basically like handed california to the to the wigs of slash rapprovales Republicans who then, like, reign for all time, you know, until literally one day it was declared that this is no longer the political culture. You know, and for clarity, too, like, California didn't quote go purple.

There wasn't this, like, phase where it's like, okay, things are changing, you know, preferences are changing, you know, only a demographic is a generation. It was literally, like, one day, it's just, this is how it is. you know for context for context for context yeah although southern

democrats were a minority um they were a majority in Tulian County San Joaquin Santa Clara Monterey and in San Francisco

and San Francisco in the 1850s they had a succession of mayors who were removed either on trumped-up charges or on substantive

charges of corruption um they had had huge problems. It was called the vigilance committees, like, literal, like, vigilantism, who said, like, you know, we're not, we're not going to, like, abide the mandates of, uh, or the mayoral office or the sheriff, you know, whether it's on, uh, you know, no matter, matter what the issue is, you know, like, it was, it was a kind of, uh, you catch them in the corner of your eye, distinctive by design, they move you, even before you drive.

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New York City in the era, but it wasn't being guided by some equivalent at Tammany Hall. It was just like guys like, you know, at street level, like, basically like making themselves like a power into themselves. It's crazy. But, you know, it was, uh,

it was, um, like, like San Francisco was, uh, was the outlier. But again, like the way they were the outlier was, because they were, they were a bunch of, They were a bunch of like redneckish Jacksonian. They weren't like an outlier because they're like, oh, we're a bunch of progressives and we don't, you know, we're not keen to this kind of like

these uptight wigs, you know, trying to like impose their will on us. So that's, um, I mean, wrong. Like San Francisco was a repository of shit. It is full of like, it is full of like degenerates and, and like, so the humans and shit like today. Like, it absolutely is.

Like, I'm not saying that's not the case. But it's, like, my point was that, um, you know, if, um, if, um, if people are looking, for like deep roots and historical record doing for that, like they're not there. Like, what happened to San Francisco is it's like a port town. I think

I think frankly, like the like war permanent war mobilization and then like really fucked it up, you know, because that never ends well for a community that becomes a, you know, a hub

of a military basing. Like I'm not, I'm not trashing service people, but that's just a fact. But that this dynamic between Northern and Southern Democrats in California, that's what allowed Lincoln to carry the state. Albeit he carried it by a very slim margin.

But he was, but unlike most, unlike most non-slaveholding states, like Lincoln didn't win a raw, He didn't win it on my right majority. He won California by plurality, which is highly significant. But following their admission to the union,

these tensions created, I mean, they created a real possibility of parts of California. They're trying to achieve a separate statehood or trying to succeed altogether. You know, there was a number of attempts in the 1850s, none of which came to, like, open combat at scale. But, I mean, they were, I mean, it was a serious thing.

And in 1859, the last, there was, passed it was called the Pico Act. And it was passed by the California State Legislature, and it was signed by, Governor Weller, Jerry B. Weller. Um, it proposed a territory of Colorado, which would basically include,

uh, you know, Northern California, parts of Southern California, parts of Colorado, and parts of Oregon, as, uh, it is, as essentially, like, its own, its own territory that, you know,

did not have formal status as a state, but did, you know, have, like, some rights at law, but that the federal government would have had, like, no power over by way, like, the Commerce Clause or anything else. You know, Senator Milton Latham was a strong advocate of it. So this had legs, okay? What tanked it was the secession crisis following the election of Lincoln.

And when it became clear, like, what was underway, latin and the people like the real persons behind it realized like well we really want to get lumped in with you know the Confederate secessionists

and you know before we know it we're going to find ourselves like you know down range of union guns but that didn't that didn't stop the Francisco

Jacksonians, though. Months later, at the beginning of 1861, you know, is the actual secession crisis set in vis-a-vis the South. The San Francisco secessionists,

they tried to separate Californian Oregon from the Union. Like, they wanted to do this forcibly. And carve out what they called the Pacific Republic. and this was one of the reasons this kind of sensibility had been floated before

and that's one of the reasons why Oregon had their like highly racialized code of laws because I believe even among the I mean I don't believe I know

I mean even among the mainstream political establishment there was sympathy for these kinds of propositions but and they were willing to become strange bedfellows with these like Jacksonian Confederate types in San Francisco but they were not going to allow

Oregon to become like a slave state that was then like flooded with you know like blacks in bondage or otherwise and all they received is like these pathologies that you know characterized the South so this is this is really

this is really interesting I think and really important. Like I hope we're coming up on the hour, man. I'll get into the nuts and bolts because I'm sure what people want really is kind of like the hard and fast data

relating to electoral patterns like in the 20th century to the present. I'll get into that next time. I just, this was an important background. I think. So I hope you wouldn't find it boring. No, I think the history, I think most people just don't know the history of like the West and, you know,

oh, gold rush and everything. Yeah, yeah, yeah. You get, getting deep into it, you know, people don't know. You know, while you were talking, I was like remembering that, like, as late as like 1979, it was illegal for like a gay person to be a public school teacher in California. Yeah, and even in Illinois, like, people here are pretty,

despite we see in the news, people here are pretty, like, socially conservative. We didn't have any laws like that. But, like, California did, but supposedly they're, like, the liberal heartland. Like, it just doesn't make any sense. You know, and it's like, the, yeah, you know, and it,

what's like my friend Anthony, I mean, you know Anthony, yeah. I mean, like, he, Anthony Romano, yeah. What's like he, he and I become pretty good, pretty good buds, and he was nice to have to take us, me and him out to eat in Portland.

You know, and he, I mean, he grew up in L.A. He's about your age, if you were older than me. He grew up in L.A. in the 70s and 80s. You know, and he's like, it was massively segregated. And that's like what I remember, like a little later, you know, like the early to mid

80s. Like, it was, it was massively segregated. You know, even by, and I'm, and I'm from Chicago and it's like this jumped out at me. You know, it's like it's crazy that what people suggest is

sort of the, like in its cultural DNA, you know, and what, it's this idea that oh no, you know, it's this kind of permanent, you know, the Democrats are just the ruling party in California because that's how it is. It's not how it is. You know, not at all.

But yeah, well, I'll, I mean, I'm already coding the data for, to properly discuss, you know, the next kind of aspect of this. So, yeah, well, I don't know how you want to play it moving forward. I mean, I'm, I'm, obviously, on Friday, my dad and I're going to observe Thanksgiving on Friday, probably. I mean, probably definitely. Like, that's when, I was going to cook a turkey, but I got reservations at a really good restaurant instead. But be as it may Like other than

Other than that We can I'm ready to go any time This week even if Yeah okay Yeah So no one has to figure it out Yep

Yep Yep Um Do plugs and Yeah We'll do Yeah for sure man Best place to find me

Is on substack It's Real Thomas 7777 that's Substack.com I'm trying to throw more free content up there You know Especially more like

video content and stuff you can always find me on my website, which has a news feed, so whenever I upload anything new, like it pops up there, regardless of where it's at. It's just number 7, H-O-M-A-S-777.com.

I'm on social media at capital R-E-A-L-U-S-S-7-H-MAS-777. Like, you go to my website, you'll find my Instagram and like other shit I'm in too. Ready for huge savings. We'll mark your calendars from November 28 to 30th because the Liddle Newbridge Warehouse Sale is back.

We're talking thousands of your favorite Liddle items all reduced to clear. From home essentials to seasonal must-habs, when the doors open, the deals go fast. Come see for yourself. The Liddle New Bridge Warehouse Sale, 28th to 30th of November. Liddle, more to value.

You catch them in the corner of your eye. Distinctive, by design. They move you, even before you drive. The new Kupra plug-in hybrid range for Mentor, Leon and Terramar. Now with flexible PCP finance and trade-in boosters of up to 2000 euro. Search Kupra and discover our latest offers. Kupra, design that moves.

Finance provided by way of higher purchase agreement from Volkswagen Financial Services, Arland Limited, Subject to lending criteria. Terms and conditions apply. Volkswagen Financial Services Ireland Limited. Trading as Cooper Financial Services is regulated by the Central Bank of Ireland. I'm on Telegram as well. I got like a MERS brand and we just drop some like winter hats and stuff.

So if you want like winter gear like we have that now. So if I can be a show, I recommend you buy one of our winter hats. worry and I'll link to it as I always do yeah that's great man yeah likewise yeah appreciate it yeah I want to welcome everyone back to the Pekanano show Thomas is here to do part two of our series on California how are you doing Thomas I'm doing well for part two I'm going to continue discussing the sociological factors they created California and some of the historic imperatives that shaped its political culture. You know, they're in the final part. I'll get into some of the data I coded about, you know, post-war electioneering and things and why the claim that's alleged about it being, you know, a permanent blue state is CAF. I know that's kind of what people are waiting for, but this is important. And for, not just for context, but, you know, if you really, you're really got to understand that California is an outside significance, not just because of the electoral votes that it hosts.

You know, John F. Kennedy, Kennedy's election was a really, really big deal, and it was far more significant than, like, Obama's election. I mean, Obama was, like, the equivalent of an industry plant anyway. He was a kind of a fake candidate. Like, going to be wrong, like, Obama actually did have a ground organization, and Obama is, like, a very cunning campaigner, unlike, unlike Mrs. Harris and unlike President shithead. He wasn't like a totally fake candidate in that regard, but

him being just kind of like random immigrant guy who was, you know, being promoted within the kind of broader narrative of wokeism. Like it's really not that remarkable. Like Kennedy, like this Irish Catholic guy had been going president in 1960,

that was a really big deal. But it's also what's notable about that is that was like the last hurrah of like the east coast establishment unless you count the bushes and i really don't because the bush family really made their fortune in in texas you know and they they've got like east coast roots but they're not part of like the east coast establishment and that really was the center of the political universe in america until the 70s, man. And then after that,

you know, there was Johnson, and I, you know, Johnson went down in flames. And in, arguably, in 64, he was, uh, um, running against like a lame duck in, in Goldwater. But the fact that he was on the ticket at all was significant

because he was this southern guy, you know, and, uh, post-reconstruction, like the south, I mean, the South was never not significant in electoral college terms, but they very much

been, like, marginalized. But then, so subsequently, you get Nixon from California, you get Carter from the South, you get Reagan from California, you get Clinton from the South, you get Bush, who's, you know, like a Texas, like a Southwest guy for all practical purposes.

