The Pete Quiñones Show - Two South Africa Episodes

Episode Date: October 24, 2025

2 Hours and 56 MinutesPG-13This is the complete audio to:A History Of South African Tension w/ Ernst and Rob (Conscious Caracal and Marhobane)The Coming Revolution in South Africa w/ Simon RocheErnst on Twitter Ernst's YouTube ChannelA Time To Dig TrenchesRob's TwitterRob's YouTubeSuidlanders.orgPete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's Substack Pete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.

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Subject to lending criteria. Terms and conditions apply. Volkswagen Financial Services Ireland Limited. Trading as Cooper Financial Services is regulated by the Central Bank of Ireland. I want to welcome everyone back to the Picanionese show. I am here with Ernst and Rob. How are you gentlemen doing? I'm good. Thanks, and you? Doing good, Rob. Oh, pretty grand, pretty grand. I'm going to give each of you gentlemen individually a chance to just give a quick introduction to your, tell a little bit about yourself. Ernst, why don't you go first?

Well, the short version of it is I work for Afri Forum, the largest of all rights organization in the southern hemisphere. I'm a campaign officer for strategy and content there. but that's my that's my occupation and my job but then also part of my hobby that's also connected to my job is my YouTube channel and my Twitter account where I comment on all things from regarding culture politics here at the southern tip of Africa specifically well I started off when I created my my channel by commenting a lot more on things abroad politics in America and Europe but then I just started focusing a lot more on South Africa and Africa, seeing as there are millions of people much better and

stronger and smarter than me, stronger in their thoughts when it comes to analysis on America and Europe and whatever, they can focus on that. I'm going to focus on Africa and South Africa that I know, the part of the world that I experience, the part of the world, that I can do a BS test firsthand if something is true or not. Just maybe a final thought there. when it comes to that idea of being on the ground, it's the strangest thing when you hear other pundits or other commentators

discuss the country that you live in, but people abroad, and you just realize they're just talking their most absolute, just nonsense. Like whatever they're saying is just absolutely verifiably not true, and their audience is just eating it up, and you're sitting there in the audience thinking like, this guy's talking about what I know personally, and they're just talking the biggest amount of just absolute nonsense and rubbish.

And that's what I try to avoid. That's why I made a conscious decision to do less analysis on US and European politics and to stick to what I know. Because I see those commentators in America and in Europe talk about South Africa and they're just completely missing the target. And then I think to myself, what if that is me when I'm talking about America about a European politics. That's exactly what I'm doing.

Americans are sitting there listening to the South African talk about their country, and there's just like this guy doesn't get it at all. He's just completely drank the Kool-Aid and the propaganda out there. So that's the purpose of my commentary is to talk about what I know best and what I know personally. That makes a lot of sense. Rob?

Yeah, well, I've also done some work for the same organization afreformal though I'm a freelance consultant. I'm working for a couple of other people at the moment, but I can't really talk about them right now. But my big thing that I spend a lot of my free time doing is is trying to assist the Cape Independence movement in various ways.

And some big moves coming up in that regard that should be a lot of fun. I mean, of course, it's not something that has a guaranteed shot at, you know, it's not guaranteed success, but the way I see it is, it's necessary, because it's the only bit of the country that really can be saved from, you know, total collapse, really. I mean, if the Cape goes, all we've got left is Africano enclaves separatism. And it's like, yeah, it's not the most, I. ideal situation because then you know, you isolated tiny pockets of resented minorities amidst an ocean of hostile. It's not my idea of a party. We'll talk more about that. Why don't why don't we find out how, you know, the history,

how did your families get to South Africa? Pete, you're going to indicate who you want to start. All right. Ernst, do you start because I know you can be a little more brief than Rob. Let's go for a while. On the question of where my family comes from and how they ended up at the southern tip of Africa, there's a lot to unpack there, but I'll keep it brief because there's a lot to talk about in the broader picture.

So, yeah, I'm the descendant of a mishmash of just West Europeans. So my ancestors are Germans, Dutch, French, heganos. Belgians and Scots. And that's what we know about. And a lot of them have very interesting histories. The Dutch, they're typical people coming to South Africa for mostly fortune seekers or for a job or for a new start somewhere. French Huguenots, of course, are fleeing religious persecution. So they're not coming to South Africa to make money or to create a new life or to escape.

just the monotony of their existence, they're coming to South Africa, they're fleeing for their lives. So they're coming to South Africa. And that's actually my first, my first ancestor chronologically came here in 1688. And he was a French huguenot. His name was Paul Rue. And he came here in 1688. But then also my surname Van Zael, that ancestor came, I think, a little bit later in 1640, I'm 1694 and he was Willem van Seil.

And then, yeah, in the meantime, since then, also a lot of other influences, a lot of Germans, a lot of other French Huguenots. But, yeah, that's the story. The story of my family lineage is the story of the Afrikaners. I think most of the European ethnicities that melded together to form the Afrikaunas are in my lineage and are in the majority of Afrikaners' lineage. And that's the thing. The big misconception that a lot of people abroad make is they think, oh, the English-speaking whites in South Africa are the descendants of the Brits and the Afrikaans-speaking whites are the descendants of Dutch.

That's not true. The Afrikaners are the descendants are mainly the descendants of the Dutch, French, and Germans. Those three groups, if you take one of them out, it's a major piece of the puzzle that you're missing. So those three groups are the main ingredients. in making the Afrikaner specifically. And those are all in my lineage as well. Just a funny story to end off with. I mentioned this in my IM 1776 piece

that I wrote recently, a time to dig trenches. My Scottish ancestor was on his way to New Zealand and then he kicked the captain's dog on the way there, and he got thrown off in South Africa. And then he, I mean, this isn't a time where he doesn't, he can't just wait until the next morning when the next boat arrives, like he's stuck here now. Like his fate is now tied to the African continent for quite a while.

And, yeah, if that didn't happen, I wouldn't exist. Crazy. Rob? Oh, yeah, I mean, some of the stuff, I mean, there's a funny coincidence there. So, Paul Rue, I don't know what the state of the farm is now, because I haven't been to back to visited since I've moved back to my hometown. But I used to play and go to Sunday school with, actually, know he never came to Sunday school I suppose

with him because my friend is farmers neighbouring is but there's a kid called Paul Roo who is a direct tenant of that Paul Rue so I've met one of your relatives indirectly but yeah sort of my ancestors are also French Eugenio's my Irish surname comes from a

sort of you know well Irish people who went to serve the colonial administration in India, and so one of my ancestors born in Pakistan, but that got one of the family married into Danish and Swedish, and then on my mother's side, a bunch of, you know, Scots and English and Irish people. Funnily enough, no Welsh.

But, yeah, and then, you know, like all whites are Africans, you know, Adamson and I will both share a tiny drop of coissan blood because being around for that long, you know, the first settlers for the first 50 years, there were no European women to speak of, really. And so they've made free with... And for a long time, not just for the first year or so. Yeah, for the first... I think it's about for the first 50.

There were very few. And then after that, you've got some French women in there. But, yeah, that is a fair amount of time. So everyone's got, like, about... I think the average is, like, you know, 4 to 6%. of your blood will be later. Some more, some less, but generally speaking around there. And yeah, so my family, a few generations ago, they were supporters of young

smuts as part you were aiming for, like, fusion between the English and African's communities. So they raised their children speaking English. So my family is sort of like a mottled mixture of English and Afrikaans' bilingualism. And, yeah, tied to the islands. Yeah, so I think both of us, because of our deep connections and our sort of family's obsession with genealogy, you know, we've got a very deep, rooted sense of our history in place here. We know where the skeletons are buried. And the ability for, you know, the rest of society to shock us with our ancestors, you know, crimes is somewhat diminished. So. Yeah, you can't really be shamed. You can't really be shamed for your.

ancestors conduct if you have a very deep and intimate knowledge of your ancestors conduct. That's true. It's true. It's just a void there. Your opponents can fill that void with anything they want. Yeah, it makes me think of, what's the guy? Cobu enthusiasm, Larry David. There was a while ago, he had a, he had a thing where he went to one of those, who do you think you are, genealogy programs, and you find out the one of his ancestors were like, you know, like a slave driving southern plantation owner.

And I didn't think much of that at the time, but I've noticed now, apparently he's a huge fan of the Confederate sort of army, sort of historical societies and stuff. So

I don't know, I think it's kind of impossible to escape one's ancestry when you realize where you fit into it. Even if you can distance yourself morally, from certain things. It's like, well, this is probably who you are. You're not going to chuck it for, you know. Ready for huge savings.

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But I guess the reason I'm here, the reason I ask you guys to be here is because South Africa has been in the new. a lot in the last couple years. And I think that most Americans, what they know about South Africa is comes from Hollywood and comes from the newspapers. And these are pure, these are the propaganda arms of, you know, global homo now. And I want to hear the story. I want to know everybody talked about, oh, apartheid was so terrible. And we talked a little bit before we started recording about the history of a little bit about the history.

And how did we get to this point? I mean, how did we get to the point where I was watching videos last year of white and black men in South Africa, standing side by side shooting rifles at rioters and looters and people, murdering people? This is kind of your question kind of is a slam dunk for Rob. is his forte is the different political dispensations of South Africa, which is literally the answer to the question, how did we get here? So I think I'll give the

floor over to him for introduction there. I mean, look, it's basically the country is it's not a real country, it's it's a resource extraction zone. And I mean,

look, the Cape has a sort of nebulous identity. It's always been like if you read sort of historical books about the Cape Towns say everyone has an idea that like there's something here but we can't quite put our finger on it but definitely South Africans have nothing in common there's there's nothing in common except for the sort of power structure that holds us together that's always been the case and the country was deliberately denied any kind of federal devolution of power from the very first explicitly to contain any

attempts by people to break away. I mean, the reason that the union constitution was instituted in 1910 was because the Transvaal decided it didn't want to be part of the customs union. So they have like this big convention behind closed doors and say, listen, guys, we're not doing

this bullshit again. You're all going to sit down and we're not going to have devolution of powers you're going to get with the program. We're going to have a cultural fusion of English and African and we're going to pretend every one nation. That didn't even work. And the only point at which you got anything approaching white unity was under for the food, when you got all the, for the first time,

the English-speaking population shifted over to vote for the Nationalist Party. But the real thing is that you have a sort of idea of the first chunk of just shy of 50 years of the country. is about trying to build this common identity between English and Afrikaans people under the under the British Empire and it starts coming apart in the 30s and by by 1948 it's you know everyone sort of decided no we don't really want you know the Afrikaans are going to be the bellwether for the future and this is going to be an Afrikaans nation and by 61 we become a republic and you know it's

full speed ahead for Africa polarization of everything and an attempt to contain some of the forces that were led least because the big driver, this is the gold mines. This is the reason that Nathan Rothschild got together with Bight, Rhodes and Millman to unify the country.

