The Pete Quiñones Show - *Throwback* Episode 1184: Goebbels' 'Knowledge and Propaganda' w/ Aaron from Timeline Earth

Episode Date: March 9, 2025

80 MinutesPG-13Aaron is one of the hosts of the Timeline Earth podcast.Aaron joined Pete to read and comment on Joseph Goebbels' 1928 speech, "Knowledge and Propaganda."Timeline Earth PodcastKnowledge and PropagandaPete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on Twitter

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Aaron's back. How's it going, Aaron? What's going on? Happy to be here. We're going to talk about, we're going to look at a speech by a Nazi. I don't believe it. This is amazing. I was just saying to a bird earlier. You know, I'm coming on the heels of your closeout of Hitler's foreign policy with Thomas. And I'm like, who the hell is going to want to listen to me after that? Oh, I think, you know, if you remember that Gerbils at this time was still running around with a KPD,

you know that he i mean really up until the end i mean he he ran with them for about 12 13 years yeah then you start to you know when you when you read some of the stuff that he's that when you read his speeches or reads the stuff some of the stuff you wrote you're like oh okay that makes sense this makes sense okay yeah so yeah having you on for that because um i mean i don't know that you know as much about communism as Thomas does, but you know a hell of a lot more about communism than most people I know. Yep, I'm a real comrade. All right, just a little bit of, just a little bit about this is, um, it is from January 9th, 1928 to an audience of party members at the so-called

Hulsul for Politique, for Politique, a series of training talks for party members in Berlin. It's Gerbel's most extended discussion on the nature of propaganda, all the more interesting because of its early date. It is worth comparing this speech to one he gave seven years later to a closed gathering of party propagandists at the 1935 Nuremberg rally. That speech was not published. The text is available, yeah, but yada yada. So yeah, this is, I mean, in 1928, this is five years before, there's five, you know, more than five years before they take power. Yeah. Yeah. Their situation is even more tenuous than it was when they took power.

Yes. All right. I'm going to start. Stop me anytime, man. You know how this works. All right. Knowledge and propaganda by Joseph Goebbels. My dear fellow party members, our topic this evening is hotly disputed. I realize that my viewpoint is subjective. There is really little point in discussing propaganda. There is really little point in discussing propaganda. It is a matter of practice. Not of theory. It's experiential. You have to experience propaganda in order to understand it. Exactly. Exactly.

There's no theory behind it. It doesn't work unless someone experiences it. Yeah. One cannot determine theoretically whether one propaganda is better than another. Rather, that propaganda is good that has the desired results. And that propaganda is bad that does. not lead to the desired results. Consequential?

Consequentialism? Yeah. It does not matter how clever it is for the task of propaganda is not to be clever. Its task is to lead to success. I therefore avoid theoretical discussions about propaganda for there is no point to it.

Propaganda shows that it is good if over a certain period it can win over and fire up the people for an idea. If it fails to do so, it's bad propaganda. If propaganda wins the people, it wanted to win, it was presumably good. And if not, it was presumably bad. No one can say that you're, yeah, well,

you can tell that this is before the invention of the 24-hour news cycle. Because propaganda today is designed to fire you up for about 10 minutes. Yeah. And then you click on whatever you need to click on to generate revenue and then you forget about it. So that, that is the standard for what's good propaganda now. Yeah, it's basically, it's just a brush. Yeah, yep. If propaganda wins the people it wanted to win, it was presumably good, and if not, it was presumably bad.

No one can say that your propaganda is too crude or too low or brutal, or that it is not decent enough, for those are not the relevant criteria. Its purpose is not to be decent or gentle or weak or modest. It is to be successful. That is why I have intentionally chosen to discuss propaganda along with a second. and theme knowledge. Otherwise, our discussion this evening would be of little value. We have not gathered to discuss lovely theories, but rather to find ways of practically working together to deal with our everyday challenges.

What is propaganda and what role does it have in political life? That is the question of the greatest interest to us. How should propaganda look? And what is its role in our movement? Is it an end in itself or only a means to an? end. We must discuss that, but we can do that only when we begin with the origin of propaganda itself, namely the idea, then move to the target of propaganda, namely people. Ideas in themselves are timeless. They are not tied to individuals, much less to a people. They rest in a people. It is true

and affects their attitudes. Ideas, people say, are in the clouds. So, who does that sound like? Ideas people say, are in the clouds, yeah. Yeah. Ideas exist independently of the mind. Yeah. Yeah. That's what I picked up when I read that.

I was like, oh, he's platonic. That's also in Hinduism too. Oh, is it? Yeah. Outside the mind watching the thinker. Yeah. When someone comes along who can put in words what everyone feels in their heart each feels, Yes, that is what I always wanted and hoped for.

That is what happens the first time. One hears one of Hitler's major speeches. I have met people who have attended a Hitler meeting for the first time, and at the end they said, this man puts in words everything I have been searching for for years. For the first time. When you can distill and articulate what people feel but are unable to articulate, that's that's the best it's it's it's awesome on both ends like when somebody says like you know

I never do how to express that like that that's awesome on our end and when we're reading something or or listening to something that distills an idea into just a form that's easily digestible it fires you up that's that's amazing others are lost in confusion others are lost in confusion but suddenly someone stands up and puts it in words. Now, I've heard everything from goat to Goethe. How do you pronounce it? Goth, I guess. I'm going to say Goethe because that's what...

It's the last way I heard it say. Goethe's words become reality. Lost in silent misery, God gave someone to express my suffering. You should ask me how to pronounce any philosopher's name. last person you want to ask. But that's a great line there. Lost in silent misery, God gave someone to express my suffering. Yeah. Yeah.

Some kind of idea is the beginning of every political movement. It is not necessary to put this idea in a thick book, nor that it take political form in a hundred long paragraphs. People somehow manage. History proves that the greatest world movements have always develop when their leaders knew how to unify their followers under a short, clear theme. That's just something I've been saying recently with the whole Libertarian Party thing, is really when it comes to activism, when it comes to ideological activism, you don't want a party, a political party, because it's just pure bureaucracy.

The best way to do it is you pick one narrow topic and you, you become like a lobby group for it. You become a propagandist for it. And you just go after elected, now you are going after elected officials. You don't have to worry about getting elected. You catch them in the corner of your eye. Distinctive.

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Come see for yourself. The Liddle Newbridge Warehouse Sale, 28th to 30th of November. Liddle, more to value. You're going to go after the elected officials. That's the way National Association for Gun Rights basically got constitutional carry and half

the states in this country is by going to politics. and saying, we're going to run this person, we have this person who's going to run against you in a primary. Yeah. If you don't, you know, if you don't promise this. Yeah. Yeah.