You know, he's the governor of Texas. You know, then you get Clinton, who's a Southern guy. Like this, like, the southwest became like the new like the center of the political universe okay and California like started shooting ahead of New York is not just the most populous state you know but also kind of like the center of of high tech like the the terrestrial economy during World War II like people don't understand that degree to which there was this like like savage hostility to capitalism

and that's one of the catapulted Roosevelt in the power and it wasn't as new dealers as they thought that way like arguably other than the social engineering stuff like Roosevelt basically appropriated Huey Long's platform you know and

and Long in the American context long as we'd consider like a radical right wing populist I mean like yeah like he he was a socialist in terms of his like redistribute redistribution schemes and um

it's like a state tax scheme, but that's the way everybody thought in the 90th 30s. So like what I'm getting at it is across the entire spectrum, like, basically like would characterize everybody's politics was like a hatred of big business and a hatred of Wall Street. Like, World War II going to change that accidentally because Roosevelt, obviously he had to go all in with like making nice, not just with Wall Street, but also with these guys who you know, we're at the helm of these of these terrestrial, like,

valuated manufacturing firms. You know, particularly these nascent, like, aircraft firms, you know, and people who are on the fortist model to make, you know, like, war materials and these industries that could be converted, you know, to, you know, to, to, to, to, to, to, to, to, to, to, to, to, manufacturers and things.

And this is, this is centered in California. Okay. Um, And subsequently, like, California became kind of like the hypercapist, like, hub. You know, and I emphasize this, not just because it's the key to understanding what California is important and why it's powerful. And also why they kind of, like, after the Cold War and, you know, and the subsequent, like, information revolution and the financialization of the economy. Like, the reason why California inherited that, like, high-tech mantle, like, for the reasons I said. So, it's, like, you're another reason why this idea.

that California is like just like rabidly socialist political culture like that's cap like that that doesn't make any sense you know um like don't get me wrong they're like the they're not just kidding about the you know the taxation scheme and and that they're killing your capital base like outright you know but that that owes to like what I'm getting it is that that that's not organic okay like it's not it's not something that came from the bottom and it's not because like California voters like slew the peruvial golden goose because they just like rose up one day and they're like yeah we're not going to tolerate this anymore like we you know we want we want this absurd tax rate and and we we hate McDonnell Douglas and we hate Silicon Valley like

like none of it you know like it um I mean that that's we'll get no more of this in part three because some of that it was too to like the the the viburcation of the you know the manager elite like from the high tech and manufacturing sector and that that was a huge thing and like something that people like Burnham didn't really foresee like Searight Mills he's probably a little he's probably a little like left wing

for some people's taste I think he was an important sociologist and in some ways I think he had inside Burnham didn't but you know Burnham and Burnham wasn't incorrect in his epic really from really until the end of the Cold War

although by the close of the 80s like this was changing there was an integral aspect to the managerial state. You know, the guys who, in policy planning, were also the guys who, you know, worked for big companies in advisory roles or CEO roles. You know, like Robert McNamara was like the case in point. Okay. So there was this kind of like rotation of a lease

from like the public to the private sector and like applied technology was king. in terms of what had clout, as well as what, you know, could kind of compete for subsidies and things. You know, and it wasn't just, it wasn't just defense contractors either. I mean, it was a general technology, what used to be called like general technology firms, you know, telecom, obviously. But slowly, you know, like political managers and private sector managers that like started coming from different places. You know, and increasingly, like there was less of this kind of like, accessuous, like, cross-pollination, you know?

And then by the 90s, it was kind of complete. You know, and that's not accidental either. Then suddenly, like, oh, California is no longer, you know, what it's been for 140 years. Like, now it's, you know, now it's this, like, radically progressive, you know, kind of, like, socialist experiment that can never, ever go Republican again. Like, that's, like, I'm emphasizing this stuff to demonstrate. why in in kind of totality of circumstances,

terms, like what's alleged about it's not possible. But we're going to continue first a bit on in the same vein as in the first episode. And that people seem to respond well to that. So I don't think it's going to bore them. But I mean, it's important. I'm not just, you know,

this isn't just like a hobby of mine or something to drop, you know, factoid heavy narratives or something. It's essential to understanding kind of like my thesis and we'll get into that in part three but anyway I think we left all up last time with talking about these guys like Winfield Scott and Zachary Taylor and Jefferson Davis and the Mexican War and how the Mexican War and President Polk who's an underrated president you know that this was kind of like the day one experience of California you know and um

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i i've got nothing about love for the confederacy i've got nothing about love for the south and i mean they're they're like my people you know like ethnic and sectarian terms but there was there was a very thirsty element among them who who believed in man of his destiny okay like california was kind of the gateway to that um like literally you know because a lot of these guys they wanted to essentially replace the Spaniards and singlet themselves kind of as as this boss element over this formerly Spanish-American

slave empire. Like quite literally. That's not some sort of dystopian mother Jones kind of narrative or something. Like that's true. I'm not passing rural judgment on that. That would have led to dysfunctional outcomes but not not for not for reasons of a purely ethical nature or anything like that but you know um even before

the war between the states kicked off it kind of became clear that that wasn't going to be abided and then you know the the california gold rush i think we got in i think that's where we left off the california gold rush you know changed everything and for all time it meant that you know the federal government was going to be deeply insinuated into into california's fortunate in terms of its infrastructural development, in terms of its political assimilation, you know, like all that. So, when it was Gold Rush, California was, like, fast-tracked for a lot of, like,

NASA and infrastructure, okay, from, like, the 1850s until, like, really until, like, the 1950s and 60s. Okay. The, there was this giant logistics firm. and this guy named John Butterfield he got a federal contract to carry mail overland from Memphis and St. Louis

which was kind of the that's kind of like the westernmost frontier of truly developed America you know like the south and the near south and the Midwest like near in prox in terms of where I am and so like twice a week these stage coaches

that run through Prestonel past Ouma, the Pacific Coast. It would take 20 to 25 days, which was like rapid in those days. The Russell Major and Waddell Company, there were another big logistics firm. Right before the Civil War, they carried something, they had a fleet of something like 6,000 wagons. oxen like all told um they were they were all they were like a big rival to pony express also but eventually like they they kind of developed their own like niche and and they were they were moving more like freight rather like what we consider to be like freight you know rather than like letters and telegrams and stuff like that but um you know this was this was like an a fur of you know not just

because, you know, there wasn't like the kind of concentrated necessity, you know, to serve like a discreet market like that. But, you know, this is being like rapidly subsidized, you know, like the, like, like Washington like had its sights on California as like a literal gold night, you know, after the discovery of these like massive gold reserves. Samuel Morris, yes that Morris, you know, they got the architect of Morris Code. You know, He was like an early telecom, like Pioneer, obviously. You know, the, like, wiring up, like, why, he got $30,000 appropriated for the Washington, Baltimore, like, telegraph line, which was, like, an incredible, like, fortune in those days, you know, and, like, that line was first used.

it transmitted by cable, like, it transmitted by cable, uh, between, um, the wig and the, and the Democratic Republican conventions in, in the 1840s, which is kind of wild. That was like the first, uh, that, that was like the first, like, newswire between, you know, conventions, you know, um, so, like, people had both situated in both locales could, like, be advised of what was happening. You know, that's why we talk about literally the newswire, you know, like that, that, the term like never thought of favor for whatever reason you know and um so the so air grid operator of ireland's electricity grid is powering up the northwest we're planning to upgrade the electricity grid in your area and your input and local knowledge are vital in shaping these plans our consultation closes

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The Morris died in the early 1870s, and memory serves, but, you know, like, they, him and his firm got, like, a huge amount of public money, so, like, wire up California. And, like, before, I mean, it's not like a 20th century, obviously, or the 21st century in terms like a lobbying and like modern lobbying as we think of it that really didn't come into existence so like grant administration like this idea of like i'm a i'm a businessman or i'm some wall street type and i can i can just approach congress and like make my case and be like yeah i need you know i need $30,000 which i adjusting for inflation i mean that's that's like tens of millions of dollars today you know um that you know this idea you can just kind of like approach congressman or senators

or approach the cabinet, like the secretary of the interior or something of an incumbent president, and it's like make your pitch for subsidies. Like, I was basically on a hurdle. It's something you could do. You know, so, but I mean, if you, but if you had business in California relating to infrastructure, like, basically, like, watching it, like, shovel money at you, you know. And that's hugely significance, man, hugely significant. you know and like a telegraph it quickly became like indispensable to government you know um and this is

also the uh this is uh this is also the origins of the associated press you know like ap newswire it started in 1827 which is insane you know and uh originally originally it was it was it was local to new york you know um but then they like like ap started like utilizing um the fact that california is going wire up you know to to literally be able to like disseminate like coast to coast news like how like how valid that news was is an open any question you know like fake news isn't like a new thing but um you know like all this like what president polk's angle and all this was when aside from like the obvious and this is hugely important too you know texas was always really basically what

the reason the federal government had its site so much in California and it was like salivating. That's what they'd wanted Texas to be. You know, like Texas is a, it's just like a bounty of of natural

wealth in the new world. You know, like, it's incredible. You know, it's got, it's got, it's got, it's got the, it's got the commodities and and the, and the convertible energy resources of, like,