The whole point is mineral extraction. The problem also is that all the gold fields are far inland. We work with three times the size of Germany, we're way larger than Texas. But, you know, the mines are so far from the ports that you have to like unify all these different territories in order to give them sort of stable access. So, you know, the, I just mentioned the riots and the reason that those riots were so effective

and so threatening was because they targeted the corridor, the main economic corridor between Johannesburg and Pretoria and all those mining hubs and Durbin. Yeah, they were a metaphorical knife over a, over an arthurable. like a main artery. Precisely. And I mean, the thing is, you know, while the Afrikaners are in charge, what you have in the meantime, the black societies form a sort of mirror image of what's happening in the white societies, where they're starting to, for purely pragmatic and political power reasons, consolidating around a homogenous black identity under the ANC from 1912. And I mean, this is not reflected on the ground amongst Black South Africans, or even a plurality of them until very recently. But, I mean, you do get some writing about the emergence of this sort of deracinated black identity.

I mean, Jordan Gubane, a Zulu political commentator called them the New Africans. I think you wrote something in 1979 called a conflict of minds. And I'd recommend anyone to go read out. I mean, it's really a fantastic piece of insight. But I want to explain everything you said here. But the issue is that in order to challenge the white power structure, they have to consolidate and form like a single block. And in the process, they build this ideology based on, you know,

economic redistribution and race nationalism and race consciousness. I mean, the ideas that they got from W.E.B. Du Bois and Marcus Garvey or whatever, sort of like secondhand German race nationalist ideas, really. And then they combine them with bits of Soviet economics. The ideology of the ANC can really be thought up as, you know, black race consciousness plus Leninism. And the Leninist element is the two-stage national democratic revolution. So the first revolution is a nationalist revolution,

whereby you gain control of the levels of power in society, in the economy. And the second phase is where you use those to transform society into a socialist economy. Except that with the race element, it's transforming into a black socialist economy. And from the 1970s already, they were looking for inspiration from Indonesia

with their expulsion of the Dutch and the Chinese. And from Zanzibor in their massacre of the Arabs. And there was even something called Operation J, which failed in the most farcical way possible, possible. But the original intention was to instigate a Zanzibar-style genocidal massacre in South Africa. They didn't even manage to get the boat with the troops out of Somalia because they didn't maintain the engine. So that was completely aborted. But I mean, look, the ANC has always been a fairly nasty organization. And most of their political culture was really consolidated in 1980s. They took this.

There's this military doctrine that they took from the Vietnamese called a People's War. They were paid to go over there in 1979 by the Soviet Union. And they studied with Volman Zyap, who is the general who, you know, completed the war. Just to stop you there, Rob, just a great resource on the People's War. If you can get your hands on this book by Anthea Jeffrey called People's War, the new light on the struggle for South Africa, it covers the entire concept. It is like a magnum opus on that concept.

Absolutely. I mean, this sort of explains the riots that we had last year. So that was big headline news. And I mean, like, I was contacted by IM 1776 to write a little something for them last year about it as well. So the issue is that the the structure of the NCDA took on this idea that so everyone man, woman and child are all combatants there's no such thing as being like not on a side or not a legitimate target

I mean Nelson Mandela had his had his principles he sort of said well no no human targets or just doing sabotage here but of course on his way into jail he said you know I'm not going to rule out guerrilla warfare and terrorism I mean you know if it's necessary it's necessary And that's what the people who followed him later did when they finally managed to get some funds and some training. And so the 1980s, you see if you go on to Wikipedia and look up a crime in South Africa, there's a big fat graph over the homicides over 100 years from 1915 to 2050. And there's a gentle increase as far as urbanization and population growth.

And there's a massive spike from 1793 that then starts to begin. declining. And that spike is the People's War. Now, the official statistics for debts are about 20,000, but if you look at the area under that spike in the graph, the numbers are way higher. They're way higher. And it's, you know, death by sort of torture, mobbing, burning down entire townships, just absolutely insane orgy of violence. And, you know, none of this is reported on because all of the journalists from around the world very dutifully remembered that, well, if we still want our sources to talk to us,

we can't say anything they don't like. So they would actively lie in order to maintain contact and keep being able to write pieces on the ground. Ready for huge savings? Well, mark your calendars from November 28 to 30th because the Liddle Newbridge Warehouse sale is back. We're talking thousands of your favourite Liddle items

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And they freely admitted the Stanthea Jeffrey which is why her book is such a fantastic resource but I mean this the structure means that when they did the riots last year the the Mkuntoy Sizu, which is the military wing of the ANC, they had decided that they were going to back Jacob Zuma as a former president

against the criminal charges against him for like racketeering, bribery, all kinds of stuff. And when he was placed in jail, they shut down about half the country's economy. they targeted and it was like a fairly reasonably military level operation

when you look at their members it's like okay targets the you know the siloes the depots the roads the rails the ports shut all that down but what they did is they then sort of rallied ordinary people and activists within the party to go and

loot and raid and target white and Indian owned businesses and they encouraged them with open use of genocidal rhetoric. And once they were done with the businesses, they started going off to people's suburbs. But the problem is by then, these people, most people had sort of tooled up and hundreds, hundreds of black people died trying to massacre the minorities in Durban. And in Joe Berg, you know, Janiceburg, you actually got, you know, large sections of the black

population who didn't want anything to do with this insane nonsense, who formed their own defense forces and now they've evolved into something called Operation Dudula and another thing called the Soweto Parliament who are aiming for sort of non-partisan national sort of black nationalist ideology that's non-communist and non-Pan African turned their back on the liberation and sort of gone very hard law and all this stuff so they've been a lot of fallouts from that It's the best way that you can sort of sum up the black nationalist ideas over here is that they are The two keywords you have over here are Ubuntu and unity And so unity would be in there like Simunia, but there's no need to make two words

So the idea about Ubuntu is more that our culture is the most human culture Your participation and loyalty to this culture And then and then the Simunia is like Like, we are not broaching any divisiveness is considered like a certain they fear fundamentally. So this is very sort of consensus-based idea going around. And yeah, so it's a very tricky business because trying to oppose any of these ideas as a white person, you're immediately in the position of going, well, if you appeal to your identity, then you are, then you're immediately being divisive.

If they even recognize you as being part of the community itself. So it doesn't allow a lot of avenues for legitimate resistance. And so everything becomes about a balance of forces. Yeah. Oh yeah, no, well, Rob painted a very detailed picture of the different dispensations, but I think what I want to add there, well, you just, ended on it, and that's the balance of forces. There's many of these concepts coming out of South Africa that if you understand them, they can actually be applied in many contexts. So the

balance of forces is pretty much the philosophical motors operandi of the ANC when it comes to their practical approach to policy making, making moves in their grand chess game. And that's another thing. Don't make the mistake that these ANC Oaks are just like idiots or like they don't know what they're doing. Like there's a lot of guys that's just, there for corruption, a lot of them just there to get on the gravy train, but a lot of them are genuine ideologues, people that have an ideological plan, fanatical about it. But, yeah, so the concept of the balance of forces is very simple. When it comes to whether they ever want to impose a policy or piece of legislation, they look

at the balance of forces. And the balance of forces means is the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, aggregate of all the different forces that are pro and against us in our favor or against us. In our favor or not in our favor? And the only way you can really influence the ruling party, the ANC, is by tipping the balance of forces against them or to put them in a position where they realize, but the balance of forces is not in there. Then you can make them do anything you want if you can play that power game because that's

their game. That's the rule they play by. And it's that old concept of you push, you push the population to a certain point. And when they react and push back, you stop and you wait. And you wait for them to calm down. And then you push again, you push a little bit. You just push them a meter in one direction. And then they start getting uppity.

They start getting angry. They start burning things. So you stop. You wait, wait for them to calm down. And you just do that at infinitum. And pushing them a meter by meter, centimeter or even millimeter by millimeter in a few years, end up hundreds of kilometers or miles away from the point

where they started and they have no idea how they got there and they just snap out of it and they're like how do we get here? Well you got there one tiny little centimeter at a time but that's basically their formula. Now what Rob described when it comes to the

apartheid era that was a dispensation of a forced separation but now we are living in a dispensation of forced integration but it's built on the philosophy, actually pretty much similar to the globalist philosophy of you are trying to solve not the problem of evil, but the problem of conflict. A problem as old as humanity itself. It's every utopians like Gordian knot. If we can solve this, you win a prize. But the problem of conflict, I'm oversimplifying, but the way their philosophy are, they want to solve the problem of conflict is they find, they pin the root of conflict in difference. So in linguistic differences, religious differences, cultural differences, every type of difference that there is. That's where conflict in their framework arises from.

So, of course, the next jump then philosophically for them is if we eliminate all those differences or minimize them, we will also minimize conflict and we will move towards a more peaceful, coexisting world of people because conflict is also not good for business as course, Luna Tau, what Rob described there shows you. So there's the utopian side of just wanting to destroy conflict because you feel that's the moral right thing to do. And then there's just literally the cynical side of people that want to live in a world without conflict because conflict is not good for business. Instability is not good for consumers. Any type of war or infighting between groups or civil war or feuds between groups or factions is not good for an economy.

It's not good for the graph go up type of people. So what we are living in in South Africa is the South African experiment or they literally call it in the 90s the South African experiment, but then they realized people were raising their eyebrows. So they started talking about the South African project. Now it's a lot more softer on the ear. But in essence, it is a project of forced integration where you try to standardize everything. And they got this from the Soviets, the ANC, this idea of standardization. We want to live. We want to create a society of standardized men.