That's that I, the libertarian party has somehow sunk to new depths. I didn't know we're imaginable, but I guess it's not surprising. Yeah. Well, I mean, I just said it was going to happen. You're just, you know, managerialism takes over. So. Yeah. All right. That is clear from the French Revolution or Cromwell's movement or Buddhism, Islam, or Christianity. Christ's goal was clear and simple. Love your neighbor as yourself. He gathered his followers behind that straightforward statement. Because this teaching was simple, crisp, clear, and understandable, enabling the broad masses to stand behind it, it in the end conquered the world.

one then builds a whole system of thought on such a brief, crisply formulated idea. The idea does not remain limited to this single statement. Rather, it is applied to every aspect of daily life and becomes the guide for all human activity. Politics, culture, the economy, every area of human behavior. It becomes a worldview. We see that in all great revolutionary movements, which begin with a clear, crisp, understandable, all-encompassing idea. They spread more and more

and become a mirror of life that reflects all activities of the people and indeed in a particular way. I wonder if there's a German word for ideology. That seems more like what he's describing. I think he's describing a culture. Yeah. Then one can say that a person has a worldview,

not because he knows a lot or has read a lot, but because he sees all of life from a certain standpoint and measures everything by a certain standard. I'm a Christian when I believe that the meaning of life is the heavy responsibility to love my neighbor as myself. Kant once said, act as if the principle of your life could be the principle for your entire nation. Is that the categorical imperative? Act as if the principle for your life could be the principle for your entire nation. Yeah.

Well, I mean, look what he mentions in the next sentence. He says, I am a national socialist, not when I want this or this or that from politics, rather what I consider all aspects of daily life. I must act in all things by putting the good of the whole above my personal good, by putting the good of the state above my personal good. But then I also have the guarantee that such a state will be able to protect my personal life. That is such an important caveat. And that's why I, it's going to be very difficult for us, people on our side to put their trust in any type of person or movement or idea that turns into a worldview that ends up, you know, that could potentially end up getting power is it takes a very long time or a very long time or a very

desperate population to place that trust in those things. Well, yeah, it takes, it takes a wine more. Yeah, yep, it takes desperate. It's gonna be desperation, you know, time. You can talk to any number of people. They'll tell you that time is not on our side. So it's gonna take desperation. I am a national socialist when I see everything in politics, culture,

the economy from this standpoint. I therefore do not evaluate the theater from the standpoint of whether it is elegant or amusing. Rather, I ask, is it good for my people? Is it useful for them? Does it strengthen the community? If so, the community in turn can benefit, support, and strengthen me. I do not see the economy as some sort of way of making money. Rather, I want an economy that will strengthen the people, make them healthy and powerful. Then, too, I can expect that this people will support and maintain me. If I see things in this way, I see the economy in national socialist terms. Does that sound like socialism to you as, you know, like a libertarian would say, call someone a socialist? No, the antithesis. That is the antithesis of, uh, anarcho-capitalism.

I mean, I guess they would say, you know, you have the option to think that way, but you have the option to think whatever way you want and still participate in society. Yeah. If I deliver this crisp, clear idea into a system of thought that includes all human devices, wishes, and actions, I have a worldview. As an idea develops into a worldview, the goal is the state. Knowledge does not remain the property of a certain group, but fights for power. It is not just the fantasy of a few people among the people, rather it becomes the idea of the rulers, the circles that have power. the view does not only preach, but it is carried out in practice. I recall a long time ago when we were reading State and Revolution, just going over it and viewing it in terms of praxis,

you know, during the October Revolution, November, everything leading up to it and everything after it, Praxis, praxis, praxis. And, you know, at the time we were kind of moving away from libertarianism because of that. And it's the same thing with this, national socialism. It places an emphasis on praxis, like practical application of your knowledge, of your theory or whatever. And I don't see that happening with even, you know, unfortunately a lot of people that I like that espouse a worldview that I agree with. I don't see them emphasizing it.

Yeah. Yep. Then the idea becomes the worldview of the state. The worldview has become a government organism when it sees its power and can influence life not only in theory, but in practical everyday life. Now we must consider who is the carrier, the transmitter, the guardian of such ideas. A great man. An idea always lives in individuals. It seeks an individual to transmit its great intellectual force. It becomes alive in a brain and seeks escape through the mouth. The idea is preached by individuals, individuals who will never be satisfied to have the knowledge remain theirs alone.

I thought that was a very well-constructed paragraph and figured that's why he's the minister of propaganda. Yeah. Well, I mean, you know, the great thing about a speech about knowledge and propaganda is he's propagandizing with it. Yeah. Yep. He practices what he preaches.

You know that from experience. When one knows something, one does not keep it hidden like a buried treasure, but rather one seeks to tell others. One looks for people who should know it. One feels that everyone else should know as well, for one feels alone when no one else knows. For example, if I see a beautiful painting in an art gallery, I have the need to tell others. I meet a good friend and say to him, I found a wonderful picture. I have to show it to you. The same is true of ideas.

If an idea lives in an individual, he has the urge to tell others. There is some mysterious force in us that drives us to tell others. The greater and simpler the idea, the more it relates to daily life. The more one has the desire to tell everyone about it. And it's a testament to the system we live under that we hesitate to tell people about these great ideas in real life. I mean, I see great ideas on my timeline every single day, and I want to tell people. But I usually just stop at my wife and see what she thinks.

And then, you know, if I go to bed and nothing happens, then I know it was a bad idea, and I just annoyed her. So, but it's a testament to the counter propaganda, machinery that we live under, that we naturally hesitate to promulgate these good ideas. Almost like they know what they're doing. Yeah. Yeah. We have to say it in hushed tones and quiet, you know, amongst people we trust.

Right. And then if it gets to the point where it's so dangerous to say certain things. then everyone's a fed and you don't want to talk to anyone. Yeah, and as awesome as the internet is, I think that the next big thing is going to spread via word of mouth in probably semi-hermetic circles because it has to, because nobody wants to get arrested. If I believe that the nation must be governed by the principle

that the common good comes before the individual good, I will tell it to those to whom it applies. As soon as I realize that this principle is not only, only of a transcendental, transcendental nature, but that it applies to daily life, I have the need to tell it to those in the economic world. You catch them in the corner of your eye, distinctive by design, they move you,

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28th to 30th of November. Liddle, more to value. And if I see it applies to culture as well, I have the need to tell it to those involved in cultural activities. The great masses will never be one simply by such a sentence. It must cast its shadow over all areas of human life. Yep. Yeah, Gramsci was,

Gramsci was the one who understood this. Yeah, it has to march through institutions. Yep. You see how an idea spreads and becomes a worldview and how the bearer of the individual reaches out to form a community and how an organization, then a movement grows from the individual.

The idea is no longer buried in the heart and mind of an individual. Now there are four, five, ten, 20, 30, 50, 80, 100, and evermore. That is a secret of ideas. They are like a wildfire that cannot be restrained. They are like a gas that seaves through everything. I saw that sentence and was like, this is too easy. Yeah.