10 countries. You know, like to this day. like it's it's insane but you know texas is always problematic and texas of course also like join the confers you know we weren't there yet you know during polks administration but i mean the texans basically wouldn't play ball and like texas political culture there there's always these problems i mean those those kind of endure to this day although it's different now i mean and obviously texas is no longer they they've lost their they've lost the stones as it were for any kind of like rebel political culture and they're so deeply insinuated into

into the military industrial apparatus that they'd be kind of like a thinkable today but you know but Texas has always kind of been on its own program you know and it's always um there and there was like discrete power bases there you know particularly related to

to what became like agribusiness and stuff you know um so people like poke they were looking at california and saying like you know well this we can we can basically like make california and whatever image we want you know and we can allocate it to resources whatever we want you know and we're not going to like brush up against this uh like established power there you know and we're not going to we're not going to be have to deal with like a house of political culture and you know such that we can like convince people to move there you know they're going to credit us with with kind of creating this utopia where like everything's wired up you know you got you've got um you know you've got like electricity there's another huge thing

and i'll get to that in a minute was like literally wiring up california of electricity and like farmhouses and residences which was like a herd of at scale you know basically like making California as like attractive as possible and then like when people like when these when these day one Pioneer types arrive there They'll have like You know they'll look at Washington It's like this benevolent agent You know that made this possible

And I'm sure that people like listening or watching right now They're making the connection that like this is a lot Like how Walt Disney thought and they're right it is And we'll get to that in a minute But um You know The uh The um

Polk's interesting too because he was like this genius holly math he was an expert mathematician he was born in North Carolina he migrated to Tennessee served in Congress he was Speaker of the House he was governor for two years

and but he was also he was also like an old school Southerner. Like, you know, in a plantation, he was a slave owner. Like, he was part of what, you know, the Confederacy's ops, you know, deris that we call it the slave power. But again, he was like this high-speed mathematician and this kind of like polymath. And like he had a deep understanding of technology. Um, you know, um, but he's kind of cast as like this, he's kind of cast as like this stodgy, like old guy represented this kind of reactionary tendency. you know and yeah i mean it's not totally false but that that's kind of like the wrong takeaway from polk and his administration you know and um he uh he was an acolyte of andrew jackson i can't remember if we got into that or not so much of the people called him young hickory so you had credibility it's like this kind of like populist uh like white yeomen type

you know and that's one of the reasons why he was like so effective you know because like he actually was those things. It wasn't, it wasn't just this kind of, like, fake narrative around him. A remarkable guy. You know,

I'm a big fan of him, as people probably discerned. And I don't think he's a president people read about it anymore. But, you know, it, people like Paul Johnson

claimed that Polk was the first president who was killed by the office. You know, and he kept, uh, he screwed they kept that diary and it was clearly like the stress and the workload was killing him you know and it uh kind of the most like obvious and flavorant instance of that is wilson but i mean poke also like the

pressures these guys were under are incredible like even today even kind of an empty suit like Obama like you made a lot of the fact that you know like in a few years like all this hair went great and stuff you know like it's um it's like an exhausting role even now when there's all kinds of advantages and you're basically a PR man and not like a real executive. You know, that's why when, I mean, obviously a lot of this stems from a kind of debased hostility to the man, but when world media outlets and not just American ones, they talk about how like awful, quote unquote, awful Putin looks. It's like, well, he's a guy in his 70s.

I think he probably beat cancer because all the indications, point to that and the the russians are notoriously um close to the chest about health problems with anybody let alone their leadership but you know he's a war executive and the pressures that man is under are unfathomable i i think it looks remarkably good considering all of that but that's something of a tangent forgive that but um the uh the kind of key to all this that i just suggested i mean obviously like the gold rush happened immediately after the Mexican war and a lot of these ideas at scale kind of ossified in the aftermath of the Guadalupe Hadalgo treaty but Pope Polk wanted to go to war in Mexico because he wanted

California okay like the men who actually fought the war you know guys like Jackson like Zachary Taylor guys like Stonewall Jackson not Andrew guys like Winfield Scott I mean they had a sense of like white man's southern honor about it obviously and you know they had they had like a warrior's mentality about it you know and a lot of

these man of its destiny types also they viewed it in like nakedly theological terms and there's nothing wrong with that. It's one of the things that made America strong I mean that's one of the things that makes our people strong like you know white dissenters but that was not Polk in ocean

Pokemon California okay because he was he was kind of like Wilson and kind of like Eisenhower in this regard like whatever anybody thinks of like Wilson or Ike politically that's not what I'm getting at like they they had serious foresight in terms of infrastructural

potentials and you know the exploitability of nature's bounty and as well as you know Air Grid operator of Ireland's electricity grid is powering up the northwest we're planning to upgrade the electricity grid in your

area and your input and local knowledge are vital in shaping these plans. Our consultation closes on the 25th of November. Have your say online or in person. So together we can create a more reliable, sustainable electricity supply for your community. Find out more at airgrid.i.4 slash northwest. Employers, did you know, you can now reward you and your staff with up to 1,500 euro and gift cards annually, completely tax-free. And even better, you can spread it over five different occasions.

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incredible wealth could translate into applied technology and industry and things and that's also

why you know I can't remember I mentioned this before Polke Pope promised only served

one term and he did and I think that's part of why you know back in those days like medical

treatment wasn't what it is today I mean Pope was not particularly good of health I, I, when he, he, he was a war executive who won, he was a conquering hero, America got Mexico,

he was able to lock in basically these kind of key infrastructural projects. Like I think it was basically like mission accomplished and I, younger people don't really understand this. I don't think, but it was on the slight on them. There's no way they would. And I plan to be around for a minute. I'm not like planning to die. But I do have like more time behind me than in. front and I do understand now why people especially men when they're like

okay mission accomplished it's kind of like your body almost gives out you know like it's it's interesting um I'm not trying to be morbid but it's significant when we're discussing the the kinds of personages and historical imperatives that we are but um you know the uh you know and again there's a lot of cap or the Mexican war. There's a lot of historians, a lot of traditional historians going to cast the Mexicans

as a bunch of fools and people who don't have a charitable view of Polk or the Confederacy or the South or white people. They view of Poe was kind of like this greedy opportunist. Other people like Howard Zin types, they claim, well obviously there was foreknowledge of

California's gold wealth and so this was like basically an economic heist. None of those things are true. Like that's the demonstrably false. Like, this was what it appears to be. And that's, we got under the, the whole issue of the, the negotiations between,

um, between Larkin and, um, and Sloat and, um, this kind of informal contingent that was based in Monterey that, that then managed to lobe all the Mexicans and pay them only half would have been allocated for, you know, these concessions. which originally was slated at $30 million, then halved to $15 million. But it's, you know, but Mexico was actually treated pretty generously. You know, they were compensated.

Their, a lot of their debts were repudiated, and Mexico then is now had a terrible reputation for accruing massive public debts and then just simply, like, welching on them. And somehow that tracks, like, Mexicans. I'm not trying to like trash like Spanish people or something, but it's just funny to think about. But

the and also too, and we'll move on from this in a minute, but this is important. You know, the Mexican government was violently anti-American. You know, that's that wasn't

just some sort of rational in the book to the cause of it's belly. You know, that is true. And some people seem to forget that because they view Mexico as albeit in the era I mean they do it possibly as corrupt and stuff in the way that

unfortunately a lot of political cultures based on the Iberian model are what they viewed it as basically this kind of like European colonial power that was a that was fighting a race war against the Apache and so they

they for some reason in their mind it's like well no how would America and how especially the American South and Mexico not be friendly. They were serious enmity there and the Mexicans hated America. Like their government, I mean. It's outside the scope but

one of the reasons why I like Mexican people and whites, I mean, yeah, there's tensions there, there always are between peoples, but they do get along better than other populations. Like on the street in square life and that's an interesting topic, but obviously it's outside the scope. but I don't believe that Mexican people

and some like a biting hatred of America you better believe that their government is you know and um and that kind of divide between I mean there really was like a chasmid distance between like the ruling cast in Mexico and like the common man or woman like that that's what really screwed it up when

when it became blatantly communist oh yeah yeah much more hostile no and Mexico is a screwy when we're getting ahead of ourselves, but even like the Zimmerman Telegram, a lot of that was cap. Like, I don't, it's not like the Mexicans are eminently

going to, like, assault the Southwest. But the very fact that, I mean, I mean, Valhom was not a good ruler. And just not a good guy in all kinds of ways. But I, and so I mean, he was always saying stupid things.

You know, whether it was like firing off, I cable to Paul Kruger is antagonized. the British for a reason or you know sending off the Zimmerman telegram but the fact that the Mexicans were receptive to that I mean that kind of speaks for itself you know like the

I mean the Mexican government today doesn't like America and vice versa I mean I realize they got like a fake government now they have to say dumpy yenta lady I mean it's it's a combination like cartel shit and and um you know big big money

interests um of a transnational sort and like security state interests. I mean, she's not like the real poncho there, but the reason why she always like mouse these stupid platitudes about, you know, like evil whitey and evil Yankee Dom.

I mean, that's got deep roots there. You know, it's not some, like, new thing or whatever. But the... And it's all good, too. I'll move on in a minute. But for the military hounds on deck or are going to be watching. And this is important, too.

you know the the the Mexican war and specifically the assault on Mexico City that was like the first real use of combined arms in the sense we think of it yeah I know field artillery it existed for a long time but um that coordination between you know artillery and the infantry element and that kind of like advance of fire in Klaziewiczian doctrinal terms that's really the first time that have been that had been practiced at scale, you know, and especially, it was certainly an issue first impression in America. And that one of the reasons why the Confederates were so tough,

it sounded because of, you know, like the kind of warrior culture of of the American South, which still exists today, it's because these guys are all cut their teeth fighting the Mexican war, you know, with what was then cutting-edge war tech, man. You know, like they, and it's just

splendidly executed. And that was it was guys like Zachary Taylor and guys like Stonewall who were like leading company level elements. But like Winfield Scott, Winfield Scott really planned that operation.

You know, and Robert Lee was a captain on the ground. McClellan was there. Grant. Jefferson Davis, who was a full colonel. It's literally like a who's who of you know the men who commanded forces in in the war between the states um it was also uh scott's

woodfield scott's army um it was the first amphibious assault ever mounted by u.s forces on march march 9th 1847 at vera cruz and it was carry it was it was it went off without loss with like no attrition on on the side of American forces. So the Mexican War is important with a lot of reasons.