That was what Lenin wanted to do as well with the Russian population. So what you then, my friend Russell Lombardy actually summed it up very well just a week ago when I talked to him. He said, South Africa is famous for having 11 official languages, but it's the biggest fast. We only have one official language technically speaking, and that is English, the state-mandated language. And that's part of the homogenization standardization project. Everyone, firstly, everyone needs to abandon their cultural roots and adopt a new and their cultural identity and they need to adopt the South African identity. They are South Africans first and then they are Afrikaans and Zulus and vendors and Chongas

and Kauzas and everything in between. but so that's the one thing you you you abandon your organic age-old identities and you take on this new artificial state-based identity where you are a South African whatever that means you live with which it's so empty you just live in the parameters of South Africa you live within the borders and you brize some meat over open fire now and again but then that's the one part the other you abandon your language. That's not good for an efficient system. If you want to run an efficient system, everyone needs to be doing business in one language, getting education in one language, socializing in one language, doing litigation in one language, courts are running on one language.

Every single system needs to be optimized with one language. That language is English. So what you're seeing is a systemic destruction of just every other language in South Africa. With the black languages, they just don't develop them. The ANC does everything in their power to make sure these languages just die out and that the black population anglicizes and takes on English. So that's the black language is covered. When it comes to Afrikaans, for example, it's a more difficult challenge because Afrikaans in the past 100 years was developed from a kitchen language

to a language that is academic language. I think it's one of only three languages in the last. last hundred years that was developed from like a low tier, just casual language to an academic level language. I think, I can't remember what the other two were. So, yeah, Hebrew was one of them and then there's another one. But so Afrikaans is a bit more of a difficult ones because you've got, actually, you've got universities that are Afrikaans universities, you've got a lot of Afrikaans literature, you've got Afrikaans schools. So what do you start doing? You start destroying those Afrikaans universities by bringing in English. First you make it bilingual so that you take

Afrikaans University that is educating people in their mother tongue and you say, well, you're not inclusive enough. So you turn it into a bilingual university in the name of inclusiveness. Ready for huge savings? We'll mark your calendars from November 28 to 30th because the Liddle Newbridge Warehouse sale is back. We're talking thousands of your favorite Liddle items all reduced to clear. From home essentials to seasonal must-habs, When the doors open, the deals go fast. Come see for yourself. The Lidl Newbridge Warehouse Sale, 28th to 30th of November.

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As soon as the English speaking population is in the majority in the university, you say, well, now that the English-speaking population of the university or of the students is the majority, we have no reason to keep it bilingual. We will now turn it into an English university, but with translation services. So if you want to really learn in Afrikaans, you can get a translation service. But all the textbooks are in Africa are in English. All the classes are in English. All the tests are in English.

But if you really want to, you can put a little earphone in your ear during class and you can hear the lecture, what he just said in very poor or very, very poor audio quality and someone that's not sure what the academic word is he supposed to translate. So then you just kill Afrikaans at the point. public at the tertiary university level. That's already done. I was at I was at university during this process. I saw it happen in front of my eyes, the destruction of my mother tongue education at tertiary level. I mean, I started first year trying to get to trying to do my university degree in Afrikaans. I literally sat and translated all my textbooks into Afrikaans meticulously. And then second

year old around, I realized now the work is triple. I can't do it anymore. So I studied in English. my degree in English. But that's what happens to almost every student then. So now you've killed Afrikaans education on tertiary level. What they're currently doing is they're moving to school level now. So now they're trying to destroy Afrikaans in the Afrikaans schools where that's still the instruction language on school level. That's the next phase. But yeah, that aside, this all is forming part of the grand standardization project of the ANC. It's forming part of this. We are trying to create this efficient system of standardized citizens where there's no conflict and where everything is just moving optimally. And there's a lot of funds that we can either loot or that we can use for other means.

But like I said, there is a divide. It's not like everyone within the ruling party is doing everything for the same reason. But those that are just there for the corruption, but they are genuine fanatic ideologues. And a lot of them are not even in the ruling party. They're just in positions of power, but they're still towing the line because it's pretty much the South African version of the cathedral. So they're pretty much just doing, they know what they need to do. They don't even need instruction. And they're all just marching ahead with this standardization, homogenization, forced integration project.

Well, what's the excuse? I mean, I'm going to have to bring up apartheid because if I don't, somebody's going to scream at me. Is it that, oh, we suffered under this? Now we, a better question, how much leftover of that resentment is fueled, fuels this? Or is it something else? Rob, you can start off the end and I'll go. I just had a lot of time. I think the best way to, I think the best way to start is to sort of realize that a property was, the way people think of it is they think of that someone came up with this idea that, you know, we live in this world with white and black people that separate them. The reality is that South Africa's extremely vast countries. Again,

like I said, three times a size of Germany. And let's say you take 150 years ago, you've got maybe three or four million people. That's the population of, that's not even the population of the Netherlands, less than the population of Portugal. So, you know, extremely, though, so everyone sort of settled in areas which are culturally homogenous, to a greater or lesser extent. I mean, the Cape is different, but that's a much longer and more complicated story. So what happens is that when the country is unified, you've got all these different entities existing in one bubble. And the political elite and the political economy is run out of the white society.

with some migrant labour from the black areas. So what they do in order to stabilize is they draw little boundaries around the areas of black people settle and call those homelands. That happened in 1913. They moved about, I think, 60 to 90,000 people in order to tidy up the boundaries of these areas. And then, yeah, and so then that was a system that we inherited. We had basically a bunch of different countries in one area,

white people marginalised into one unitary state and then a whole bunch of like tiny weird sort of semi-independent states that um that are living as a as colonial satrapies and maybe just need to to add to that um when it comes to the the modern south african state uh you ask the what's what's driving a lot of this uh you need to understand this is not a system that is designed just to target white people or africana people it is an anti-culture system as patrick denean would put it it is a system that is designed to be a culture shredder this is what the south african current dispensation is it is any type of genuine culture or religion or community or tradition it is designed to destroy almost like an acid where anything that that touches it is just eaten away that's what it does so what people need to

understand it. This is a nuanced point that it gets lost very easily, is that, yes, public enemy number one of the regime is definitely Afrikaner culture, white English culture. That's definitely one of its main enemies and targets, but it doesn't stop there at all. It is also targeting and destroying colored culture and many of the black cultures as well. South Africa is being ruled by urban black South Africans, urbanites that have nothing but contempt for their cultural counterparts in the rural parts of South Africa. They really don't think a lot of their cultural counterparts. They actually look down on them as savage and backwards. That's what is happening. And you need to understand that this is the dynamic that's going on. It's not just a system

designed to attack white cultures. It is a system that attacks cultures, period. It is there to destroy Africana culture, Cosa culture, Zulu culture, vendor culture. All of these are its mortal enemies. And it's targeting all of them with laser-like precision and it's mercilessly destroying them and wiping them out on a linguistic and a cultural level. Yeah, this is why Jacobs was such a big shock to the system because he re-injected a sort of, he had closer ties to the chiefancies. No, he wasn't deracinated. No, he wasn't. You know, sort of traditional polygamous family, proud of his ethnic heritage, which is, again, it seems very divisive within the ANC. So, yeah, that was a difficult thing for everyone. Everyone sort of says, well,

ah, you know, the reason everything is going down is because Jacob Zimmer, and then they forget, of course, the policies were all set back in the 1990s. So it's just sort of like a slow burn that he participated in some of, but that's besides the point. I mean, the apartheid thing is what we know as apartheid with like, people think about like segregated beaches and, you know, drinking fun and stuff. That came a little bit later. And it sort of started in a wave of reforms that be there.

And it was from like the 1920s to 30s. And it was, you know, academics sort of referred to this as grand and petty apartheid. So grand apartheid is like the different geographical areas, you know, which are homelands for black people versus the white metropole and its sort of vast agricultural hintment. And then Petia Partite is the segregation that's imposed on the migrant laborers from the black areas into white South Africa. But that migrant labor, that is something that was imposed upon white areas who tried to resist it in the 1920s. There was a major uprising. they try to push back against the importation of black labor

from these sort of black colonial zones outside of the white metropole and yeah, they were gunned down by the government for doing so. So, I mean, one of the big crimes that's picked on over here is not just segregation, it's also the idea of economic exploitation. But, you know, that's a product of. an elite that's been in charge of the country since the year dot. I mean, big families in charge of this country are Rothschild, Oppenheimer, Rupert, Becker, and there's a couple of others.

But, I mean, the biggest of the big names of, you know, the Rothschild family funded the Milner group that unified the country by war. The Oppenheimer family were funded by J.P. Morgan in the 1920s to scoop up the mines on the round. And, you know, these people have been pushing for economic and cultural integration for a very long time. And they are actually behind the upper line of family are actually behind the design of the current black economic empowerment laws. In 2003, they wrote the legislation for us that basically forces companies over a certain size. They hand over about 26% of their shares to black investors or whatever. And then they have quotas for management and staff and so on as well.

and this applies to all institutions public and private that you need a minimum quota of black people there's no maximum quota so you can have organizations that completely exclude minorities and that's perfectly legal but you cannot have ones that exclude the majority so the situation over there is it's quite dire and the Oppenani family divested from all of their major

industrial assets in 2012 after they realized the consequences of their project but it's sort of like a combination of naivety and cynicism so the naivete is the aspect of well you know we really want to do well by these black people and the cynicism is well this also allows us to have some some modicum of control over the black population because the reality is that the ANC by entangling themselves because they became the primary benefactor of the black economic empowerment policies most of these These sort of corporate share policies get shared out to ruling party members.