Where an idea finds entry, it enters, and soon that person is influencing others. The others cannot stop it. They may believe they can stop the fire by force. They may even be able to do so for two or 10, 20, or 50 years. but this is not significant in the larger course of world's history. It is irrelevant if something happens today or tomorrow or even years in the future. Yeah. It's a very transcendental view.

Well, the, you know, and the thing is, is that you can have the greatest idea in the world, or you can tell it to a bunch of people, and, you know, 2,000 people can hold on to it and love it and want to talk about it. But if they're not willing to put it into motion, if they're not willing to, you know, get the ball rolling on it and implement it, that's when it's just theory. Yeah. Yep.

It is possible to slow an idea by force for a certain period of time. In reality, however, that advances the idea for forces drive out that which is weak. That's really good. That's really good. Yeah. Now, when everybody's like, what you believe, you know, hardly anybody believes that, there might be a reason.

Yeah. It might be a reason. The elements that do not really belong collapse. Suddenly, the individual becomes a community, a movement, and if you prefer, a party. Each movement begins as a party. That does not mean it has to follow the methods of parliament. parties. We see a party as a part of the people. As an idea spreads becoming a worldview that spreads to the community, the community will want to give the idea practical form. The party will feel the necessity to

organize. Someone will suddenly have the idea. You think the way I do, a way I think. You are working over there. I am working here. And we know nothing of each other. That is absurd. It would be better if we work together. If I did my part and you did yours, would it not be good if we met every month and talked? That is an organization. Gradually, a strong organism develops a party ready to fight for its ideals, a party that does not want that will indeed continue to preach its ideals, but will never bring them into reality. Yeah. It's extremely hard to start that process now, because anything outside of, if you want to call it the Overton window, never gets beyond what step um yeah never gets beyond not being buried in the heart and mind of an

individual or you may you may get up to uh what what were those numbers uh 20 no 20 20 it's uh but oh 4 5 10 20 30 50 80 100 yeah it may get up to 100 but it may get up to 100 but I you know I And I'm talking in real life, not X, not social media. That's a whole different story. That has its own end point that never materializes. But it's, yeah, it's, I'm telling you, like, the next big thing is going to be something you hear in real life. Yeah, may have already happened. A recent example may help.

Our movement is often accused of losing its character as a move. Oh, have you ever heard that? That if you, you know, change, if you're changed a little bit, oh, you've, you, you don't understand it anymore. You're not a real national socialist. You've lost a plot. Yeah. Yeah, you couldn't hack it. That what.

We are accused of taking the vast, broad, and ever-moving system of thought of vulkish movement and forcing it into a protrusted, a pro-crustian bed. bed. So procrusting in bed. I looked that up and it's basically a, uh, like an arbitrary, like forcing something to be arbitrarily different. That's all that is. It's like the, the emphasis is on the arbitrariness of it. Oh, you mean like they try to say post-libertarianism was just, uh, yeah. Yeah. We supposedly had to chop off the legs of the movement that's stuck out. Eliminating important parts of the Volkish idea. Volkish idea. National socialism is only a surrogate for the real movement, some say. In fact, the Volkish movement ran a ground on this matter. Each declares his own particular interest central to the Volkish movement and accuses anyone who does

not share his views as being a traitor to the cause. That sounds familiar, huh? That is the way the Volkish movement was before the war. If someone had been able to take this great idea, and the Volkish idea was greater than the Marxist idea, and develop out of it a tightly disciplined political organization, then the Volkish idea, not the Marxist idea, would have won on 9 November 1918. Marxism won because it had a better understanding of political conditions, because it had forged the sword it would later use to conquer the state. If a vulkish organizer had understood how to form a great movement, it is a question of life or death for a nation, the vulkish idea, not Marxism, would have won.

It was a worldview, but it did not understand how to form a party and how to forge a sharp sword that would have enabled it to conquer the state. So is he drawing a distinction? I didn't get this. Is he drawing a distinction between national socialism and like the bulk movement? Yes. All right. That's what I thought. Yeah, because people who adhered to the Volk movement argued that the National Socialist was just a, was basically a bastardization. You know, you don't understand, you don't understand what you're doing. You don't understand who we are. Yeah. But, you know, he points out that at the end of the war, I'm reading this book on my show

Blockade right now. And it's about Vienna at the end of, during the war. And at the end of the of World War I. And immediately in Vienna, when the troops come back, when the kids come back, when the men come back, socialism has taken hold. So, I mean, they're bringing back socialism with them.

They're bringing back Bolshevism with them. Yeah. Why? Yeah. Why? Because it was the only, at that point, it's really the one thing that is pushing back against the,

what they would call, the war profiteers and people like that. Yeah. No, that makes sense. Because I mean, the right wing coalition in Germany, post-World War, immediately post-World War I was like a coalition that included Democratic socialists and communists, right? And these, and Volkish, the Volk movement.

Yeah, it was, I mean. For a second. I mean, they actually talk about like these whole, she talks about that, I think her daughter went and visited a relative in Linz in Austria. And this is in like 1918, late 1918. And there are roving, roving hordes going through the town and just taking everything, destroying everything. thing and she just offhandedly mentions and they I don't know why but they look Russian. Well, there's a reason. There's a reason why they looked Russian because they were pouring over the border

to take a country that was in tatters. Yeah. Yeah. The state needs a worldview. Christianity also conquered the state and in the movement that it conquered, And in the moment that it conquered the state, it began to carry out practical political activity. You can with justice claim, yes, but at the moment Christianity took over the state, it began to cease to being Christian.

That is the tragedy of all great ideas. At the moment they enter the realm of this life of sin, of the all too human, they leave the heavens and lose their romantic magic. Wow, that sounds like James Burnham. You catch them in the corner of your eye, distinctive by design. They move you, even before you drive. The new Cooper plugin hybrid range for Mentor, Leon and Terramar. Now with flexible PCP finance and trade-in boosters of up to 2,000 euro.

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The Liddle New Bridge Warehouse Sale, 28th to 30th of November. more to value yeah it's just yeah it's just burn him talking about how when when ideology is introduced to reality it just it gets punched in the mouth yeah yeah I I don't know I don't know if I agree with that I don't know that you can with justice claim yes but at the moment Christianity took over the state it ceased being Christian yeah well I mean yeah I mean it's It just depends. It depends.

It might have changed. It might have changed its nature. It has to. Yeah. Yeah, I don't know. I got. Something that would have to work out. Yeah.

Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Okay. They become something normal. We are not discussing whether or not one can change the nature of life. Things have gone on this way for millions of years, and will go on in the same way for millions of years.

and will go on in the same way for millions more. You will have to ask a higher power why that is so. At the moment an idea takes practical form, it loses its angel's wings, its romantic mystery. If someone had had the courage to strip the Volkish idea of its romantic mystery, if one had taken account of the hard facts, it would not look as romantic today as it does to some dreamers. But it would have kept millions of German children from starving.

For me, it is more, yeah. Yeah. He's hitting the Polish people hard. Well, you know what I learned from that, that diary blockade, the Save the Children Foundation, that was started to feed German and Austrian kids after World War I. Huh. Yeah. Yeah.

Yeah. For me, it is important that a nation lives, that it is important that a nation lives, that nation live, for me, it is more important that a nation lives than that an idea remains as pure as possible in the heads of a few dreamers. Very practical. Yes. You can see that a movement needs an organization if it is to conquer the state, and it must conquer the state if it wants to do something of positive and historic significance.

I have often met the kind of wandering apostle who says, well, everything you are doing is fine, but you rely, but you rely must also, you really must. you really must also take a stand against foreign words in the German language. And another comes along who says, well, everything you say is good, but you must have a point in your program that says alopathy is dangerous and you must support homeopathy. If the movement were led by such apostles, the Jew would end up in charge. Do we want to talk about the United States now? So I want to talk about the early 20th century United States now.

So I've actually been thinking a little harder about this and talking to some people. And I think, yes, there is, I don't think it's just Judaism. That's, you know, pernicious influence and all that. But what, let me throw this at you. And we could talk about it whenever, but what about the pernicious influence of Gnosticism? Oh, where did that come from? So just looking into the, you know, the modern, the modern birth of it. Oh, the modern birth?

Yeah, it's, yeah, it's the usual suspects. And if you go back in time, it's it's them as well after the, you know, in the second to fourth century. You know, in that. Yeah, most Christians would have been of Jewish and Jewish. Oh yeah, to be fair, yeah. But the syncretism between Judaism and Gnosticism and how that influenced the Talmud, how that influenced a couple of other, their other books. And it's just an idea that came into my head.

I wonder how that syncretism is playing out now. Well, I mean, the whole idea of Gnosticism, I mean, you could just peel the skin off of it, and you can see progressivism. Yeah. Yep. And, you know, it's influence in academia. It's influence in Hollywood. You know, not to not to really put my tinfoil hat on,

but that's just something that I was noticing. You're noticing, huh? Yeah, yeah. Are you a new, putting another, yeah. Putting another, uh, another, another hat on. The Jew would find something new every day until nothing was left. It is not the task of a revolutionary fighting movement to settle the dispute between alopathy and homeopathy. Rather, its task is to take power.

Yeah. It's saying, if you're looking at alipathy, homeopathy, these are basically cultural things, way of life. Basically, I mean, you could call them ideologies. People build all ideologies around them. You see people who are really into alopathy or homeopathy or really homeopathy who have its tendency to be of a certain, the stereotype is of a certain group, you know, a certain kind of person. And, yeah, I mean, you can call that an ideology. And when it comes to taking power, you know, these, these things really need to be, really needs to be put aside because is that argument right there between alopathy and homeopathy? Is that important when you're trying to take over a state, when you're trying to put together, when you're trying to, you know, basically have, create national socialists.

Well, Great national socialism. Doing the math, five years later, I think they mostly proved that homeopathy works, at least. The movement must have a program such that every honest fighter can stand behind it. Now it is certainly true that the modern German cultural establishment produces every matter of nonsense. I know that this nonsense is poisoning the German national soul. There are those who say something has to happen. You have to do something.

If you want to fight the movie industry, you must build your own theater. Even if at first it has the most primitive equipment. And if you see that the children are being poisoned by what they read in school, you must begin to win children's souls and give them the antidote. My reply is simple. You can spend 10 years giving the antidotes to the poison that is produced by a badly led cultural establishment, but a single decree from a ministry of culture can destroy all your work. If you had spent the 10 years winning fighters for the movement, the movement would have conquered the ministry of culture. Everything else is mere peace work. That's certainly a paragraph right there. Yeah.

I, uh, ministrious culture. He poisoning the German national soul. Something has to happen. You have to do something. If you don't like Amazon, build your own Amazon. Yeah. Yeah. You even got some, build your own bank. Yeah. Through some libertarianism in here. Yeah. Yeah. So it's like I said with homeschooling, I absolutely suggest that people homeschool their kids right now. But if only 5% of the population is homeschooling, that means 95% of the kids 20 years from now are just going to be progressive psychopaths.

Yeah. No, and with a single decree, I mean, with a single decree, we would lose 99% of our progress. If they just simply, you know, enforced KYC on X, I think, you know, that would be a, that would crush. Yeah. So, like, again, it goes back to you need to do things in real life, too. But word of mouth. Then you can make the argument that if everybody is public, I mean, can they come after everybody? Yeah, yeah, who knows?

That's a Pandora's box. I don't know if I want to find out. Yeah. They could certainly come after us one by one. Yeah, they could. But, I mean, they don't even have the money, the funding to do that. If a movement wins political power, it can do those positive things it wants to do. Only then does it have the power to protect its accomplishments.

At the moment, a movement or party wins control of the state, its worldview becomes the state, and its party becomes the nation. The nation is not the 60 million people who live in it. That is a confused mixture. One says, yay, the other says, nay. That is not a nation. A nation is characterized by consciousness. instinct alone is not enough.

Only when I am aware that I am a member of the nation, when I am consciously a German, do I belong to the German people? The great elector did not say, think and remember that you are German. Rather, he said, consider well that you are German. Consideration is at the level of consciousness. Such consciousness belongs to the entire nation.

Adolf Hitler rightly answered the court in Munich in this way when he was asked, how could you think of establishing a dictatorship over 60 million with such a tiny minority? His reply, if an entire people, Volk, has become cowardly, and there are only a thousand left who want something great, and who have the power to transform the state, then those thousand are the people. You catch them in the corner of your eye. Distinctive.

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then they must also accept the fact that we will establish a dictatorship. Powerful. Preciant. Yeah. The same is true of a movement. If a movement has the strength to take over the state, then it has the power to transform the state. I am the last to complain that the Marxists rule us today.

As long as we do not have the strength to overcome them, they have the political rights to rule us. Oh, he's so good. He's so good. Oh, man. Oh, it's just, it's true, and it's meant to piss you off at the same time. Oh, it's so good. As long as we did not have the strength to overcome them, they have the political rights of rule us. I am surprised how little they used that right.

I would do things differently. That is their tragic misunderstanding of their own worldview. I do not complain that the gentlemen of the Berlin police use their power against us, only that they call themselves Democrats and claim that they allow freedom of thought and of speech. That is nonsense. That is lying hypocrisy. For in truth, these gentlemen are dictators. If a movement has a strength to take over government positions of power,

then it has the right to form the government as it wishes. anyone who disagrees is a foolish theoretician. Politics is governed not by moral principles, but by power. If a movement conquers a state, it has the right to form the state. You can see how these three elements combine ideals and personalities. The idea leads to a worldview, the worldviews of the state. The individual becomes a party. The party becomes the nation.