I think people, they look at it as kind of like this nothing thing or they look at it like the War of 1812 contra the Revolutionary War or something. I mean,

War 1812 is important too, but they, it was really important and it's not all right for all kinds of reasons. But yeah, I realize I got to pick up the pace. But,

but you know just on on its in brass text terms just in in value neutral terms and in a political terms California wasn't even greater prize than Texas you know like not not accounting for the things that are precluding the full

realization of territorial potential or exploitation they're in depending on where you fall on your judgments I suppose but California the name it's it's got a name

that's like resonant in fantasy like it's Providence I mean it was named after this imaginary island in this kind of like epic romance by Ordona's de Montalvo that was published Air Grid

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For more, visit Understandinginsurance. com.i. foreslash underinsurance. Brought to you by Insurance Ireland. Like right around 1500. and Hernane Cortez, like, knew of it and would reference it. And it, I guess, he's left much of my thought. Like, the first true, like, permanent settlement by the Spaniards didn't begin until the 7060s, like, a settlement at scale, I mean, you know, of both sexes and of, of, you know, of, you know, of, um, you know, like a Yeo Manry, as we'd think of it.

You know, I mean, before then, it was Franciscan missions. And it was freebooters and, like, pirates. You know, like Cortez himself, but he was like a warrior, like pirate, like freeboater, you know. And the Franciscan missions between San Diego and San Diego were, San Francisco and San Diego were ubiquitous. You know, the Catholic Church owned a huge amount of California. until the Spanish crown and then later

you know these various charter companies began like divesting Rome like of its holdings but you know California's got an incredibly rare climate the fertility of its soil

was basically like unheard of people have never seen anything like it the range of natural resources is literally boundless. You know, everybody wanted a piece of it. The Russians had formed a plan, like the Tsarist Russia, at the beginning of the 19th century. They formed a plan to establish permanent settlements in California at the mouth of the Columbia River.

And also in Hawaii, they want to do the same thing. and like Hawaii was going to be like their springboard basically. Um, like nothing came of it for a lot of reasons. And, um, you know, by the close of the, by the close of the 19th century, I mean, Russia was, was very much like, uh, like the sick man of empires. But, um, this wasn't just fantasy. Like, you know, this, just a good idea, like how much it was coveted, you know. and we're getting a little ahead of ourselves

and we're going to this too. It wasn't totally insane like it was to pretend that like oh the Germans are coming to kill us. It wasn't totally insane to postulate that the Japanese would want California to. I mean obviously like there were a bunch of

there's about a half of us in like preconditions that would have needed to kind of be splendidly realized before Japan could have even contemplated that in operational term. but you better believe that was one of their kind of like that there would have been like the jewel in the crown

of like ultimate objectives for the for like a victorious like Japanese empire you know because it would have had to have been you know the one of the things that the Russian ambitions

was that when relations between the United States the United Kingdom which didn't really mend until the first decade of the 20th century. But in the 1820s, the U.S. Navy and the Royal Navy basically collaborated to cut off the Russian navies, like the civic fleet from being able to access the sea lanes that needed to in order to realize these ambitions it had on the West Coast of the New World. You know, and that's, I mean,

what really took Russia out of the game as a maritime power that was able to project transcontinentally was the Russo-Japanese War. Like, the Japanese literally, like, slaughtered and sank the Russian Navy in 1905. But that was such a big deal, not just because it was, you know, the, not just because it indicated that Japan had arrived as a world, power, comparable in the power projection capability in any of the European

naval forces, but also until then, the Imperial Russian Navy was a serious threat. It had serious threat potential, whoever was likely to be situated as an opposing force to it.

And that's one of the things that emboldened poke. because after the 1820s, he was basically being told by men who would know, look, like the Spanish slash Mexican hold on in California, Oregon is feeble at best. Which it was. And what really steal the deal, a guy named Wilkes, he was a young officer. he was a lieutenant or a um yeah i think he was a lieutenant i can never remember like what the what the naval equivalent is of an army captain because like a naval captain is like a colonel but uh wilkes was some kind of junior officer the u.s navy and uh in 1841 you know to have a decade

before the mexican war the strategic survey was commissioned of the eastern pacific and what came to be kind of the focus of it, like, as it got underway, was, you know, with San Francisco. And the entire, like, San Francisco region, you know, and how it was literally, like, a gold mine and how it was, um, you know, it was like an essential, it had, it was an essential capture, you know, if America was going to become, uh, if America was going to become, uh, like a truly, like self-contained like continental power. Like the idea of like superpowers obviously didn't exist in in any way with contemplation then.

But like it's fascinating to read like what Wilkes like put the paper and you just like the impressions of these guys were worldly people. You know, like a lot of these guys had been around the world. Even those who hadn't like they'd basically been like all through like the Spanish empire and stuff. You know, it, um, they talk about California. Like it's like freaking Shangri-Rola or something.

which I guess it kind of is. But we're in time we got. Okay. We're going on for about 42 minutes. All right, I'll pick up the pace. If I'm being boring or repetitive, like, let me know. But it's all good. Okay, good deal.

This huge boom, like, by the 1880s, California had about a quarter million people. You know, it was rapidly becoming the financial. and cultural hub, you know, of the West, which at that time was still, like, wide open space, obviously. Even as early as, like, the 1880s, Knob Hill was a, knob Hill was a, was like Beverly Hills of the day, but even more so. There was, like, you had mansions

that were worth a million dollars, which is basically, like, a billion dollar house like in today's money like I've made this point to people a lot they can't really kind of like the wealth if you're like a millionaire in like the 1860s or 1880s it's like unfathomable it's not just like being a rich guy or like these guys like Andrew Carnegie like the like the power they had like these guys literally were uh like mass the universe you know like they could like they um they like world leaders and like grovel before them. You know, like, they

owned, like, double-digit percentages of, like, the GDP. Like, that's, like, unfanable now. But even a guy like Elon Musk, but I've got, like, tremendous respect for, and I just think he knows a lot of, like, awesome stuff. Even, like, the guy like him is, like, nothing compared to the,

the kinds of wealth accrued by these guys and, in, in, percentage terms and stuff. In, like, 1908, 1909, J.P. Morgan paid off the American debt. Yeah, yeah, there you go. And he was probably, he was definitely like one of like the top five,

like most important men on this planet. Like Morgan, I mean, basically like, I mean, World War I basically started because of, it was like Morgan's firm that it sent that like it caught Wall Street. And it was J.P. Morgan that essentially called up the White House and demanded Wilson like fixed this because they had debt that wasn't going to be serviced.

Because they got sold the bill of goods by the British Crown. I mean, I think we got into that our World War I series, but yeah, it's like unfathomable. And this got this new money he was concentrating in California. You know, but something also is happening. A lot of people attribute the decadence of California to post-war stuff and Kulter Kampf and what they kind of improperly describe as cultural Marxism. It, like, long precede that. That's like a whole different issue.

what was called Barbary Coast, euphemistically. It was basically California Red Light District. For context, for the geography context, I looked this up. I know that geography, California reasonably well, but I'm not like, I was never truly local there. I'm not going to spend a lot of time there. But the Barbury Coast, like, as a red light district and like as a as a community area, as we call in Chicago.

It was about it by Broadway, Kearney, Montgomery, and Pacific Avenue. And its primary revenues came from, you know, bars and taverns, but, like, gambling joints and, like, dance halls that were basically just, like, whorehouses. And there was, like, a bargaining trade, not just for, like, teenage girls and adult women. but like men as well as like kids like really awful stuff um basically like a smartest board of like deviancy

um it was William Randolph Hurst who who shut all that down which is fascinating and this he plays an essential role in the kind of rehabilitation of like the capitalist in the public mind

and incidentally in film Citizen Kane is all about that if you read between the lines, but we're getting a little bit ahead of ourselves. The first, like, actual, like, strip joint, like, it'd been, like, peaches and stuff, obviously going back, like, as long as there were, like, people in America, but, like, a dedicated, like, strip bar, you know, like, nudie bar. Like, the first one in America was, uh, at the corner of a curing in California, and it opened in 1885.

You know, and this became, uh, this became something California was known for. Like, especially in San Francisco. It wasn't only a port city, but, you know, it kind of had like Alaska demographics early on. It's because of like all the, all the 1849 minors. You know, so you had this like majority male population and kind of rough-hewn guys, like a lot of whom were put in trouble with the law, honestly, and stuff. You know, the women who were there, like the young and youngish women who were there were disproportionately. prostitutes. I call them prostitutes. I know that these like

faggy, like, wiki editor types, don't leave your house. No, they're, they're sex workers. Like, no, you're not working at sex if you sell your pussy, you're a prostitute. It's like if you, like, sling dope. You're not like an unlicensed pharmacist. You're the dope man. You know, this really, really, really

bothers me. I've had to, like, check people in real life when they use that term. I'm like, don't never use that term. But where was I? Oh, um, you know, in these days, there wasn't, you know, there wasn't, like, real, like, as we think of, like, law enforcement, that's a mid-19th century innovation. It arrived in the East Coast first, obviously. But really, until, like, the turn of the century, it wasn't this ubiquitous thing. You know, and, like, this idea that there's just, like, this police force kind of going around looking for people committing crimes and, like, shaking down the local whorehouse or the local, you know, or the local like poker den, the local opium den, like that, that wasn't the thing. You know, I find it fascinating.