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But, you know, they're sort of pussyfooting around the big decisions because, you know, investors can still threaten them with a bad time because of their entanglement. So there's a, you know, this sort of combination of fascist economics and sort of this incrementalist policy. It sort of, it has mixed results. But the big thing that it does is it cripples investment, which is, again, something that Oppenheimer family have always delighted in. I mean, they poured money into not only the nationalist party, but also the ANC and the divestment sanctions movement. So what they ended up having is all of the foreign companies, they divest from South Africa because it becomes uncompetitive

and economically unviable. And then they scoop up all of their assets of fire sale prices. And by the end of the 80s, they had direct or indirect control of about 80% of the formal economy. And, I mean, these permanent oligarchs, I mean, look, some of them are Africaners who made their way up during the nationalist period, like the Rupert family. But there's like a very, very small cluster of dynasties that basically have, they rule the country without any real check on their power. And, I mean, one of the biggest ones now is a guy called Patrice Mote. who's the brother-in-law of current president. So, yeah, the country is more, the wealth is more concentrated than you see in Russia or America or anywhere else. It's extremely obscene and absurd.

And every single stage of pragmatic adjustment that they're using in order to hold on to their dominance causes more kind of, more nasty, stupid cruelty for ordinary people. no matter how high-infung their ideals are that they articulate these things in. Yeah, and an important point on that where you're talking about the inequality in South Africa. Since 1994, inequality in South Africa has grown, but the driving force behind it is not inter-race inequality. It's intra-race inequality that's driving the inequality in South Africa. the creation of a ridiculously wealthy black elite in South Africa

is really something to behold like money where even a diet in the wall capitalist will look at that and just think this is not moral there's something deeply morally abhorrent about having this much money and spending it in this just inhumanly flagrant way

in a country like South Africa It's absolutely insane. It's now and again, like a receipt or a bill from a government function leaks or like where they went out and had drinks. And it is genuinely morally abhorrent to see people, I think in dollar terms, spend like in one evening like almost hundreds of thousands of dollars. It's insane. It breaks your brain. The worst part is that when you look at, they're not building anything with this capital

they've got their hands on. I mean, the gross fixed capital formation is pretty sort of stagnant in South Africa. So, I mean, it's not, at least it's not in free fall,

but I mean, it's not looking good. And, um, yeah, I mean, everything's been, been going downhill for,

for, you know, as long as anyone can remember now. And I mean, it didn't, to be honest, I think the thing is people blown this a lot on the ANC,

but if we want to be truly fair, it actually started under the old regime as well. Because right until the sanctions hit, we were running every year the real income, real net sort of average income of white South Africans is increasing by about like 3 to 5% annually. And black wages were increasing by 50% annually.

I mean, there was an extraordinary boon, like economic boom and the amount of sort of redistribution of economic goods was actually quite large. The

budget for the state for, you know, welfare and infrastructure for the black areas in the country was, it outstripped the UN, I think, five times over. And I mean, like the amount of, it's so, there's lots of this development going in.

There's lots of economic growth happening. Of course, with the sort of necessary caveat that the implicit deal was that black people had to accept that they were inferior, and this is delivered to them by a sort of hernius. Although their ideology doesn't really come from Germany, it's more from the Dutch sort of pastor and politician Abram Kaukas, who was something called the hermitic hypothesis, the idea that black people are the sun. of ham and, you know, the Coarse of Nowhere, all of that. But, I mean, this large growth that was, I mean, it wasn't quite as energetic as you saw from the Asian Tigers, but it was pretty, pretty good. And then when the sanctions hit in the late 70s, early 80s, the economy hits a brick wall. And now we're at war with the Soviet Union on the border.

I mean, most people say it's a war with Angola, but the reality, was that it's like the Russians war with Ukraine. All of the troops are being moved around by Russian generals, all of the, in Angola, I mean, all the troops were moved around by Russian generals, all the equipment was for Russia. And the Cubans are in the mix as well. The Cubans were in the mix as well.

And so Africa was on its own against this lot. And yeah, so that was, The combination of a hot war on the border with a global superpower and, you know, economic sanctions meant that the solution was just, I mean, like, the security budget for the state was like nearing 50% of the state budget, it was exceeded 50% in the state budget by 86. And the sort of segregation rules had become absurd to where, like, you know, black laborers of traveling like I think it was like six to eight hours daily transport it was like the average to transport distance there to get to do from work and you know constant terrorism and the inflation

rate hit an absurd point so we start getting we start getting really sort of runaway inflation in this period and it never really quite cooled down when we've had we've had it sort of stagnate, inflation is sort of stagnated in the high single digits. And it's been sort of like that for as long as anyone can remember. Occasionally it jumps up up 10%, but not that often. But it's just not good because everyone's savings are worth nothing. I mean, it's not like Argentina, Lebanon or Turkey or anything, but that's, you know, this wasn't like a sort of temporary thing.

It's just sort of like that's how things are always. been since, you know, 40 years ago. So, yeah, it's, it's, the economy's taken a knock. I mean, there's some other sort of funny, funny stuff that you'll find in our economics that, I think, are underrated. And the big one for me is actually, uh, the deregulation of trucking in 1977. And people think, okay, well, this is like this marginal ridiculous issue. The reality is that when you deregulate the trucking industry, the, so the relationship between, um, the way the trucks and the amount of damage they do to the due to the roads is actually exponential increases to the power of four so you know like your normal family sedan does so little damage it you don't even need to measure it but the second you have like multi-ton trucks it's very severe so they deregulated this not two things happen when you do this first of all your your damage on the roads gets enormous and all of those costs are externalized right so it becomes much cheaper to run and we've got the most

extensive road network one of the most extensive road networks of any country you know we really really highly paved um and the the the the the the the freight charges that people are risking when they when they put their goods on the train well you know you don't have to do that stick in a on a modular transport unit shoveled on the road so then your your your revenue for the rail goes down your ability to keep repairing the rest go down so in the past 50 years We've seen a decline in the rails and a decline in road quality and starting to reach up to an absolutely insane degree. Because the rails are not profitable.

They're not being run and they fired all of the vast majority of the qualified civil servants that were running everything that we had at the end of the 90s. I mean, so many of them actually offered to stay on free of charge because they're so desperate to keep the country from falling into the condition it now is. but you know they weren't willing to hear it it's like well bye bye white you we've heard enough from you um and employers did you know you can now reward you and your staff with up to 1500 euro and gift cards annually completely tax-free and even better you can spread it over five different occasions now's the perfect time to try options card options card is ireland's brand new multi-choice employee gift card packed with unique features that your staff will love it's simple to buy easy to manage And best of all, there are no extra fees or hidden catches.

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things everyone has to bear. But the reforms in 1977, they went beyond that. I mean, they decided to try to appease the international market by embargoing Rhodesia, which meant that their war effort against the, against SNAPF last two more years only. So, I mean, like all of the, all of the reforms under Forster, you know, attempts to appease the greater liberal Western world, you know, by sort of slightly opening up the labor markets because they ended, they actually sort of gradually dismantled the color bar from that point on. And by the mid-80s, they were no longer enforcing segregated living areas. So, you know, if you buy, you could rent houses under proxy and sort of set up anywhere in any town. So you see like people, you know, people are no longer

hemmed in by where they're working from. It's just everything starts going. Apartheid started being dismantled in 77. The idea that they were aiming for was something called consociationalism, which is a plan from a Dutch guy called Arndt-Leepath. And the idea is that basically you give every ethnic group some kind of veto on what happens at national politics. And it didn't work up.

So, I mean, they tried stuff like so we had like tricameral parliament in the 1980s so that you had you know you have these two different tiers of the white parliament you were third tier for for people of various races to participate in and they tried to set all

the bountestans up for independent national government but they didn't really try all that hard they didn't give them contiguous territories they're too scared of pissing off their voting base I mean it's just like everyone realized like 50 years too late that they

maybe should have been a bit more pragmatic with how they divided the country up. And, you know, by the time you're negotiating a settlement with the ANC, you're on the back foot, you've got no money in the kitty, and nobody believes in the system anymore. Because it was just inevitable. I mean, nobody sort of took any of the problems seriously.

And the fixes that people are looking at now, I'm just looking at them going, you know, this is all too little too late. I mean, all of the major reformers that the Western powers of funding now, you know, you've got, I wrote a little sort of sardonic little blog post called the World Economic Forum Party. You're talking about like the leader of this new party that's being run a former Democratic Alliance, the Liberal opposition party, a former candidate from there called Indywe Mazi Bucco,

who went and studied at Harvard, got picked up by World Economic Forum and not like that's recruiting in cybernet. So between her and then people who have associations with like the Open Society Foundation and stuff, they want to put together a new political party. And there's another group that wants to put together a similar political party. And all of these like new little parties that are heading towards the elections of 2024 are sort of varying shades of status quo, but like maybe a tiny bit more border security or maybe a tiny bit sort of more market liberalism.

But fundamentally racial discrimination, big, good time. you know, radical liberty in progressivism, big, excellent, good time. You know, it's, you know, none of them are really interested in asking serious questions about what's wrong with the country or, you know, where it's headed. And everyone has basically accepted what the ANC preached in the 90s as stays quiet. And so the question is between, you know, do you back this sort of like, you know, silly, meaning-mouthed compromise, or do you back something really? real. And the people who are asking for something real is really sort of done to the economic

freedom fighters who want a black nationalist totalitarian society in which all minorities are completely excluded from everything or pushed into the ocean. And the economy is run on communist principles. Or you have the independence movements. And there's only really sort of the way I see it is three of them. There's Afrikaana enclave separatism. There's Cape separatism. which is what I'm involved in, because the Cape, while being sort of ethnically non-homogeneous, is sort of like a Creole gradient culture. So it's not quite as contentious as it could be.

And then there's Zulu Independence, which unfortunately is not organized, has nobody really doing much important, but a lot of people are sympathetic, so they just need to get organized. But, I mean, these are the only real sort of big questions, you can, big answers to the question, you know, where South Africa going is do you muddle along until nothing functions anymore and there's

nothing worth saving? Or do you try and press the button and get like a real solution that may be painful and unpopular but it gives you something worth saving? And the thing is we keep denying the second option. Every single stage where we've had a reform opportunity. We've gone like, nah, fam, I'm just going to hang about and keep trying to make this ridiculous nonsense work. And I mean, there were two major opportunities in the previous two dispensations. During the initial union dispensation, we could have stuck with what was called the Cape franchise. Now that's kind of what Radeja did, is you have a non-racial franchise with a property qualification. So only a minority people vote, but regardless of race, you can enter this class and become a full citizen participating

the political process. That's what the Cape had until 1936, if I remember correctly. But instead what we did is we wanted to dilute the vote in order to get more Afrikaans people voting. So when the Nationalist Party won its first election in 2024. And so what they did is they gave all white people, women, women, children, men and women, sorry, the vote. Everyone over 18.

no more qualified franchise. And that meant that now the majority of voters are Afrikaans, and the road to Afrikaner nationalism was said. Okay. So now you're going to do, you're going to do a unit, you're going to have like a monoculture, a light culture, a sort of model. Interesting.