Have you noticed he repeats certain sentences over? Yeah, yep. Hmm. Yeah. A little practical application. The important thing is not to find people who agree with me, but every theoretical, by, with every, agree with me about every theoretical jot and tittle, but rather that I find people who are willing to fight with me for a worldview.

Winning people over to something that I have recognized as right, that is what we call propaganda. At first, there is knowledge. It uses propaganda to find the manpower that will transnational. form knowledge and so politics propaganda stands between the idea and the worldview between the world view and the state between the individual and the party between the party and the nation that's so good he explains it i mean he he explains it but i've read bernets extensively and he he explains it so much better than bernays because bernays is always hiding yeah yeah nope this is pretty pretty clear

cut. Like, whatever your revolutionary process is, propaganda is in between all of the steps in those processes. It makes sense to me. At the moment at which I recognize something as important and begin speaking about it in the street car, I begin making propaganda. At the same time, I begin looking for other people to join me. Propaganda stands between the one and the many, between the idea and the worldview. There he is repeating himself again. Propaganda. is nothing other than the forerunner to organization. Once it has done this, it is the forerunner to state control.

It is always a means to an end. Yeah, he asked the question earlier, is propaganda a means or is it an end? And answers it here. Although I must hold unshakably and unalterably to the idea, propaganda adjusts itself to the prevailing conditions. Let me ask you this. Yeah, go ahead. Do you think our current rulers view propaganda as a,

means or an end. At this point, I think it's an end. Yeah. Yeah. It's too, it's too clumsy. There's nothing, there's rarely anything manipulative about it. It's more like we know that there's a certain group that when we say this, they're going to believe it no matter what and all we care about is that group. Yeah, the constant positive reinforcement that you, are on the right side of history, that you are a good person, that you are normal, that what you're doing is acceptable. I think that that's fuel for people to go throughout life now. I think if you took that away from a large portion of the population, they would go insane.

If you cut off their serotonin drip, which is delivered via propaganda, they would literally go insane. fall into a depression. Yeah, there are people on, I mean, that is what X Twitter is, Zitter, whatever they're calling it now, is, I mean, it is literally somebody's, um, serotonin drip. Yeah. They're just waiting. It is the, and I, I think if Gerbils wasn't German, he could articulate it this way, but the, the constant affirmation. Like, that's, that's the serotonin drip.

just chasing affirmation and in particular that's you know the the e-thoughts and just i guess women in general are more susceptible to that i in my experience but also i guess young men as well although i must hold unshakably and unalterably to the idea propaganda adjust itself to the prevailing conditions propaganda is always flexible it says different things here than it does there it cannot be polished laminated and stuffed. Rather, it must occupy the space between the one and the many. Good sentence there. I talk differently on the streetcar with a conductor than I do with a businessman. If I did not, the businessman would think I was crazy and the streetcar conductor would not understand me. I remember, I forget who said it, that whenever Ron Paul, if Ron Paul spoke to, like,

college kids or he spoke to like a group of Muslims, he always like delivered the same message. Would that be to his fault or was he just that good? Oh, I mean, well, I don't know. I mean, I love Ron Paul, but really, what did he change? I mean, I guess there are some things he changed. I guess you would say that he paved the way for Trump. Yeah, I think that would be, that's how I would characterize his accomplishments too. It was, he definitely planted a dissident seed that didn't really grow until Trump, and then it grew exponentially. Yeah, very fast, very fast. If I did not, the businessman would think I was crazy and the streetcar conductor would not understand me.

That means propaganda cannot be limited. It changes according to whom I am trying to reach. Let me tell you a story about a party member in Berlin who since 1919 has promoted the national socialist idea. At first he beat his head bloody against a wall, which he want to avoid. He began by distributing the wildest anti-Semitic publications on the street. He knew it was bad stuff, but there was nothing better. That man is me. He knew it was bad stuff, but there was nothing better,

so he read these books or newspapers in the subway. Everyone could see that he was a harmless crank, and when he stood up and left his newspapers behind, someone regularly would say, sir, take your newspaper along with you. He would angrily take his paper and leave it with the conductor saying, here, German brother,

and the conductor certainly thought he came from the nut house. Many such cases. Did you hear that somebody walked up to Dave Smith at the Libertarian National Convention in a thong, a guy walked up in a thong and wanted to debate him on borders?

I again I I believe that wholeheartedly I mean put it this way if somebody walks up to you a guy walks up to you in a thong you I'm you I don't care who you are you immediately believe in borders yeah you believe there should be a border between you and that person yeah I don't care who you are vigorously enforced He gradually realized that the methods that worked with friends and comrades did not work with strangers. In other words, there is no ABC of propaganda. One can make propaganda or one cannot. Propaganda is an art. Any reasonably normal person can learn to play the violins with a certain degree. But then his teacher will say, this is as far as it goes. Only a genius can learn what remains.

You are not a genius. So be content with what you have learned. Yes. I can certainly, yeah. Everybody has a maximum potential. especially in the time that we're in right now, recognizing that when somebody has met their maximum potential and maybe doesn't have a whole lot to offer anymore,

that's part and parcel. I can certainly teach any reasonable person the absolute basics of propaganda, but I will soon recognize the limits. One is either a propagandist or one is not. It is wrong to look down on a propagandist. There are people who say a propagandist is merely a good drummer. This displays a certain envy and lack of

ability. They are mostly mediocre philosophers whom the masses ignore. You have seen often enough, no one can deny it, that our movement has good speakers. Since our opponents do not have good speakers, they say, well, they are only good drummers. Hitler was called the drummer of national unity for five years. When they realized that this drummer had ideas that didn't fit into their way of thinking, he was suddenly a crazy politician who had to be dealt with. It is foolish to look down on propagandists. The propagandists has a certain role within the party. It is good for our young movement that we are young and lacking in really great leaders, though naturally not in comparison to other parties.

The great leaders we have cannot stick to a particular area, but must be able to do everything. They must be propagandists, organizers, speakers, writers, etc. Yeah. They must be able to get along with the people, find money, write articles, and a lot more. That is why it is wrong to say that Hitler is merely a drummer. That is what is great about him and what separates him from everyone else. He is a politician and also a propagandist, while the leaders of other parties understand neither politics nor propaganda.