People think, like, the police have this, like, permanent perennial thing. They think the police are, like, the stars or something. Like, they do, like, the national state. Like, the Westphalian state. They think it, like, has always existed. It can never not exist. And it's, like, it's, like, time or matter or the weather. And I have to explain to them, like, no, you don't, like, the police aren't, like,

one of the elements. Like, get your head out of your head. ass but but uh point being um there was this dichotomy in california you know and honestly i mean that's part of the creative destruction of capitalism you know it was like vice you know because it uh i'm not i'm not falling back on on marxist tropes or something about oh of capitalism like assaults the soul and but i mean anytime you have people with money to spend especially shouldn't have a heavily male population. Like men aren't any more prone to sin than women,

but there's certain kinds of stuff that's bad for you that men like. Airgrid, operator of Ireland's electricity grid, is powering up the northwest. We're planning to upgrade the electricity grid in your area and your input and local knowledge are vital in shaping these plans. Our consultation closes on the 25th of November. Have your say, online or in person. So together, we can create a more,

more reliable, sustainable electricity supply for your community. Find out more at airgrid.i.4 slash Northwest. Inflation pushes up building costs, so it's important to review your home insurance cover to make sure you have the right cover for your needs. Under-insurance happens where there's a difference between the value of your cover and the cost of repairing damage or replacing contents.

It's a risk you can avoid. Review your home insurance policy, regularly. For more, visit understandinginsurance. i.e. forward slash under insurance, brought to you by Insurance Ireland. I think we can all agree on that because we're all adults here. And that tends to the demand for that kind of thing as well as people willing to make it available. There's like a minuet between those two tendencies. But so I'm getting as well I'm describing this isn't to say like, see, things have always been this way.

on the West Coast. I'm not saying that at all. I mean, that's true, but there was a tremendous backlash against it. And California became known going in part to these guys like Hearst, who built entire careers out of kind of cleaning up vice and things.

But this kind of crusading moralist culture that was very much based in congregational Christianity, specifically Methodism from day one, like took root in California and the only thing really comparable

is kind of like the church culture of the south. You know, it's this idea that this idea that California was always this kind of like massive like den of ill repute that was always different from the rest of the country and just always had this kind of like tolerance for

for debased passion particularly of a sexual nature or the thing is that wasn't true at all. Like if anything, people were I mean, it's not only a culture of extremes, but in some ways, like, people were, like, way more uptight in R, which I'll get into in episode three, were in R, like, way more uptight about that kind of stuff

than in the Midwest. Like, a place like Shytown that's very much below board, you don't see it, but everybody knows about it, and there's not people, like, crusading against it. That's, like, a California thing and a southern thing. I'm not putting shade on either culture, but, you know, the point is if, California is like anywhere it's like the south.

It's, um, it's not this, you know, it's not what people think it is. You know, it's not, it's not a bunch of people who think like Berkeley liberals is what I'm getting it. You know, um, and even, even where the, even where the, even where the institutionalized vice comes from there, it doesn't come from the places people think it does. But, um, but yeah, it was basically William Randolph Hearst who became this like anti kind of vice. crusader during the progressive era and like what immediately preceded it you know and Hurst also he was the first real like newspaper like magnate he he founded the San Francisco Examiner which was like a huge paper oh which like I remember it was a huge paper still like when I was a kid I'm like a teenager you know the

Hearst had sank 8 million dollars into it to compete basically with the top like East Coast media brands you know which again that was beyond like a princely sum

in those things. He um people claim he helped start the Spanish American war and I mean you know Hurst was obviously considered the father of yellow journalism and citizen Kane like

you know it's obviously he's talking about Hearst and it paints him in some ways as a monster, but also paints him as kind of this like, it's just kind of like godlike figure, almost like, I don't know if people are familiar, or you yourself are, if you're familiar with the Glass Bees by Ernest Younger, like Hurst was, like, Zaparoni was kind of like Walt Disney meets like William Randolph Hurst. That's the way, like, I think of him, but, you know, Hurst,

uh, he, uh, he ran this, uh, incredibly hostile, and bellicose copy against the the Spaniards he endorsed political assassination of America's and of quote America's enemies

and he backpedaled when people criticized him for saying oh this was only a mental exercise but it was like obvious he was talking about like assassinating like assassinating the Spanish leadership. It just kind of like crazy, reckless stuff.

But he hated McKinley, President McKinley. So, like, some of his ops, like, tried to blame him for the assassination of McKinley. It's a very, very interesting

guy. And obviously, too, like when World War I arrived, that California got both another infusion of capitalization. and we have public subsidies, but sorry.

That really built it as an essential hub of military, industrial power. And it also made it even more siphytic because you had this mass of soldiers, sailors, Marines,

and the camp followers that attend that. You know, there was a whole army of prostitutes and all kinds of other incidental goodies like drugs and gambling and alcohol which i've always been with us you didn't used to be promoted over your smartphone but you know sometimes people convince themselves that these are new things because they want to idealize the past it's like what progressives do in reverse like progressives are simpletans you think that like you think that the future is like the jet-sets. you know, like, they're

kind of bourgeois, like, nominal ops or people who think that, like, the past was the Flintstones. It's fucking retarded. But, um, even though it doesn't seem like a natural stopping place, if I keep going, like, I'm going to, it's,

it's going to be, I'm going to have to, like, interrupt the kind of next phase of what I wanted to talk about. Yeah, I'm sorry I didn't get to as much as I wanted today. I promised episode three, like I'll wrap this up and I'll get to the meat of like data and things about Blue California.

Okay. All right, no problem at all. Do some quick plugs and we'll finish this up. Yeah, certainly. You can find me on social media at Capital R-E-A-L underscore number seven,

H-O-M-A-S-7-7. I recently recently started using my own name, like my Christian name on social media, my government name. Because X terrorizes me when I have a post that catches fire and like the algorithm goes nuts and says I'm doing heat things. And it got triggered somehow and or activated and saying that I, my name was like a heat word or something. So I put in my government name. So like if they say that again, it's like, well,

How can I, how can my government name be a hate word? But yeah, so, but it's the same, it's the same alt. It just displays different. Best place to find my work product and just kind of get acquainted because we've got a pretty active chat there too is on Substack. That's where a podcast is and all kinds of other good stuff. That's also kind of where I announce, like, when I'm organizing, meetups and fun things.

It's real capital R-E-A-L-Tobus 777. That's substack.com. I'm on T-Gram. I've got my own website. It's number seven, H-M-A-S-777.com. I'm on Instagram. I'm on telegram.

I'm all over the place. Just seek and you shall find. All right. Thank you, Thomas. I appreciate it. Until part three. Yeah, man. I want to welcome everyone back to the Pekinguano show.

Thomas, it seems like it's been a while. How have you been doing? I've been all right, man. Happy New Year to everybody. Happy New Year. Yeah, we're doing this on New Year's Day. We are going to close out the California series. So jump right in.

I was taking a look at Pappy Kenon's book, State of Emergency. But I think. I think it dropped around 2011, 2012, somewhere around there. The context is his book on World War II. It's a good kind of at a glance volume. It's kind of like the CliffsNotes version of a lot of stuff. Harry Elmer Barnes wrote about and AJV Taylor and people like that. but the end notes are very useful and so I've been utilizing it for some things.

But De Cannon, obviously, he was somebody who was always kind of raising the proverbial alarm bells about the immigration crisis, which was well placed. But he misdiagnosed what was going on in California. And I think to this day, people continue to, like, they talk about, I mean, first of all, they claim that, like, California is liberal because of Hispanics. That's not true. And we're going to get into that. That's not why. Air grid, operator of Ireland's electricity grid, is powering up the northwest.

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But also, they talk about California, almost like it's a giant ulster or something. What I mean by it is they talk about it, Be Cannon included. Like, oh, there's this core population of Mexicans who identify with Mexico. That's really not what's going on. You know, and like traditionally Spanish, California,

yeah, they're not really. particularly assimilated. Like, yeah, they're very much kind of like Hood local in their perspective. But they don't want to, like, be part of Mexico. There's not guys in, like, East LA who are

acting like the Provost in 1970 and trying to, like, cultivate ties with Mexico over some political union. Like, it's not happening. And if anything, even in hoods where, like, people mostly speak Spanish, like, people,

people who come over the border are kind of like look down upon. You know, I mean, like, that's, even to this day. I mean, uh, so like, that's not what's happening. You can't look at this situation as, again, like something where it's like a giant ulster or like a Bosnia situation where it's like there's kind of this like organic migration of like Mexicans and, oh, you know, Mexico is reabsorbing California. That's not happening. And if it was, it'd be playing out totally differently.

but that's also why it's kept the claim oh California is liberal because of Mexican it's like I mean like I was saying so so Hispanics love Barbara Boxer you know and like the

some of Buchanan was saying was you know like after I mean John McCain was like a total piece of shit but he was also just like a fucking idiot and like you know he was um his kind of idiotic

uh poluca stand-in campaign contra Obama. I remember, like, that was kind of the peak of the narrative, like, oh, like, white California is done. It's like, well, apparently it's not, man, because much as I might dislike the people who represent, you know, my own tribe's demographic, like, Gavin Newsom is almost certainly going to be, like, the nominee in 2028.

And that guy's, like, that guy in his wife for, like, his old money, California is, as it comes. You know, this is very, very fake is my point. You know, like, it's not, like, the way people talk, you'd think that Mexico was making, like, sovereign territorial claims on, like, California, and that, like, Caesar Chavez-type guys were popping up and demanding access to government. Like, nothing like that is happening. And that's one of the ways you know that this is fake.

And, like, don't get me wrong. There's, like, definitely a capital flight from California. and they've lost a huge number of, like, white people, but anybody who can is leaving California. And what's interesting, too, you know, I make the point, you know, I emphasize the point a lot that's a mistake to try and, like, extrapolate from what goes on in the street or in the penitentiary or, you know, to, like, broader political demographic tendencies, but it does tell you something. you know, whites and Mexicans on the street in California, like, click up very heavily. And California is hyper-racialized.