But then what they do is they fail to give the black people enough sort of territory that they can autonomously govern themselves. It's like if anyone has ever looked at a map of Bantistan's inside Africa, It's like, you know, all these little peppercorn dots everywhere. But Putzat Swana was breaking into how many, like six pieces or something? And so, I mean, like, even the ones that were relatively functional, that were confronted with extremely ridiculous territorial situations. And, you know, they didn't want to bite the bullet.

The government didn't want to bite the bullet and threaten the head. Just proof that I live in South Africa, the rolling blackouts just hit me this side. But I've got my internet's fine. and my laptop is charged so we can continue the conversation, just giving you some context that I do live in the third world. I'm not a charlatan. I'm not a hoaxer. Wow.

I'm just going to put a light on just one second, but Rob can continue, yeah? Yeah, I mean, I just want to say, like, this continual refusal to choose meaningful options that have a sort of consistency in terms of how they present themselves to the public. is, I mean, partially it's a result of the economic, permanent economic interests. And part of it's a result of, I think, a lack of willingness to try radical solutions. So you have the ANC that has these radical ideas, but then the balance of forces isn't in their favor.

So they come in in the 90s and they don't get to, they don't get to fulfill any of the radical ideas that they really wanted to. They just hand out some welfare and then a few, 10 years later, they get the Black Economic Empowerment program. And it's all sort of like this muddling nonsense. And what they do in the meantime is they get dissolution and they steal everything that isn't nailed down. And everything goes to hell in a handcart. And now we've presented in this new period heading into 2024. We had we handed a new option, a new set of options. options, right?

Is we can really think about, okay, clearly everyone agrees that whatever we're doing now. It's not working. But the willingness of people to entertain alternative seems to be basic zero. If you look at the liberal opposition, the way that they're presenting, what we believe in is,

how do they put it? Constitutionalism and the rule of law. I mean, I'm like, what does that even mean? Because, I mean, okay, so if they want to say law and order, I'd be like, oh, okay, I see, I see where you're going. You want crime gone. You want, you know, peace and quiet. But that's not what they're really fighting for because they know that they can't win that fight. They can't really depress the, the country's overrun with violent crime. I mean, the mining industry has been taken over by informal mining gangs who, you know, brutally rape people in broad data. light. It's crazy nonsense. And they're looking at this and they're saying, well, we can make it attractive to investors, pay off our debt, and then get some functioning public services, and then within 50 years, maybe we can turn this thing around. And my response to that is, well, everyone

knows that you're a minority party. Do you really think you can stay in power for 50 years? Like, are you, where do you guys fall out? It's give it up. Take what you, you know, you know, Take what you can get away with, realistically, and... Employers, did you know, you can now reward you and your staff, with up to 1,500 euro and gift cards annually, completely tax-free. And even better, you can spread it over five different occasions. Now's the perfect time to try Options Card. Options Card is Ireland's brand-new, multi-choice employee gift card,

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so together we can create a more reliable, sustainable electricity supply for your community. Find out more at airgrid.i.4 slash northwest. And for me, that's the Cape. I mean, the Cape, even now, I mean, it's like, it's not a guaranteed thing that this is actually a viable political entity in the future. It's like, we have a trance. That's what we have. We have a chance. But, Pete, just for some production value for your show, you got some proof on camera of the state of South Africa,

literally while we're talking, the rolling blackouts hit my side. But John, I just wanted to give a little bit of a foreboding thing. If you have any European listeners, you better be preparing for this. And as before we started, you had mentioned to me, you said, we were talking about race,

and you said, let's talk about culture. And you said, like, the culture of an Afrikaner and the culture of a white American or any American really is, or you specifically said a white American would be completely different. Yeah, there's a big difference and people don't get it. The best way to answer is actually a question that me and Rob get off and is like just when, for example, Rob is now spent time in detail etching the situation in South Africa and

painting the picture. And then a lot of people abroad listen to that story and they're like, but why are you still there, why don't you just leave? Why don't you just immigrate? And in answering that question, you'll realize what's driving us and many people here. The fact is, if I were to immigrate to America, within one or two generations, my grandchildren, all my children even will not be Afrikaans. They will be speaking English. They will be Americans. And they will probably not even know their history will they will not know about the Bua Wall, they will not know about the Great Trek, they will not know about all those stories that I told you at the beginning of the stream,

and they will, they will, they will, their, they, the tie with their cultural heritage will be severed. And that's the thing. A lot of, and this is a very cynical approach, but a lot of people use the, the situation of the Afrikaners that we find ourselves in, especially a lot of people of the race, nationalist bend, they just see us as an opportunity to, you know, to, you know, bolster their numbers in their own country and they pretty much are hoping for catastrophe in South Africa so that we all flee as refugees to their country so we can bolster their numbers but they don't give a they don't give a shit about Afrikanas or our culture because the reality is if that were to happen if Afrikaner culture is not made to be a diasporic culture we don't have the cultural

armor we don't have the cultural tools to be able to survive outside of Africa it just doesn't happen. I mean, you will assimilate. Africanus particularly have an inclination to assimilate, and I've shown a willingness and an eagerness to assimilate in many of the countries. And it makes sense. It's the proper thing to do when you immigrate to a country. You assimilate to the host country.

That is what the proper thing. That's why I expect of someone that lives in my community. And that's what I would do if I were to move to another community. That's what you should do. But that means that if there is no future for Afrikaners in South Africa, there's no future at all for the culture. And that's the thing. It's when you look at South Africa just through a racial lens, you're not going to understand that side of it. You're just going to see a struggle between a white minority and a black majority and you're going to have no idea why the white minority is still sticking around.

Why don't they just leave? Why don't they just leave to and go live in a white majority country? in a first world country or in a western country or whatever any place better than south africa right but we stick around i mean shit dude i'm i've got the means to immigrate and i'm not doing it um and i'm not planning to ever um and that's the thing and i think that's where that's where your big lesson when it comes to south africa comes in is the fact that when it comes to digging in somewhere and fighting for something that's important to you and something that's meaningful to you, there is no more meaningful in great life than that to be fighting for something genuine.

I mean, a lot of people talk about like these fantasies of like living in a post-apocalyptic world and like fighting for survival. I mean, sure, dude, a lot of those elements you're going to find in South Africa. I work for an organization that's fighting for cultural survival every day. and I love it and it gives me meaning in my life and there's never been a morning where I didn't want to go to work and that's the thing

I'm fighting for something meaningful and that's what's interesting is my colleague Adams Roots was in America recently and he was talking to a lot of Americans and he just came back and he told me a lot of them are a lot more pessimistic about the future than us and I'm like well there's your there's your insight

let that stew a little bit at the back of your mind think about the fact that the Americans are more blackpool about the future than the South Africans or the Afrikaners. I mean, yo, man. But there's the lesson. That's what you do. Then you as an American need to ask the question,

what can I learn from the Afrikaners or from South Africa that can make me as optimistic about the future as these oaks living there at the southern tip of Africa in a dysfunctional de-developing country, in a shithole country? How can I get the same type of meaning and optimism in my life? And that's the, I touched on this in my life. piece for IM 1776, but it's a lot more than that. The big thing that I can tell you is the fact that you firstly need to start getting active in your community around you. And I think that's

where a lot of the satisfaction is coming to for Afrikaners. When you're living in difficult times, all these opportunities start presenting themselves out of necessity. People start doing neighborhood watches out of necessity. People start getting involved in community-based organizations out of necessity. It's not just a hobby. Unfortunately, in a lot of first world countries where South Africanization is a real reality, you're not going to start seeing people do what the Afrikaners are doing until things get a lot worse, until they have to start doing things out of necessity. Your neighborhood watch can't just be your hobby. It needs to be something that you're doing because you need to. That's when it becomes a real meaningful thing. That's when it's not,

it's not just people driving around having beers and shooting guns in the air. Then it's you're actually protecting something your love and you're doing something that you know is bigger than your. You're participating in something bigger than yourself. And that's the white pill that I want people to take from South Africa is then I see a lot of especially young people like Zoomers in the first world in America and Europe looking around and thinking, we're all these great heroes. The history is full of all these great men and great heroes and people that I admire, but when I look around, I don't see any people like that. Well, let me give you the white poll from living in a de-developing country like South Africa.