You can see how propaganda relates to the worldview and to the organization. After we have finished the hard work of moving the idea and the worldview from the individuals to the masses, propaganda has the task of taking the knowledge of the mass and enabling it to take over, the state. So when I read this, my first thought was we have the opposite problem now. Even the lowliest freshman senator has a an overabundance of knowledge of propaganda. And it's to the point now where if you're above a certain IQ, it just nothing resonates, which is good and bad, I guess. Well, I think one of the, another problem we have is that we have a lot of propagandists out there.

And, but, you know, and Bernie said, a whole lot of jacks of all trades. Yeah. But the, Bernays said that, you know, you wanted the, the bastards educated just enough so that they could understand propaganda. That's one of the, that's, that's a problem we're at right now. is that we have a populist that is educated just enough to understand propaganda. And one thing that the enemy has done well is, and I think this is done on purpose,

and some of them are absolute agents, is they put out, quote-unquote, right-wing propagandists who have big platforms. Yeah. But they're also gatekeepers. or they're meant to not make you notice or they're made to not make you go too far to the right. Yeah, I've been talking a lot about that in my feed. I am just so disgusted with the last couple weeks

and even with the last couple months because it's, you know, I don't want to say that our movement should be fractured, but there's definitely some house cleaning that needs to be done. And everybody needs to be hyper aware of when they're being gaslit. Yep. Let me give an example. What good would it do if everything we know to be right stayed in our few heads?

The few would doubt the rightness of the idea since they would see that no one was joining them. And if we do not have the people from the lowliest essay man who distributes, newspapers to the best speaker or the leader of the party, all of our lovely knowledge would be useless, for only we would know it. The others would continue their nonsense, and the German people in the end would perish. What does this sound like? Propaganda is absolutely necessary, even if it is only a means to an end. Otherwise, the idea could never take over the state. I must be able to get what I think important across to many people. The task of a gifted propagandist is to take. To take that which many have thought and put it in a way that reaches everyone from the educated

to the common man you will all grant me this so and a further you know to to apply that to you know anything in this country I think the perfect propagandists would have to be personable and social and that is an increasing rarity nowadays you know it able to carry a conversation in real life, able to make whoever they're propagandized and comfortable. You know, like we're having a casual conversation, but I'm planting seeds in your head. You know what I mean? I think that that's an art that's becoming rarer and rare. And maybe we'll be the last generation that, you know, still has an aptitude for it.

You know, as the younger kids get alienated more and more, that's, It's almost by design. You will all grant me this, and as further evidence, I can recall a Hitler speech in Jenna. Half the audience were Marxists, half students, and university professors. I had a burning desire to speak with both elements afterwards. I could see that the university professor and the average man had understood what Hitler said, that is the greatness of our movement, that it can use language to reach to broad masses. Of course, the style will vary according to the speaker.

It would be a big mistake to expect everyone to treat the idea in the same way. For as great as it is, so different are the individuals who are to be reached by it. You will surely hear some people say that they like one speaker, while others prefer another. It would be a mistake to try to make the soft-spoken speaker into a thundering orator, or a thundering orator into a soft-spoken chap. Neither would accomplish anything. The soft-spoken speaker would never reach the heart. no matter how hard he tried, nor would the thundering orator succeed in speaking quietly.

Everyone would go home to satisfied. The bigger our movement gets, the more kinds of people it can house, and each will reflect the movement a little differently. No two things in God's world are alike. Everything is a little different. Thus, one person reflects things differently than another. That's that max potential thing coming up again. As propaganda draws an ever-growing following to the idea, the idea broader. becomes more flexible. It no longer stays in a few heads but wants to include everything.

At that moment, it becomes a comprehensive program. We can happily see that that in the case in our movement, you will never find millions of people willing to die for a book, but millions of people are willing to die for a gospel, and our movement is becoming more and more a gospel. All that we have come to know in our individual lives is joining to form a great faith that lives unshakably in our hearts. Each of us is willing, if necessary, to give his all for it.

No one is willing to die for the eight-hour day. People are willing to die so that Germany will belong to Germans. What Adolf Hitler prophesied? Nobody's willing to die for an eight-hour day. I don't know if that applies to nowadays. is. Yeah. Just want a grill, man.

But people are willing to die so that Germany will belong to the Germans. What Adolf Hitler prophesied in 1919 is becoming clearer every day. Freedom and prosperity. The movement is increasingly freeing itself from the all too human and becoming a powerful force. The time is coming when people will not ask us what we think about the eight-hour day, but rather when Germany is seized with desperation, they will ask, Can you give us back faith?

If a movement has brought the idea from the individual to a worldview, building in the end a clear gospel for which each is ready to die, that movement is near victory. That does not happen in the study, but rather in battle, in bitter battle each day with the enemy, bringing him to see how he has led the nation down the wrong path. I must say that I learned the most from reading the Berliner Tajablot, a newspaper hostile to the Nazis. That is a fine example of the Jews at work. From the Jewish standpoint, I've never noted a single mistake, whereas the nationalist papers make mistakes all the time. It's like your enemy understands you better than you understand your enemy. That's not good.

Yep. Credit where credits do. Yeah. I now want to outline the essential characteristics of propaganda. We have already agreed that propaganda is not an end in itself. but a means to an end. Its task is to spread the knowledge of national socialism to the people or to a part of the people. If propaganda does that, it is good. If not, it is bad. The German nationalist claimed that Hitler's propaganda before 9 November 1923 was too loud,

too noisy, too popular. Hitler replied, Munich must become national socialists. If I achieve that, my propaganda will have been good. If I had wanted to make you happy, it would have been bad. But that was not my intention. You cannot evaluate propaganda in mid-course, but rather you have to wait until it reaches its maker's goal. You cannot say that our propaganda was wrong because the government banned it. That is false. Under Jewish police officials, our propaganda would be wrong if it were not banned.

For that means it would be harmless. The fact that it is banned is the best evidence that we are. are dangerous. If the ban is lifted, do not come to me and say that the Jew has seen the error of his ways. It will be lifted when the Jew sees that it is not achieving his purpose. You can say what you want. The Jew will put away his dagger only when he sees that it is better not to use it against propaganda method or when he sees that the dagger has already done its duty. Yeah, that's another salient point. If you're, you know, if If you're not getting banned, if you're not getting put on a list, if you're not getting punished in some way, shape, or form, then you're not saying anything that's in any way a threat.

Yeah, I was at an event, small event a couple weeks ago. and somebody told me that Tim Poole was a dissident. And I didn't laugh. All I asked was, do dissidents make a million dollars a month? Yeah. That's a good metric. Yeah.

What income bracket? What tax bracket is he in? Yeah. And, you go, no answer. The, you know, Well, I think a good thing to promulgate nowadays is that the methods with which bands are dulled out is via algorithm.