And, like, both serenos and whites, like, look at blacks as like they're ops. I go as far as to say, they actually hate them. You know? And South Central, interestingly, you know, the California City Council, like, they don't call it South Central anymore. they really kind of I've been trying to like wipe its reputation out of existence as like this kind of failing

black hood you know in the middle of L.A. I mean that's kind of another issue but you know what's now South Los Angeles like basically within 15 years it lost like 40% of their black population you know I mean that's the real

ethnic cleansing in my opinion but the um you know whether we were talking about the other week and i'll get into the brass tax of data and things in a minute but can i can i can i jump in real quick yeah of course was that a i mean i've heard stories of mexicans basically going in you know armed to clear out parts of south Central and to chase blacks out. It's an open war. I don't know. It's possible.

What I do know is this, even like seriously racialized, like, white guys, they click up with, it's not just convenience. Like, them in the serenos have this, like, weird affinity. And they both, like, really, really, really have bad feelings towards the blacks. And it's not like that here. you know, like racist as we are in Chicago, even like white dudes who gang bang, and even in the early 90s, like when things were really bad,

you generally don't find dudes like hate blacks, even if they don't like associate with them. And even if they like respect the color line kind of rigidly. So I mean, I guess my point is it's, I don't accept that California just one day being super liberal, everything else aside when you've got to, this like profound enmity between people. Like that just, that doesn't happen.

You know, like, that's just not the way things are. And I think, too, I think one of the things are going to kill the fortunes of black folks in California. I mean, the L.A. riots, it wasn't despite the way, I mean, now people don't talk about it, which is interesting.

I mean, like regime people and adjacent media elements. But, you know, the L.A. riots were basically blacks, coming like EBKs. Like, they went to war with everybody. Like, it's not like it was some, like, you know, colored revolt or whatever. I mean,

that kind of shit doesn't really happen anyway, but it's like really nakedly, like, black folks on the warpath. And that really scared a lot of people. It also, like, radicalized a lot of people. And, like, after that, it's kind of like the gloves came off. I mean, I know you got this, like, random black lady who's, like, the mayor

of Los Angeles, but that's fake as fuck. You know, like, California. California's got, they do not have like a friendly relationship with their black population, you know, and a lot of that. But that's also, too, you know, I mean, that's one of the reasons, like, what people try and paint this is something like Reconquista, there's not some like equivalent of the Watts riots were like Spanish people like went berserk and started like burning shit down. Like that never happened. And like it's not about to happen. I mean, not that that's the metric, but it's okay, if Mexicans are supposedly these guys with, like, conquest on their mind who, you know, again, are basically, like, you know, the provos of Latin America who are trying to, like, turn California to Mexico, why aren't they doing that? You know, like, it doesn't really play out, and it's a different, like, it's a different culture.

Like, a lot of these LA guys, too, I mean, their families have been there. for like a century and a half. Like the fact they don't really identify with America, okay, but they don't like want to be part of Mexico either. I mean, it's like its own thing. You know, like it... They're sort of like, they're sort of like the Tejanos in

Texas. Yeah, yeah. I mean, don't get me wrong. Like, in East L.A., it's very much like a proletarian culture and it's a very rough culture. You know, um, but it's like its own thing, man. You know, like, uh,

and I do have I haven't been out there in a long time, you know, since like 2000, but as a kid, I was like around this shit. You know, I mean, like, I spent a lot of time in LA and in like Ventura Oxnard and, you know, like, it's not like,

my point is it's not like, I was just like going to, like, Orange County or something, you know, like I, I, um, I was around, like, SoCal, like Mexicans. You know, like, I play like ball with them and stuff, you know, and like skate with them and shit. You know, I got to know some of these guys, like, reasonably well. And it was, I mean, I realized the 1980s were a lot different, but, you know, for our purposes, it's material.

But it's also just, you know, I'll get into our dad in a minute. But, you know, too, I can't remember who made the point. It might have been Ron Un. He made it for a different, the context you invoked it was different. But from this 1960s onward, like the early 60s, I'm talking about like Kennedy era, both houses of the state legislature were usually Democrat, at least by narrow majority, but they weren't particularly liberal. You know, so this idea that, oh, you know, if the Republican Party dies in California,

than everybody's liberal. Like, that doesn't track either. You know, like, you had, um, you had, you had these, like, Mastizo people who

are not remotely liberal in their outlook. And you had these guys who worked in, you know, like, machine shops and stuff that kind of served the aerospace industry. Like, a lot of those people,

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you Wonderlights with? For dates and bookings, visit wonderlights.io. You know, so that's that's kind of like a false veneer too, because like supposedly the metric of what's going on in California is like who's voting for Republicans. You know, and I Arnold Schwarzenegger is a total idiot, but he, you know, the way he got elected was basically a single issue campaign and people were outraged at, was it Davis, Gray Davis? or was it on somebody else but who Wilson or Gray Davis I can't remember but the big issue with Schwarzenegger's campaign was he was you know I'm gonna I'm gonna repeal the I'm gonna repeal the statute that allows illegal aliens

to get driver's licenses so then suddenly like people like swarm to Schwarzenegger is like their candidate you know and I mean so supposedly you know that I mean why would that even be an issue of California after 92 is like this iridentist like Hispanic paradise that's basically like as left wing is Sweden. I mean like that doesn't

that doesn't make any, it doesn't describe a political culture that actually exists. You know, and I think what's most kind of damning is, uh, by the way, it was great Davis. Okay, okay, yeah, yeah, thanks. I'm almost sleepy. Like, forgive me.

But the, you know, the referendum votes really kind of what tells us that this narrative is false. And, you know, Proposition 187, that's kind of like ominously named. Oh, I know. I remember that when that happened. I was like, oh, they did that on purpose. Yeah. So Prop 187, it was also known by these political action committees that devised it as the

SOS initiative, save our state. So this is in 1994, supposedly after like the new majority is, is controlling political processes only to demographic shifts. It was basically the harshest legislative regime in the country that would have deprived the illegal aliens of like all health,

services other than, you know, like emergency care, public education, you know, social services. Like basically, it basically precluded anybody who couldn't prove they were a citizen from abailing themselves of any of any social welfare aspects at the state level. You know, and this passed by supermajority on November 8th, 1994. I mean, it was over 5 million votes to about 3.5 million. So, I mean, about a 59% majority. But what's most significant, it was only the Bay Area that opposed it. And, I mean, the Bay Area is not urban in the kind of, I mean, in the conventional sense.

The founders of so many Europeans like to visit it. So basically, you've got California with Prop 107. You got California, from the Oregon border to San Diego, you could drive from tip to tip, and every single county you'd pass through voted for Prop 107 with the exception of, like, San Francisco and Berkeley. Like, that's freaking insane. You know, like, that's an absolute landslide. You know, and again, too, we're not, I don't accept this notion that. you know, a majoritarian consensus in counties is meaningless if they're, quote, like, rural or flyover, because that's cap.

But it would tell us something if L.A. had come out against 187. But L.A., 56% voted yes. You know, and it's like, okay, that was 30 years ago. But the whole point is 1992 is when it was declared that as of now, California is permanent. blue, you know. So then the Supreme Court steps in and reverses it. You know, but the follow-up two years later

was Prop 209, which was euphemistically branded the California Civil Rights Initiative, which basically, it was basically like the quota ban that was floated by people like Jesse Helms, like federally, but it went

further. And it amended the California Constitution. It prohibited like any state government institution from considering identitarian categories, like race, sex, ethnicity, national origin. Like they had to be like totally blind in their hiring, in their contracting and allocation of education resources, college admissions. And this was a, and this is a

a big deal. It was authored by these two sociologists, these two academic types. You know, and they did that because that way opponents of it couldn't come out and say like, well, this is a cynical, xenophobic ploy. It's like, no, they really dotted their eyes and crossed the proverbial tease.

This was the first referendum on affirmative action, like true referendum. You know, it passed with 55%. And once they, again, like the entire state, like, went for it. You know, it was the same basic breakdown as Prop 187. You know, so it's like, so what, so what exactly is happening here? You know, and the recourse of the open borders crowd, you know, was to shop around for a federal judge who'd repudiate it.

And Pete Wilson, um, Pete Wilson, was willing to, to fight in the, in the federal courts. But when Gray Davis replaced him, like Davis basically just,

uh, he basically, like, with the appeal, died just by like refusal to take action on it. You know, um, um, and so once again, I remember at the, the time and people were still banding this a decade later during like Obama's

campaign like oh this was the last gasp of white America and conservatives it's like what the hell are you talking about like every time one of these every time one of these referendums comes up it passes by super majority and basically you know basically like the ninth circuit intervenes to like undo the mandate I mean, like, that's not, you know, and of course, too, I mean, obviously, like a substantial number of Hispanics, like, voted for these initiatives. You know, like this idea that, oh, Hispanics want to compete with illegal aliens for, you know, for jobs. And they're totally cool with wages being bottomed out. And they're totally fine with, you know, paying property tax.

is to, you know, to provide, like, daycare and grade school for, for random people who grass the border. Like, why? That's ridiculous. You know, I mean, it's, you know, so it, um, and that's what should have been, that that's what should have, like, allow people to, allow the verbal scales to fall from their eyes. You know, even if you're one of these diluted people who, who thinks that, like, the Republican Party is somewhat like synonymous with like white American opinion or even if you

think that the way to you know diagnose the political culture of any locale is like by how the Republican Party is doing. I mean that that's that's fucking ridiculous. But even um if the rebuttal is well what's the alternative metric? It's like well in California it's right here because they've got this constitutionally mandated referendum structure or system. So there you go. You know, like we talked about when last we convened, you know, for the talk about this series, it was from 1952 to 1988, every presidential election,

but one went Republican and more often than not it was a landslide you know and then suddenly um suddenly after 1988 you know the republicans always lose the cal always lose california in the presidential election and it's always by 10 points or more like that's not a statistical impossibility obviously but that doesn't really make any sense you know because there was no there was no there was no there was no transition period. It's just like one day this changed, supposedly. And not only did it change, but it's like now California can never be a swing state.