When things start getting really rough, when you know that adage of good times and bad times and all that dynamic works, in good times there's no heroes. In good times, there's no great men around you. Everything is just you're going to be struggling to find great men around you. But when hard times hit, they're going to be a dime a dozen. They're going to be around you everywhere. And they're going to be emerging organically out of the communities around you. None of the great leaders that I've encountered in South Africa in my community

and from other communities were educated in how to be great men or leaders. They were made great leaders and great men through their difficult circumstances. So that would be the silver lining. as you enter maybe hard times, if you can't change the trajectory of your country, at least you will start seeing times of great men and great leaders once again. And you will have great stories and you will have ample opportunity to live a great life. And that's one of the things I said in that piece of mind where the benefit of living in good times is that you have ample opportunity to live a comfortable life. But the benefit of living in hard times and bad

times is that you have ample opportunity to live a great meaningful life. And that's what I want people to take from it, is that, but you also need to start working now. Prevention is a lot better than cure. I mean, who would ever forego the opportunity to look into the future for free? And as my colleague in the Solidarity Movement, Philip Bais, when he talks about South Africa, he says in some provinces in South Africa, the future has already happened. For example, the province where I live, the Khauteng, the future has already happened. The province where Rob is living, the western Cape, the future has yet to happen. But I would like to use that. I would like to expand that concept on a global level where in South Africa, the future has already happened. And in America

and in Europe, the future is yet to arrive. So why would you, if you were able to see the tsunami or the shock wave coming, why wouldn't you already then start building dam walls and to start building defenses and start digging in if you could have that foresight. So I think that would be my call to action to people on the outside looking into South Africa is you better start taking notes now and it's always better to be prepared than to let the shit hit the fan and then you have to scramble for solutions. That's the situation that Afrikanas were in at the end of apartheid. I mean, this is what we were talking about off air. Going back to a previous a theme, but it does

come back. It circles back to what I'm talking about now. During apartheid Afrikaners were just dependent on the state. We became just animal, state-statimals where you, if you need a job, you work for the state, the state looks after. We gave up all our responsibilities

to the state. The state preserves your culture for you. The state keeps you safe through security. The state propagates you and protects your language. And then suddenly one day that state changed hands and then the state wasn't in control of Afrikaunas anymore. And then suddenly we had to learn everything from scratch like a muscle that hadn't been

used for years. It atrophied. So basically you just ended up having to start building again from scratch. And that's the other thing that I think another warning from South Africa is don't be tempted by the false song. If we were just in charge of the state and of the government, then things would be or would be fine. No. No, no, no, no, you have to start thinking outside of that. You have to start thinking about a different alternative. You can't just think about the next election. You have to start thinking about the next generation,

about planting trees under which you will never be able to sit. You can't just think about if we just win the next election and everything will be different, everything will be fine. Trust me, it won't. It won't change a lot, actually. But I see a lot of Americans and Europeans waking up to that reality. you're going to have to start being the solution yourself. Don't wait for a night or a...

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For more, Visit understandinginsurance.I.E. forward slash under insurance. Brought to you by Insurance Ireland. Airgrid, operator of Ireland's electricity grid, is powering up the northwest. We're planning to upgrade the electricity grid in your area and your input and local knowledge are vital in shaping these plans. Our consultation closes on the 25th of November. Have your say, online or in person.

So together we can create a more reliable, sustainable electricity. apply for your community. Find out more at airgrid.a e.4 slash northwest. A hero on a white horse to appear on the horizon, that horse isn't coming. You're going to have to start doing that yourself. You're going to have to be the hero in your own capacity. And that's, I can speak from experience of living in hard times in the future. I'm speaking to you through a time portal from the future. Like in hard times, you get the opportunity to be. You get the opportunity to be that hero on the white horse. You don't wait for that person because if you're going to die waiting,

so you better start doing it now. You better start. And the worst thing, I think one of the biggest people always talk about reshuffling chairs on the Titanic, whatever that metaphor is. But I think there's a bigger lesson from the Titanic. And the big mistake and big lesson you need to learn from the story of the Titanic is that thousands of people died because everyone trusted that everything was going to be okay until the last second. Everyone until the last minute believed the ship wasn't going to sink and then the shit hit the fan.

And then in the last moments people started realizing the ship was going to sink. And then it was too late. You need to start realizing that the system around you is not working and it is grinding to a halt and there's black smoke coming out of the pipe of this machine. and you better start building some life rafts now. They don't have to be perfect. Perfect is the enemy of good. Build adequate life raft. Net pragmatism be your guide when it comes to this.

Leave the utopian bullshit behind. Like I'm actually currently working on a piece. I'm going to title it Africa, no continent for the utopian ideas. Where it's when you're living in a first world country like the United States, States, you have the luxury of having endless debates about theory of like, was that real liberalism? No, was that real communism? Is that real fascism? Whatever, you have that luxury. Me and Rob in South Africa, we don't have that luxury of just endlessly debating theory. We're kind of forced to work in the laboratory of pragmatism. We kind of forced to work on

real world solutions that work in when the tire hits the road. You can tell me, you can give me a million sources that prove that this solution should work. It works on paper and therefore it should work in reality. But if we've tried it 10, 15 times and failed in reality every time, we're going to have to jettison that idea and try something new. So I think, yeah, that's probably where I want to end off is, again, just those, the main lessons that you should learn is the one thing is definitely, you need to start asking the right questions. I told this to Alex Koshuda and me and Rob also were on her show.

The big problem with many people on the right when it comes to South Africa is they're looking at South Africa to learn the lessons that they want to learn, not the lessons that they need to learn. And you're going to have to learn the lessons that you need to learn, not the lessons that you want to learn. And I think

that's where I'm going to end it. That's something to keep at the back of your mind to think about. Rob, do you have anything to say before we close it out? Yeah, well, I mean, like, I'm not wonderful like these high, for ambitious ideas and terrorism, because it's just, it doesn't suit my character. But I'll put it this way. It's sort of, you're going to look around you and realize there's no one who's going to come to save you.

And maybe you can, you can sort of content yourself for a little while that, yeah, well, the collapse is coming maybe 10, 15, 20, 50, 20, 50 years, along the road. Things are fine for now. But, you know, I think things are looking pretty dire, and I think people need to start moving. And if you don't see anyone around who you can hit, you know, your trailer too, you can ride on their coattails, then you're going to have to, you know, beat the path yourself, and it's going to suck, and you're not going to be very good at it. And you're probably going to fail, and you're probably going to disappoint a lot of people, but, you know, if there's not one else, there's no one else, so you've got to do it. I'm not the guy who's going to trash the idea of going into politics because the one thing about the West is you still do have a political system where we don't have a state.

We're a minority that doesn't have real representation for the most part. And, you know, we've got to accept that and work with it. You know, our time as, you know, a people with a state with a future. It's long over. and now we're sort of, you know, thinking like moles burrowing into the hills. And you don't want to end up in that situation. And so you've got a little window of time. It doesn't feel like a little window, but it is a little window.

And, you know, use it if you can. I think whatever tools are available, those are the ones that should be used. And I think people should act with conviction because a lot of the time people are satisfied with us. I think the big thing that I have is in the West. I think there are two things. One, people get sucked into sort of the narcissistic idea if they just want people to see their perspective and then they're happy.

Sort of like, see everything's screwed, you know, and they'll blame it on, like, it doesn't matter what they're blaming on, whether it's, you know, Jews or oligarchs or, you know, foreigners that left, however you want to frame the causes and what have you, the situation, how are you to front,

people just want them to just want to affirm their picture of things and then move on I mean a good example of that for me would be the the Dutch Party Forum for Democracy who their leaders

a very ineffective histriotic narcissist who despite sounding very based on television doesn't really do much for the cause and has actually been mostly the cause of the the right in the Netherlands sort of collapsing on its own, under its own weight.

And it happens a lot. The other thing is that people get satisfied with small victories. You'll win an election and then you just sort of sit there say, ha ha, we're on top now. It looks okay. Donald Trump, he gets in charge. How much did he really do to clear out the, to drain the swamp and clear out the other people in charge? Well, not that much as it turns out. Boris Johnson wins the biggest lead that the Conservatives have since, you know, for a bloody long time. What does he

do with that lead? He does nothing. You know, we're now looking at Georgia Maloney in Italy. Everyone's getting all excited and dewy-eyed and, you know, firm in the trousers, but you know, remains to be seen if she's going to do anything. And I think those things

are important, you know, it's, this is, politics isn't a stage show. I mean, yeah, it does involve little bit of theatrics, but the functional point is to transform your society or to defend it. And, you know, people need to take that seriously. And the other thing is, again, I mean, I know Arons has picked up on non-state solutions, but, you know, in South Africa, it's much more tangible. It's like you have to provide all of the state functions yourself in many areas. Because the state is collapsing around you.

Correct. You don't even have to ask permission because the state can't do anything to stop you. Right. And how do you think about this if you have a state, if you have a civil society? I mean, here in the Western Cape, it's sort of like a limbo zone where you can see the mudslide approaching you. And you don't know if your house is going to be swept away. But you're also aware that things are still a long way off or at least five. enough off the, you know, if you wanted to, you could park off and have a holiday, you know.

But it's still coming. And then you've got the first world where everything, it's easy to be lolled into a false sense of security. But what have you got around you? You haven't got these sort of gaps where they're obvious sort of solutions where you can advertise. I mean, even Aaron's organization that he works for Afri Forum, the big thing that they actually got, well, one of the bigger things they got famous for when they were sort of a bit smaller was fix. potholes in the roads. But in my province, we have a sort of liberal, mostly minority government and ethnic minority government who are, you know, they're pretty good at keeping the roads pay.

So then, you know, what's your process for appeal to build your organizational structure? It's got to be a bit different. You're going to focus on like cultural items and sort of labor issues and funny things like that. And in Europe, it's going to be very difficult because you'll be, you know, there's lots of infiltration. It's not like over here. And I think you're going to have to build infrastructure outside the state. You've got to build networks. You've got to build.

I mean, I don't want to teach anyone to suck eggs. But I think the thing is that it's actually kind of, in a funny way, it's easier when the problem is very immediate because everyone can see it. When it's nebulous like it is in Europe, you've got to get really creative. And I don't, I sort of, I feel very nervous when I look at Europe. because that's a place where if it falls apart, it will fall apart rapidly. And there's not a lot you can do to stop it once it gets past the point of my return. So it's like the difference between a house of cards made out of two cards and a house of cards made out of 100 cards collapsing. I think that's a good analogy, yeah.

So, yeah, ours is a house of cards of two cards. So, you just knock over one. Oh, wow, it's fallen over. Let's just put it up a little bit, you know. But, you know, you're in Europe. Let's cut up the card and build a little structure within. When that thing falls, you know, it's going to, it's not just going to be a sort of, you know, an elegant arrangement. It's going to be horribly brutal, you know.

I mean, inflation pushes up building costs. So it's important to review your home insurance cover to make. sure you have the right cover for your needs. Under-insurance happens where there's a difference between the value of your cover and the cost of repairing damage or replacing contents. It's a risk you can avoid. Review your home insurance policy regularly. For more, visit understandinginsurance. dot i.e forward slash under insurance brought to you by insurance Ireland air grid operator of Ireland's electricity grid is powering up the northwest we're planning to upgrade the electricity grid in your area and your input and local knowledge are vital in shaping

these plans our consultation closes on the 25th of November have your say online or in person so together we can create a more reliable sustainable electricity supply for your find out more at airgrid.i.4 slash northwest. I don't know what people are looking forward to at the moment there but my point is you have no way to run to so you've got to do something. I don't know what people are doing but they've got to do something because it's your future, it's your kids place, it's your part of show. You know, I mean, we've been here long.