So if you can find a way to hack that, and whether it's via language or more technical methods, use that too. if you can pierce through the the safety mechanism do it I have I'll tell you right now I use a text office gator just Google text office gator

then type in whatever you want and you can even change the letters come out in some weird script but you can change the letters to look normal and it's so far so good I've never even gotten a warning

and I post some pretty heinous shit you do I like it yeah that's how I've I've gotten banned off Twitter five times, like five new accounts, and I've had this one for a while now, and I credit the text off a skater. All right. Success is the important thing. Propaganda is not a matter for average minds, but rather a matter for practitioners.

It is not supposed to be lovely or theoretically correct. I do not care if I give wonderful, aesthetically elegant speeches or speak so that women cry. Sometimes I do. The point of a political species is to persuade people of what we think right. I speak differently in the provinces than I do in Berlin. And why I speak in Beirut, I think that's Beirut. I say different things than I say in the Farras Hall,

a meeting hall that Nazis often used in Berlin. That is a matter of practice, not of theory. We do not want to be a movement of a few straw brains, but rather a movement that can conquer the broad masses. Propaganda should be popular, not intellectually pleasing. It is not the task of propaganda to discover intellectual truths. I found them by thinking or at my desk anywhere, but in a meeting hall. That is where I transmit them.

I do not enter the meeting hall to discover intellectual truths, but to persuade others of what I think to be right. I learned methods there that I can use to reach others with what I have found to be right. The speaker of propagandists must first understand the idea. He cannot do that in the middle of making propaganda. He must start with it. Through daily contact with the masses, he learns how to communicate that idea.

It is not the task of propaganda to discover knowledge, but to transmit knowledge. It must adjust to those it wishes to reach with that knowledge. The propaganda speeches or posters that are aimed at farmers will be different than those aimed at employers. Those aimed at doctors will be different than those aimed at patients. He will adjust his propaganda to fit those he is speaking to. You can see that all the critical standards used by other parties to evaluate propaganda missed the point,

and that most complaints about the NSAAP's propaganda result from a false understanding of propaganda. If someone tells me your propaganda has no civilized standards, I know there is no point in even talking to him. It makes no difference of propaganda is at a high level. The question is whether it reached his goal. My first goal when I came to Berlin was to make the city aware of us. They could love us or hate us

as long as they knew who we were. We have reached that goal. He's a wrestling heel. We have reached that goal. We are hated and loved. When someone hears the term national socialist, he does not ask, what is that? Once we have reached a first goal,

we can work on turning hate to love and love to hate, but never to indifference. The battle against indifference is the hardest battle. That's, I mean, it's so true. Yeah. It's just so true. If you can evoke an emotional response, what that emotion is doesn't matter. It's in their heads. And then sometimes you can get people to do your propagandizing for you. Yeah. Even if it's negative. Just by repeating. Yeah. Your interactions with your detractors probably convert more people to taking the next step and watching an episode when you really hammer some dumb shit on X. That's probably just as effective at getting them to the next level.

People will ask you if you're like arguing with an account that is like, why are you arguing with an account that has 10 followers? I'm not arguing with the account for the sake of the account with 10 followers. I'm arguing with the account for the people who are watching. Yeah, I'm publicly crushing somebody that I know has a relatively common view and letting it be known to everybody that, you know, might be on the fence. You know, when you have thousands and thousands, tens of thousands of followers, you have, there are followers who never come. There are people who just lurk and they lurk all day.

Never comment. That's who you're doing it for. Yep. You're doing it for the people who are watching what you're doing. Yep. Who are watching your account. I hate when someone comes in and goes, why are you arguing with them? Why do you keep retweeting them?

Why do you keep retweeting me? I only have 10 followers. Yeah. Shut up. Yeah. Shut up. If you can get a couple people to dip their toe on the water, then take it from there.

Just why am I retweeting an account with 10 followers? Just be a useful idiot and just let me retweet your account. Yep. The battle is there. There may be 2 million people in this city who hate my guts, who persecute and slander me, but I know that I can win over some of them. We know that from experience. Some of those who persecuted us and fought most bitterly against us are today our most

determined supporters. You see that the important things. for propaganda is that it reach its goal and that it is a mistake to apply critical standards that are irrelevant. Let me give another example. If someone asks me what I think of another person, is it silly for me to say, I like him, but he cannot play the piano. The answer will be, so what? He is a corporate lawyer. Why don't you see if he is good at what he does? That is a good answer, and it applies just as well to propaganda. Our propaganda follows a clear line. Adolf Hitler once told me that it is not necessary to give a programmatic speech to a public meeting.

The public meeting requires the most primitive approach. If the fine gentlemen say, you're only a propagandist, the answer is this. Was Christ any different? Did he not make more, did he not make propaganda? Did he write books or did he preach? Was Muhammad any different? Did he write learned essays, or did he go to the people and say what he wanted to say? Were not Buddha and Zarathustra propagandists?

True, the philosophers of the French Revolution built their intellectual foundations. But who got things moving? Robs Pierre, Denton, and the others. Did these men write books, or did they speak in popular meetings? Look around today. Is Mussolini more an author or a great speaker? When Lenin took the train from Zurich to Petersburg, did he repair to his study and write a book? Or did he speak to thousands?

Fascism and Bolshevism were built by great speakers, by masters of the spoken word. There is no difference between the politician and the speaker. History proves that great politicians were always great speakers. Napoleon, Caesar, Alexander, Mussolini, Lenin, name whomever you want. They were all great speakers and great organizers. If a person combines rhetorical, talent, organizational ability, and philosophical ability, if he has the ability to transmit knowledge and to gather people under his banner, then he is a brilliant statesman. Yep. And that's why we don't have any statesman. We don't. you know who that is right there right now bukelly yeah yep yeah and really yeah and really he's like

his philosophical ability is i mean it it really comes it comes out more when he's questioned yeah yep yeah especially by a hostile party yeah he is the master of uh of uh of applying to his detractors and just strengthening himself. Yeah. There was a Massachusetts representative that he just got BTFOed by Boo Kelly. Oh, yeah, I saw that. Something about like moving, like relocating a painting in an airport. He's like, yeah, we moved it two feet and like shut up.

Yeah. Yeah, laconic, laconic phrases. If someone tells me today, you're a demagogue, I answer him in this way. Demagoguagy, in the good sense, is simply the ability to get the masses to understand what I want them to understand. Of course, I can adjust to the feelings of the broad masses, which is demagogu in the bad sense. Then I change not only the form of what I say, but also the content. You cannot tell me that things have changed. Formerly, speakers built movements.

Today, we live in the age of the press. and it is the writers who are influential. This theory is obviously false. Of course, the press is important, but if you examine well-written editorials, they turn out to be speeches in disguise. The Marxists did not win through their editorials, but rather because each Marxist editorial

was a little propaganda speech. They were written by agitators. They sat in their offices or in their smoke-filled bars, writing not elegant, intellectual, and polished essays, but rather brutal, direct words. which the average man understand. We have a litany of those right now. But all I can think of is BuzzFeed.