It's just always blue. You know, it just can never be flipped. You know, that's not, that doesn't make any sense. You know, there's a, obviously California is like the single greatest electoral prize. if you had an actually competitive system, like no matter how solidly, in like actual organic terms,

California was aligned in partisan capacities. Obviously, in an actually competitive system, you'd campaign your ass off in California to try to flip it because anywhere can be flipped. You know, it's just a single issue. Like this, like, idea that, oh, this is a safe state, so it can't be flipped. That's ridiculous. That's Soviet. You know, like, why? It metaphysically can't be flipped. Like, what do they even mean?

You know, um, the people should be smarter about that shit. Um, you know, it's, um, and the only, um, you know, and again, too, I mean, like I said, Schwarzenegger was an idiot, but the, and he is an idiots. But, you know, the whole, the reason why, like, his campaign and his ultimate election, that was, that was, like, the big Republican comeback. And again, like, the only thing that campaign was built on was, like, single issue immigration concerns, man. You know, and so it's like, then every time something like this happens, whether it's Prop 187, whether it's Prop 209, whether it's, you know, admittedly, you know, he's an idiot, but like somebody like Schwarzenegger getting elected or whether it's, you know, a sudden, like, massive uptick and, like, support for

Trump, like, it's, oh, this is the last gasp of white America and conservatives. As I, like, every 10 years, there's, like, another last gasp. I mean, like, I don't, you know, and like I said, I don't, I stipulate that there's been this, like, massive capital flight, but such a, you know, and like, I said, I don't, you know, and like, I don't, I stipulate, such that there is any there is like any equity remaining in California it's

you know it's the vestige of white population that's responsible for that and it's just like a fact I don't if they if they truly get chased out there's kind of no more California you know

nobody really wants that to be a self-fulfilling prophecy like they don't you know and obviously they don't because again like it's not um it's not um it's not um it's not it's not some spanish guy who's you know talking about a more dignified life for migrant farm workers who's he's like leading the california democrats it's uh it's gavin newsome he's like a caricature of uh old money, um, you know, a social register type, you know, so I mean, none of this really, by the metrics, um, by, by its own metrics, it doesn't, it doesn't track with anything, you know,

and, um, I, uh, yeah, the, uh, that's the, um, that's the, um, that's the core of, uh, that's the core of, a, that's the core of the issue. And it's also, too, something at peak, I don't, I don't, I don't, don't know what I've had a hard time finding meaningful data sets on this, but in the later 90s through, I think about 2003, about 100,000 self-identified white Californians were leaving a year. And people claim this is what was responsible. This is primarily responsible. For Asians, capturing a bigger slice of verbal demographic pie in terms of overall and relative population numbers. But that seems to have stabilized.

I mean, California is still hemorrhaging people. But it's also these minority populations, as they're called, you know, they're not monolithically left wing, like quite the contrary, you know. And if you look at, in terms of income and assets, you know, I find it hard to believe that a bunch of Taiwanese and Koreans and Japanese Americans and California are really, really enthusiastic about, you know, voting for for some like permanent, you know, social justice regime out there. You know, it's just not, it just doesn't track, man. And maybe, I think this is somewhat difficult for people to fully grasp who haven't spent time there because it is a strange state culturally in and every other way.

but you have to spend time to fully grasp, but it's not a liberal state culturally. You know, it's very segregated. It's very, there's a very sharp, there's a very sharply defined distance between people who are well off and who are not, far more so than here, for example. you know um so any any kind of um effort to reconfigure socially engineer the political culture there i

it would very much be an edifice that isn't really propped up by anything but rhetoric and gerrymandering which will take you fairly far in at the state level in a in a corrupt system them. But it's not it's not sustainable and it's certainly not some spontaneous development.

You know, and a point I make I was talking to Jay Burton about this on our last Radio Free Chicago episode. I don't fully understand whether a Republican

party still exists. why does it perennially exist? You know, that's not really precedented in America for party systems to exist in perpetuity. I mean, just like, it doesn't really have a context anymore, like the Republicans

don't. But even if that weren't the case, it really doesn't have a context in California. You know, so again, that's a really piss-poor metric for trying to discern the mood of the culture in terms of political values. If, if you're canary in the mind proverbially is, like, how the Republicans are doing, I mean, that doesn't really mean anything.

You know, like, if I, if I lived in a truly battleground state, I'd vote for Donald Trump. But I fucking hate the Republicans. and I'm, by the, by American standards, I'm pretty right wing, okay? I'd rather have a root canal than, like, vote for the Republicans, you know, like, they're faggots. Like, it, um, so that, that doesn't really tell us anything. And, um, and plus, too, I mean, even beyond that, beyond any kind of, like, ethical objection, like, what of the, like, what are the Republicans done for California? Like, they're not many idiots like Schwarzenegger.

They don't, you don't even get, like, tax relief from them in California. You know, and like, anytime that they don't have the stones to, they don't, like, like, again, I mean, Wilson, he mounted, like, a kind of token challenge when the Federal Circuit overturned, um, overturned Prop 187. But, I mean, they don't even, like, deliver on that stuff. They don't even go through the motions. So it's, like, even if, you know, even if you were inclined to be, like, a GOP loyalist. Like, there's no percentage in that in California because they never deliver on anything.

You know, so you're better off. You know, plus, like Tom Metzger said, like, when Metzger, during his, like, brief career, when he was, like, running for Congress and stuff, and he actually did pretty well. That's an interesting story in its own right. but, you know, Metzger generally ran as a Democrat, because, like, what difference does it make? It doesn't. You know, um, it, um, so yeah, it's, it's a very,

it's very, it's very, it's very, it's very imprecise and, um, I go as far to say dishonest. You know, now that I expect a lot of integrity from this kind of superficial sociology that supposedly decipheres the meaning of electoral patterns and things, you know, but in the case of California,

it's particularly dishonest to invoke the Republicans as anything other than you know, the official opposition. But it also... I was reading the other day and I can't remember who it was. It might have been like William Lynn, Bill Lynn, or someone like,

like that was saying he does he he he he he was saying he doesn't think that like you can even have a circulation of elites like a new class of people ruling until the dollar falls so you ask like how does the republic you know why do we still have the republican i mean can anything really change until there's a like a drastic um a drastic a drastic cause something like a dollar failure which has never happened. And Stormy says it's not going to happen. I agree with them. Like people talk about how there's going to be like a punctuated event,

like the crash of 29, like that that wouldn't happen again. This system's too rubberized and information awareness and literally like the velocity of data like would preclude it. No, no, I agree with the fact that I understand exactly why there's, it's like a closed circle, you know, like the circulation of elites, as it were. But like this like totally out-of-date branding, like, oh, this is the Republican Party. All the Republicans were was the committee to elect Abraham Lincoln. Then they became like the America First Party, like post-Reconstruction, like the party

in Northern Industry. And then they became like the Cold War Hawk Party, which didn't make a lot of sense in legacy terms. But it's like, why are we still talking? these terms. You know, like, it doesn't, it doesn't really make sense. I mean, diddo how, how, like, in the UK, it's like the labor party. Like, what, what, like, laborers are they representing? You know, it's, you'd think that there would have been, like, a rebranding. Or they, in America, they do away, because America, because, like, the Republicans aren't a party.

You know, like, I mean, there's that, too. You would think that, especially after, you would think that after World War II, but especially after the Cold War II. war. You'd think that it'd be like, okay, here's the president, you know, here's like his loyalist. This is like the ruling coalition and this is the opposition. Like, why are they the Democrats? Like, that's retarded. You know, there are a bunch of people like Andrew Jackson, really? Like, I take some exception to that. But, um. Well, and, well, they, it seems to just be holding on to ideology. So you, the party adopts an ideology, whether it's a good ideology or not, whether it's coherence or not, and that keeps, that keeps a certain portion of the, you know, of the population

on one side or the other. Oh, we believe, you know, we're, we're, we're fiscally conservative, but, you know, culturally liberal over here in the Republican side. And on the, the Democrat side, you can be completely nuts and do anything you want. It seems like it's just to keep people, you know, motivated to keep this thing moving. No, yeah. And I guess the dead. Yeah. It's important not, because it's not, it's important not to confuse people.

So it's just familiarity that, like, sustains it. But it, I think it's very strange. I mean, that's one of the, I, I haven't published. yeah but I did a write up on James Webb because I reread his novel Fields of Fire, which is one of my favorite novels. Webb was an important guy in the later Cold War, and he also, he takes, like, the center, like, Ulster Scott identity seriously, and I appreciate that. But, you know, like, Webb, like, ran as a Democrat, you know, like later, like, after he left

the Senate, because he's like, what is it, why, why am I a Republican? like why would a southern white guy like run as a Republican? It's asinine. And they keep to understand what he was talking about. And unfortunately his campaign was kind of dead in the water. I mean he

I like what he did in the Senate, but I he kind of lost his way, I think, in tactical terms subsequent. But he was absolutely right about that. You know, it's it doesn't make any sense. You know, if I

I mean, I'd never, like, I was talking to one of the fellows when we were on the road. I mean, like, I, I'd never run for office. But if I did, because where I'm at, I'd run as a Democrat, you know, because that's just what you do here. You know, like, does that mean I, does that mean I'm suddenly, like, I become, like, gay and, like, open borders? Like, you know, it's, yeah, shit doesn't make any sense. But it, I mean, politics is supposed to be a tool. So if you run as a Democrat, you're supposed to be using a tool, wielding a tool. Why does a tool have to have an ideology attached to it?

Well, especially it's not even a party. I mean, it's like the whole, you're a party if you have dues-paying members. If there's some apparatus in place that enforces consensus, there's an actual party manifesto and platform. And if you don't abide it, you get kicked out of the party. like there's not like a Republican party you're like a Democrat party I mean arguably you can't have a political party

in a system where there's single member districts and a winner take all like electoral paradigm because like how could you you know it's um the whole as designed you know the

the constitutionally mandated electoral system it's basically set up to like prevent the emergence of parties. So, yeah, there's, um, that's why it's goofy as hell when, when these kosher cons and, and, and these cringe fucking people. Like, it's the Democrat party.