The other thing is that you should abandon this idea of, well, if things get bad, I'll just move to a different state or I'll just move to a different country. Eventually, at the rising tide, you run out of a higher ground to flee to. Eventually, you're going to drown. Yeah, but like you can't, I mean, what are you going to do? You're going to be some de-rassinated expat floating around the Middle East or Southeast Asia. You know, I mean, it's like, that's not a sustainable, that's not a sustainable, that's not. a sustainable model for any community. I don't see that as being,

I don't see that as being like a future anyone wants to be a part of. I mean, it certainly can be a future that people end up in. And it can be fun, you know, up to a point. But, you know, collectively, that's not a future. Anyone should be designing. So, you know, you've got to pick where you end up as much as you can. And I mean, at least, you know, if you fail, you can at least, you know, you can go out saying, well, you know, I did my part.

I've done my duty. I'm not going to feel ashamed of myself at the very least, you know. You don't want to be hang. It's the equivalent of going to your mother's funeral and not having parted on good terms, you know. You've got to do your heritage and you've got to do your future a good turn so that you can rest at least a little bit easy, I think. Well, let's end it there. Give your plugs anything you want.

Well, my plugs are not going to work, seeing as it's a rolling blackout and there's no electricity. Now, I'll keep it simple and short. If people like want to explore more of these types of ideas and about and follow a channel and a commentator that specifically focuses on culture and politics in southern Africa, you can go to my YouTube channel. a conscious caracal, or you can follow me on Twitter, also conscious caricle. One of the jokes, always in people ask me, like, how did you choose your username? What was your plan with your whole brand? I'm like, if I had a plan from the beginning and thought that I was going to gain an audience at all, I would have chosen the easier name to spell and plug. but if you really want to if you need it spelled out on on twitter i'm at c-o-n-c-r-a-r-a-l or just

conscious caricle for those that can go type it in and then also you can just um so check out my youtube and my twitter and then from there you'll find everything else and that's that's about it Rob yeah well i have a i have a blog and I have a Twitter handle and I have a YouTube channel but I don't update the YouTube channel very much and my blog is also fairly sporadic it depends on what I'm working on in my professional

capacity I'm not the most organized person so if I've got any if I'm even marginally busy in my professional life I don't do any of the stuff on the side but I do have a sort of mostly completed documentary series on South African history that I made

on my YouTube channel that's really good that's not or by that's M-A-R-H-O-B-A-N-E. And then, I mean, there's like a few sort of like essays which I read out and took questions on on that channel as well. And then my sub-stack has a whole bunch of stuff varying from, you know, like, you know, reflections on sort of literature and philosophy and history and stuff and politics and electoral politics. and coalition. Yeah, all that kind of stuff, mostly centered on South Africa, but occasionally, global politics.

Also, Marobane at Substack. And then on Twitter, I'm under my own name. I mean, the handles at Umarobane, but the name of the account is my name, Robert Diggins, D-U-I-G-A-N. There's only one of me because it's a fairly unusual little Irish surname. And yeah, so you can check that out if you really want to, and hopefully you find it interesting. For more context on, I think, what I was talking about on this show, you can go read my IM 1776 piece, a time to dig trenches. I think that I'll give you a lot more in-depth nuance than what we were able to fit in an hour and a half. On the many days of Christmas, the Guinness Storehouse brings to thee a visit filled with festivity. Experience a story of Ireland's most iconic beer in a stunning Christmas setting at the Guinness Storehouse. Enjoy seven floors of interactive exhibitions and finish your visit with breathtaking views of Dublin City from the home of Guinness.

Live entertainment, great memories and the gravity bar. My goodness, it's Christmas at the Guinness Storehouse. Book now at ginnestorehouse.com. Get the facts. Be drinkaware. Visit drinkaware.aweer. Air grid. Operator of Ireland's electricity grid is powering up the northwest. We're planning to upgrade the electricity grid in your area and your input and local knowledge are vital in shaping these plans. Our consultation closes on the 25th of November. Have your say online or in person. So together we can create a more reliable, sustainable electricity supply for your community.

Find out more at airgrid.i.4 slash Northwest. I will make sure to link to all of that so that people can get easy access. So, men, thank you very much. I really appreciate it. All right. Thank you. Cheers, Wilco, God bless.

I want to welcome everyone back to the Pekignano show. I am pleased today to be talking to Mr. Simon Roche. How do we pronounce your name? Is it Roach? Everybody says Roche or Roach, but technically it's Roche. It's a French word that means stone. Roche. Sounds good to me.

welcome to the show tell everybody a little bit about yourself and thank you very much for having us pete my name is simon rosh i represent an organization called sotlanders uh the the first vowel sound is a bit tricky it's s u i d landers s uid landers and sotlanders means south landers or Southerners, if you prefer, and Stelander's is a civil defense organization constituted as such under international law, South African organization, dedicated to the planning and preparation of a national emergency plan in the event of a civil war in South Africa, which sounds very extreme and dramatic, until you consider the, I suppose, the background, South Africa is an unstable country,

as it's proven over the past 30 years. And we happen to be those people who believe that the trajectory, like a ball sailing through the air of South Africa is quite clear. We're headed for some sort of a collision, a crisis. The country can't go forever the way it has been going. under ANC rule for almost the past 30 years since the 27th of April 1994, without eventually some crisis emerging. So we're a civil defense organization constituted under the specific provisions of international law,

particularly but not only the Geneva Conventions, the protocol are known as the protocols additional to the Geneva Conventions, which make specific provisions. Very specific provision for identifiable ethnic groups to prepare to defend themselves in the event of a calamity in their country, whether that be a civil war or an international war, whatever the case may be. And so we're just those people. We're the largest organization of our sort in the world. And if anybody has an interest, they're welcome to visit Saitlanders, S-U-I-D. landers.org, largest organization of our sort in the world. And I represent the organization. I'm a salaried employee. I'm paid to do the work that I do. And I'm presently in the United States

spreading the word and endeavoring to raise funds for the work that we do. Well, I think a lot of the people who watch this show are aware, at least if not in depth, have a cursory knowledge of everything that's going on in South Africa and has been since what's known as apartheid ended. But I would like you to start by doing an overview of the history of South Africa. I think a lot of people believe that South Africa is a place. where it was completely inhabited by indigenous black Africans, and the white man came in and pushed them out or enslaved them. And is that a proper narrative, or is that something that is just made up like a lot of the history we hear in the world now?

No, it's a gross exaggeration. Pete, the first permanent settlement was established in South Africa. Africa in 1652. And at that time, the whites, the colonizers, they were Dutch. They, the first permanent settlement was what is now known as Cape Town. Well, it was then as well, Kaep de Kho. And those people worked for the Dutch East India Company. And they met indigenous Africans, particularly the people. people known as Bushman. The politically correct term for Bushman is San, but it's actually a

very nasty word. It's a black word for robber or thief. So it's politically correct stupidity, really. The stupidity of academics and elitists who can't speak a word of an indigenous language, true to form. And the Bushmen are very small people, very scattered people, and there was kind of a modus Vivendi, you know, there was stealing and

reprisals and what have you, but the colonizers and the Bushmen coexisted because the region is very, very spacious. About 125 years later, the then commander of the fort at Cape Town

got it into his head to search out black people because he was in Africa, you know what I mean? And all he'd met was the little yellow-skinned, very petite bushmen who lived in small family groups, very scattered without much,

without any governance of any description whatsoever. And and with the, without much social structure apart from these tiny little family groups. And he wanted to know where the black people are. He's in Africa, you know, we're supposed to have blacks here. And so he set out on a journey to find proper dark skin, dark curly-haired, broad-shouldered black people as you know them. and he found them about 600 miles away from Cape Town after almost a two-year search on the east bank of the famous Great Fish River.

And that one anecdote tells you the whole story. It tells you everything that you need to know. Excuse me. The simple reality is that South Africa was so sparsely populated. and indeed an enormous portion of it not populated at all by black Africans, that it took the proto-whites of South Africa, the first whites of South Africa, one hundred and twenty-five years to meet up with the negroid, to use the technical term, the negroid black people of Africa as everybody knows them.

And if that is not instructive, then nothing will ever teach anybody anything. It took the whites of South Africa 125 years to meet the first arsa people, the first black people, before the Zulus, the Soutis, the Tsuanas, the Debele and so on, 125 years. And, you know, today I was flicking through Twitter. and a black South African was making some sort of cynical observations of African National Congress government. And he was pointing out that it's a very little known fact that the majority of farmland in South Africa is owned by black people. And as you and I know, there's been this ANC campaign over the past 30 years to repatriate the land. to the blacks. And liberals and imbeciles have the idea in their minds that the whites own all

of the farmland and the blacks are cooped up in teeny tiny little, I don't know what, like Brazilian favelas or something. And it's an absolute fallacy, even right through apartheid, aside from privately owned black land, aside from black townships, the Zulu Kingdoms Trust, which is called the Nogoniamah Trust. owned and still does own 32% of the Zulu province, the Zulu land province, the Quasulu province, formerly known as the Nettel province. And that's just one anecdote I could give you hundreds that might give a sense of perspective on this thing. It's very, very, very, very poorly understood. It's not like the United States of America. It's not like whatever other example you want to pluck out of thin air.

Africa is South Africa. It was very sparsely populated. It took over a century for whites and blacks as such to meet. And to this day, black people occupy and own a significant portion of the country. I know that mining minerals, gems are a part of the history. When did that start? On the many days of Christmas, the Guinness Storehouse brings to thee a visit filled with festivity. Experience a story of Ireland's most iconic beer in a stunning Christmas setting at the Guinness Storehouse. Enjoy seven floors of interactive exhibitions and finish your visit with breathtaking views of Dublin City from the home of Guinness. Live entertainment, great memories and the gravity bar. My goodness is Christmas at the Guinness Storehouse.