Except, Wait, what did he say? They were written by agitators. They sat in their offices or in their cum-filled rooms. Jeez. Probably do have some great propagandist, Coomers. Yeah.

That is why the masses devoured the red press. We must learn from their example. Marxism did not win because it had great profits. They had none. Marxism won because its nonsense was promoted by agitators to the ability of August Bebel and Lenin. They led Marxism to victory. If the Volkish movement had had such agitators at its disposal, its stronger intellectual

foundations would surely have led to it to victory. Some critics complain. All you do is criticize. You only complain. You can't do things any better yourselves. Does this sound familiar at all? Has anybody ever said that to you? Love it.

Like once a day. Once a day. Others say that the Angreff, Gerville's newspaper in Berlin, is entirely negative. Say something positive for a change. Well, I am not in a position to say anything positive about Isidore Vice, the Jewish vice chief of police in Berlin and a regular gerbils target. I can only be negative. And there is nothing positive I can say about the republic.

There is nothing positive about it. I can say something positive only when I eliminate the negative. The most brilliant statement on earth could do nothing with this republic, and Marxism preached only the negative for 60 years. The result was that it took over the state on 8th, on 9th November, 1918. Hitler once said, Keep those no-it-alls who always want to do something positive away from me.

We could do something positive only when we have first gotten rid of the negative. A leader does not emerge from a conference table. He develops from the masses. And the more a true leader rises from the masses, the more he draws the masses to him. The mass is the weak, cowardly, lazy majority of people. One can never entirely win the broad mass.

The best elements from the mass must be put in a form where they can be victorious. That is the task of a brilliant mind. We thank fate. Yeah. Cursable. We thank fate that it has given us one of these minds, a mind superior to all others, whom we willingly serve. That is the proof that we will win. If others find their wisdom and majority rule, but a movement is led by one person, that movement will win.

When it wins is irrelevant. It will win because that is the way things are. Look around as much as you want. You will everywhere see our movements and intellectual foundations. The task of the leaders and the followers is to drive this knowledge ever deeper into the hearts of our shattered nation. Each must make that clear. Each must think things through. Everything we do must be clear.

We will never give up. If everything is clear, one does not have to be an outstanding. speaker. If he can say it all in a few words, he is a propagandist. If we have an army of such propagandists from the littlest to the furor himself, and if each spreads our crystal clear knowledge to the masses, the day will come, which our worldview takes over the state, when our organization seizes the reins of power, when we are no longer members of a slave colony, but rather citizens of a political state that we ourselves have formed. That is our task on this planet to create the foundation on which our people can live.

When we do that, the nation will create works of culture that will endure the eons, endure for eons in world history. All right. I agree with everything you said. Really, is there anything in there that you took on bridge with? Um, little quibbles here and there. It's, uh, yeah. Was, uh, was, was, was, was, was, was, was, was, was, was, was, was, was a, was, was,

I don't know what he was raised. Whatever. Some weird German offshoot of Protestantism. Well, is that what it says? Oh, no, I don't know. Oh, okay. I was, that's an early life of, blah, blah, blah. Both of his parents were Roman Catholics with modest family backgrounds.

Yeah. What's funny is Gerbils does definitely look German, but he could also like pass for Sicilian. Yeah, looks a little too south German. Yeah. South Italian. South of the boot, like way south. Yeah, I mean, when I read this, all I could think is, wow, we have a long way to go if we ever get there. Well, you know, and it's also one of the problems with having people who are a little too smart.

Yep. Because it's like, okay, so if you speak in very plain language, if you use propaganda, that is, what does someone tell me today? It was what you just posted was rage bait. I don't think what I posted was rage bait. I am, well, I mean, it may have been. I don't know. You tell me, is it propaganda? I'll, I'll find it. I mean, it's, um, I get, I get accused of that all the time, but I think, you know, when you're talking about, when you're talking about power and really how, how power is supposed to work and how power will actually work, then, um, you know, it's, it, yeah.

So Jake Shields, you know, Jake Shields, you know, Jake Shields, MMA guy? Yep. Yeah. And huge noticeer. Yeah. He said, I guess speaking about Trump, he said, Conservatives try to be fair while liberals in prison their political rivals at all costs.

This is why conservatives always lose. It needs to learn to fight dirty or keep on losing. This isn't how America should be, but I don't see any other alternative. Yeah. And my response, what? It's a natural proclivity of your garden variety conservative to respect legitimate authority. And the courthouse yesterday was a legitimate authority. And that's why today there's no demonstrations.

There's just Fox News panelists screaming into the TV and a bunch of people mad online. What you needed to see today was a plan. effort well in advance of Republican areas of people Republican DAs, things like, people like that, arresting Democrat politicians locally. And you know what? Like this has always been a possibility. And then come July 11th during the sentencing, it is a possibility that he will go to jail. And then what?

Like there's, we're not even getting to the step that. talks about organization. Like where we're way so far removed from any type of will to activism or or or anything like that. And because you're a Fed. You know, if if you talk about that, you're a Fed. Yep. Which is why it's so important that there is a real life component that to meet people that,

you know, share a common view with you and propagandize you know, that that might be done through propaganda is a propaganda. Or it might just be like, you know, you happen to meet somebody that has already been propagandized successfully in whatever your worldview is. But go outside. People are banking you. Go outside. Go to the bar.

Go to, I don't know. Like meet people in real life. Go talk to people. So my response, my rage bait response, as it was called, was, to Jake was politics, his friend, enemy, simple as, how do you treat your enemies when you get power over them? And then in close, I went, oh, but my morals, fuck your morals, they want you dead.

Yeah. Yep. I mean, is, can that be considered hyperbolic? Very. Is it true? Are they willing to die for their morals? Because that's something we can work with, but we know that they're not, which is why they don't have any potential.

Yeah, it's just, it's... Just click it, man. They get 10 cents a click. Just click. Yeah. Anything else you got to say about this? No, I'm just feeling particularly jaded and, yeah. Me and Bird just recorded an episode that we don't really know if we should release

because we spoke very frankly about some subjects that came up in this episode. Ah, well, I mean, if you don't release it, just please share it with me. Oh, I will. Yeah. I'm sure Bird will have no problem with that. Okay. And then you release it because I want to. You got to do your first BTWA in what two years? Yeah. Yep, it's coming anytime now. I think I'm going to do a rebrand, though. Are you?

Yeah. Rolling around ideas. That's good. That's good. It'd be good to see you putting out some material. I know you work your ass off, though. So I guess we gave half the plugs already, so you can finish doing whatever you're doing. Yeah, you can find me on Twitter at BTWA underscore returns.

And every week on Timeline Earth. I love every time you said that. Every week. All right, man. Thank you. Thank you for having me. Yep, of course.