You see, it's like, what is the Democrat party? Like, what, like, who were to dues paying members? Like, what's its, what's its, what's its official, like, platform? Like, none of these things exist. You know, it's just, it's just, like, randos saying, like, yeah, were the Democrats. And in some way, yeah, like what's called the Democrats, they're, they're like, they're like the official ruling party, you know, and, um, and the Republicans are the faux

opposition. But it's like, okay, so then say that, like, say that like, again, like, whoever the president is and whoever is loyalists are, okay, they're, you know, this is the ruling coalition. Like, everybody outside of that is the opposition, you know, um, yeah. And that also, that also points to like how you can't really. have a party without an ideology. And whenever somebody comes along with like, okay, coherent ideology like the paleo-cons did, like in the early 90s,

you have to kick them out. Because it's like, no, we can't have an ideology here. We have to be whatever we need to be at this one, from moment to moment, which makes sense in a structure where you're just trying to get elected and you just want political power. But if you're actually going to be a coalition,

like a party or something like that, you're going to need an ideology. So all ideology has to go out the window. No, and that's what that was the reason for like the coup against Nixon. You know, and I, and that, because that's exactly what Wallets did. Like, Wall was basically forced, which is incredible because he basically got, like, he basically forced, like, Yankee Republicans, like, take on what he viewed as, like, the essential aspects of, like, you know, the Dixie Crat, plat, like, manifesto,

albeit they were, like, moderated somewhat. But, like, that's exactly what. did. And something like the deep state shit its pants and they're like, this cannot be allowed to happen. You know, Trump's a little bit different, but it's the same tendency, like on display.

But it's what I'm curious about, I mean, this is a sort of another show. I didn't mean to go straight too far afield from the topical focus. But, you know, as there's this weird paradigm

emerging where like complex and independence, like true globalism on the economic side is like the permanent reality. But in terms of self-governance, like, it's all going to be local. And you're going to see, you're going to see, you're going to see, you're going to see like cities and even like at state level, like systems emerging where they basically have like what amounts to a proportional representation system and like all with name. And you're going to see the emergence of like real party structures, even if they're not called that. there's like echoes of that in a lot of municipalities which I pay more attention to

because like in Illinois it's weird and like the outlying areas especially south especially south and especially northwards like Detroit we're all kind of the same like sociological ecosystem and like good ways in bed but um

you know there's there's a kind of a DIY and um ethical secessionist, the tendency of foot. Like, I'm not saying people want to, like, formally succeed, but de facto and they kind of are.

And there's a lot that goes into that. Everything from what, you know, what, like, consumer technology facilitates to traditional ideas about policing and law and order kind of going by the wayside and, you know, people being able to make money in non-traditional ways. I mean, that, I mean, that's like my

bread and butter. That's what I'm trying to accomplish. And I think that's going quite splendidly, I might add. But you know, that's the future. So a lot of some of this is going to like take care of itself. But I'm from the California thing because like I said, I, it's

very positive, especially among young people, like Zoomer people and like a little younger. Like they don't like legacy media is being totally full shit. You know, they're not to have to step. to the bully pulpit, like what remains of it. But for some reason, it's still got the capacity. These legacy, um, this legacy apparatus taken, like, in total.

It's, you know, it's, it's like man-made weather. You know, that's the quote from the movie. And, um, people say, take it face value, like, oh, this is what the electromap is. You know, like, California is just, like, safe blue. It's like, no, it's not, man. You've got to stop thinking that way. that's not reality you know

and uh it's not just about like being right or kind of like thumbing your nose at this you know kind of pitiable octogenarian tyranny you know it's important because

um this this is built on an edifice of abject falsehoods you know and that's that's what's a that's what's a social nation you say with the Soviet Union it'd be like it's not as the Soviet Union brutalizes people him, like, sends him to these arctic death camps or that it punishes you for putting God over a man.

I mean, that's obviously that those are, like, very evil things. But he's like, it forces you, like, accept a lie. And if you accept a lie, he's long enough and it's kind of like abide to them. Like, pretty soon you start lying to yourself. You know, pretty soon you kind of lose not just the ability, but any interest in, you know, behaving as a rational adult, even in the conversations you have yourself. And that's kind of

the ultimate, like, self-conditioning towards slavery. You know, that's why I hammer home the point about the 2020 steal. It's not because I care so much about Donald Trump, because I don't care about Donald Trump. You know, and it's not because, like,

I, I care so much about arguing with like infotainment addled morons. It's because, you know, you can't just like accept like abject lies at face value or like act like it's not important because it is important. You know, um, categories of mine are categories of reality. And like this idea that like, well, if I'm, if, you know, hypothetically counterfactually, oh, I'm an authority. So I'm just kind of like invent conceptual reality as.

because it's a noble lie. Like, no, that's not acceptable. You know, and, um, that any, no rational adult, like, whatever is creed or race, but especially a white person, like,

the should not think that way, even for a minute. You know, it's not, that's not the way, it's not the way free men with agency think. You know, but that was, um, yeah,

for you remember kind of like sermonizing, man, I'm just, like I said, I'm just, I'm just really tired today. I don't know if you sound old and wane, but it's all, it's all good. I led the discussion. And, you know, one of the things you are, when you talk about like local, more local kind of in regional politics, usually when you get more rural, like around here, really the only thing that people talk about when it comes to the whole discussions about national politics or how it's going to affect us is like how is it going to interrupt our lives how is it going to screw us up it's not like oh we want this done for us you know we we need that we need them to come do this for us no it's like

how how is this going to infringe upon us well something to yeah no that's what i when i was out in boultonmore when i started off to harper's fury on the weekends that's like the way the culture was like i made friends with like the local police and stuff like it's going to be like it was very much a different way of life. I didn't make friends with like the coppers because like I want to hang out with flatboards. It's because that way they were used to seeing me and like

my lady friend and my other buddy and they you know they just it was just it's you know politics of a certain of its own of its own type you know that's also why like I'm I'm going to start

you know spending the winter months in Lynchburg because that's exactly the kind of culture I want to I want to cultivate and I mean I like the South anyway

because it's awesome but you know that's the future and like one of the reasons when I write Amtrak it's not just because I'm I don't like flying and I feel like Jacques

Rousseau's cat when I'm in a plane and find it like it terrorizes me but but if you like when you write the Amtrak you realize how much, there still remains, like, vast amounts of, like, this wide open space in America.

And, like, even with, like, um, even with telecom and the electric eye, being truly ubiquitous, you know, like in America, unlike in Europe, unlike in Japan, unlike in, you know, Argentina, you know, the regime is, like, somewhat just, like, limited by physical distance, by what it can do to you. I mean, obviously, unless you're doing crazy things or, you know, you know, like, like, like, like, like, pounds of fentanyl or methamphetamine and, like, you know, like, and stacking up like millions of dollars and ill-gotten gains or something. I mean, yeah, there's, there's, there are limits.

And there's certainly, um, there's certainly ax no emissions that, like, cause the regime to, like, go out and coming after you. But, I mean, failing those sorts of things, you know, you can, You can, within a reason, do what you want. And it's basically, like, not going to be worth it to the state to, like, try and fuck with you. You know, and, like, people, that's something they take for granted. I don't think people realize how vast this country is. And they do, like, intellectually, not really.

They don't realize that there's, you know, like, Straser, one of the few things. I think Gregor Straser said that was intelligent. despite uh despite a sympathy for arguably a sympathy for communism and despite his kind of autocratic paradigm

you know you talk about like Europe of a thousand flags and it was like all about like kind of distributed socialism and um you know there I do understand the appeal of that they're wrong I think in their in the way they conceptualize economics

but that's not real far from what I'm trying to accomplish in like ethical terms, you know, although it shakes out differently. Well, yeah. No, that's why these are exciting times, man, because these objectives are being reached. In 2025 is when I am going to make, you know, I'm going to, I'm going to snowbird down in Lynchburg. And that's not just exciting because I like it down there and our friends are there.

but that's kind of going to be like my base of operations for some of this stuff you know and like if you build it like they will come you know like in the like in the movie

where Kevin Costner's like playing baseball the ghost the go with the shoeless Joe I can't remember what it's called but yeah you know the dreams yeah yeah

which seems like that I I I'm just some people think that's like a hokey movie but like I like baseball a lot you know and that's actually like a really good movie. But yeah.

That's a wholesome. It's a wholesome story that we don't really hear a lot about anymore. Yeah. No, and baseball is chill, man. Like it's, and like to me the pigskin game is king, but especially when I was having a whole lot of anxiety and stuff. Like, right, when I got back online, like the 2020 baseball season,

I actually became like a Red Sox fan too. Like the Red Sox had an, interesting lineup that year, but watching baseball, like, chills you out. At least I've always thought so. Um, I mean, maybe not so much you've got to wager on it, but I don't know, I'll bet on sportsbook. Um, but, uh, no, yeah, this, um, this was great, man, uh, forgive me if it was those too tangential and kind of conversational, but I, like I said, I, my energy levels aren't quite recovered yet, although I feel good. Um, and last night was kind of a late, night going to New Year's.

All right, man. Do some quick plugs. We'll end it. Yeah. I'm kind of on hiatus from the pod because we just wrapped up season two. I'm going to aim to February 1st of the latest.

It's probably going to be like the last week in January that the season 3 opener will drop. But in the interim, I'm recording other stuff with other people's. including, you know, with the stuff we're doing. But so I'll, so my substack remains active. It's Real Thomas 777.

That's substack.com. Other than that, hit up my website. That's like the one-stop location from my content. It's number seven, HMAS, 777.com. and you can find my social media links and stuff there. Like I'm on X. I'm on Instagram. I launched any Tgram channel.

There's not going to be like a discussion aspect because I just get bombarded with like ops and like gross like porn bullshit and other shit I don't want to be available to. But I'm going to start I'm going to try and I'm going to start like uploading some more like video. content and a lot of it's going to find its way to the Tgram channel so be aware it at um yeah that's all i got for now man all right thank you until the next one