Book now at Guinness Storehouse.com. Get the facts. Be Drinkaware. Visit drinkaware.awe.e. and did that bring tension among the people? So in reply to your question, naturally it creates tension. I should point out to you, and this is very, very well recorded. This is not some convenient right-wing, racist, maniac statistic. People can look this up for themselves.

in the early part of the 19th century, that is to say the early 1800s, in 1807, the British Empire banned the slave trade. But the banning of slave ownership only occurred in 1834. So those are two salient figures for your audience members. to remember for the rest of their lives. If people talk about slavery and slaving and what have you, 1807, right throughout the British Empire, the slave trade is banned. I can't buy slaves anymore. I can't sell you slaves anymore, but I'm going to hang on to the slaves that I do have. And that lasted for 27 years until 1834.

Now, that's almost an aside. It's not really that relevant to what I'm about to say, but it gives some sense of perspective. During that period, an event known as the Great Crushing occurred. The Infetanae. And there's absolute consensus between all serious scholars on this subject. And that is that the number of black people in South Africa at that time was roughly 3 million. and in this great crushing, this enormous civil war between black people, not involving whites at all, at all, no whites participated. There's no record. There's no allegation. There's no claim. There's no nothing.

The blacks killed about two-thirds of their population, something like two-thirds. And they have fantastic records of this. and these were in regions that had not been ever occupied by whites because the whites had not yet fled the Cape of Good Hope in reaction to the slaving laws. It was only after 1834 that the whites said we hate the British Empire, we don't want anything more to do with the Queen, they can all go to hell, we're living. leaving this colony, this British colony. By then it was British, although it was founded by the Dutch. And we're setting off into the hinterland to create new republics, the famous Boer republics.

And off they went. But that began only in response to the slaving dramas of 1834 and thereabouts. So prior to that, in the regions outside of those or that large, region occupied by the whites and the Bushmen only. The whites and the Bushmen, the very sparsely scattered, the scarified bushmen only. It was only in the mid-30s that the whites left that region and went into the regions that had hitherto been occupied by the blacks. And whether people like this argument or not, the reality is that the whites went into a region, you can look it up of about 700,800,000 square kilometers.

I don't know what that is in miles, in square miles. That was settled only by about a million people who had survived the Infetani. And liberal, what do you call these people? Liberal missionaries, liberal, Venturers, David Livingston and the like, they recorded, never mind the conservatives, the terrible racist, white South Africans, blah, blah, blah, blah. The liberals recorded how they tricked for days and days and days, sometimes weeks, without seeing a living soul, but seeing tens of thousands of corpses and skeletons and so on,

scattered all over the show. So that's by way of giving some background to the mineral question. In the 1860s and 1880s, gold and diamonds were discovered the largest load of, or resource, if you like, of diamonds in the world. And then certainly, and until today, the United States Geological Survey claims on its website, until today that the largest gold resources in the world, over 50%, not just the largest, but over 50% of all of the world's gold resources, until today, reside in South African soil. So along come the whites, they go into this very depopulated country. They set up these Boer republics.

They leave the black people to their own devices. That is to say, you've got your place, no problem. we'll settle over here. This was a very well-known thing. There was very little pushing out or anything of that nature. If you're there, considering that you're very few and we're very few, well, everything should be okay. And then the whites discovered the minerals. And of course, to this day, it causes enormous resentment because there is the perception among black people that if you hadn't held us back, you know, we were surging forward. We were on the, on the very verge of breaks through, out of the Stone Age, into the Space Age or whatever.

If you hadn't discovered those mineral resources and exploited them for yourselves, well, we would have found them and we would have built mine shafts and mines and what have you. But it's an argument that's not taken very seriously, not even by black people. It's a hopelessly unrealistic argument. So, yes, it does cause tension and resentment and what have you. but it's not a terribly serious argument in pragmatic terms. Well, if you're into the late 1800s, why don't you jump into the 1900s and bring us up to what would have caused

what is known as apartheid? Well, the Boers formed, excuse me, two republics. So the Boers are the, the white descendants of the first Dutch settlers intermingled with French Huguenots, that is to say French Protestants, fleeing the revocation of the edict of Nantes. I won't get into all of the details, but for your religious listeners, that may be relevant. Intermingled with demobilized German Lutheran soldiers, so in other words, soldiers from the north of German, following the various wars.

I wanted to say the 80 years war, but that was a bit before. So you had these three groups who came in in the 1600s, and they intermarried, and they formed a new breed of people, as Sir Arthur Conan Doyle of Sherlock Holmes fame described so very eloquently in his book on the war. and they settled and they hung around Cape Town for a long time from the mid-16-100s until the 1830s, as I've already described to you, following the imposition of British laws upon the people of the colony, they decided to leave, and they founded three new republics.

We're going to leave the one side because it was almost immediately taken over by the British. It was a bit of a failure in that sense. And the two well-known republics were the Orange Free State and the Transvaal, which, by the way, is not its correct name, but it's the name that people might recognize. In 1852 and 1854, 1852, the Transvaal, and then ironically, the lower portion, the first that was discovered, was only became a republic two years later. and they became known as the Boer Republic's Boer means farmer. So these Dutch slash Huguenot slash Lutheran people,

and they were characterized by their religion, the French and the Germans. They were Huguenots, they were not French people. They were French Protestants, fleeing the revocation of the edict of Nantes. And the Germans were Lutheran Germans who'd been demobilized following certain European wars.

They were looking for a place to go. These people formed this kind of proto nation and when those people went out to form these new republics, they really just ran away from British rule. They didn't know that they were going to form republics. They began to call themselves

Trakburen, which means pull farmers, or itinerant farmers. And the name Bua stuck. So to this day, the Afrikaner speaking people of South Africa, the very conservative, tough ones, the famous ones are

referred to themselves as Boers, which means farmers. It's people very closely attached to the land. It's almost a sensitive thing. There's a deep, deep, deep thing of The soil is under our fingernails and we don't clean it out from there. And those two republics declared independence in 1852 and 1854. Lo and behold, gold was, I mean, diamonds were discovered in the 1860s in the one province.

And so Queen Victoria bought that portion of that province for the South Africans who watch this, they may not be aware that Kimberley and surrounding areas was once part of the Orange Free State. And then gold was discovered and the British invaded. It was a long series of pretext and dramas and nonsense and what have you. But the Boer War took place between 1890 and 1901. And within a few months, very, very few months. Many people don't know this. The British had practically won.

They had won 90% of the war, but just a few holdouts, and I do mean just a few months. The balance of the two years was just a matter of a few holdouts riding through the felt endeavoring to escape. The British absolutely steamrolled the tiny, tiny, tiny boer force of about 30 odd thousand men. And in the process, as is well known, the British established not the first concentration, in modern history, but certainly the second or third. And they starve to death something like 30,000 Boer women and children, which was a fantastic proportion of the population. And the British then, that ends in 1901, 1902, about 2000.

I mean, I big a part, in 1910, the British established complete rule over South Africa. It was broken up into four provinces, and the British ruled from 1910 until 1960. And that was known as the Union of South Africa. The majority of the white people remained Afrikaans speaking. So in other words, the Afrikanabur people. And the minority of whites in South Africa was the English-speaking people. Yeah, the English-speaking people. So there was this very dominant Boer folk, but they didn't have their own government.

It was a British colony. And they brought in what later became known as the apartheid laws. They didn't give the name apartheid to those laws. But they were the ones, the British, who said, well, look, if we're going to be running this place, you know, the Boers have been a bit slap dash about these things. They've been allowing the blacks to settle wherever they want and occupy whatever land they want. There's been a very cozy relationship here, but we need to formalize things. We British colonizers, we don't play around when it comes to colonialism. We need rules, lots of strict rules.

And so they brought in the idea of blacks being able to travel on the same train or only being able to travel one compartment of a train while the rest is, you know, a hundred people in one compartment, whereas 10 people in another six compartments, devoted to whites. They brought in the first group areas, acts, and so on and so forth. Which is not to say that conservative white South Africans like myself abdicate all responsibility. That we say, oh, goodness me, we would never have been so brutal. It's the British who did that.

That's not the point. What we're saying is we were advocates of apartheid. however don't make the mistake of believing that we came up with the idea it was in place for 51 years before the south africa became a republic before we were no longer a colony of great britain and the south african apartheid ended effectively in 1992 i won't go into the details but um If you would prefer not to give me the benefit of the doubt, then let's say 1994 when the ANC formally took over. So that means there was 51 years of British colonial rule during which all of those laws were established, bar none, all of them. And then apartheid as people know it, as people blame us for, because they never blame the flaming British, do they ever.

apartheid, real apartheis, it was not 51 years, it was at most 33 years, but actually a little bit less. So I think that that's kind of a comprehensive answer to your question, Pete. Well, I think a lot of people would like to know what life was like. I mean, I don't, I'm not asking your age. I don't know if you were conscious of what was going on when apartheid was underway. but from everything that Western media would tell us, it was just basically oppression of blacks all day, every day, and whites got to live like kings and enslave them.

And they make it seem like no white person in the country was working at the time. So can you talk a little bit about what conditions were actually like? Relatively speaking, they were poor. relatively speaking, white people lived in, well, for instance, I don't come from a wealthy family, not at all. My dad worked in a factory. He worked his way up to a senior position, but he was a factory worker. And we were five kids, so there wasn't a lot of money. And I grew up during the 70s and 80s. I'm born in 1971. I'm 52 years old now.

So I grew up in that period following the imposition of sanctions by the world in the mid-70s, beginning in the mid-70s. When our RAND value collapsed, so to give you a sense of perspective, a bigger part in a dollar now costs 20 RAN. when I was a kid, a dollar cost 50 of our cents. So our rand currency was worth twice as much as the dollar. And then the sanctions were imposed and it was all broken and destroyed forevermore. And then exacerbated obviously when the ANC took over. But we grew up in a house of a double-story brick house on, a 16th of an acre, five bedrooms, you know, that kind of standard, very comfortable

Western European thing, you know, the kind of house you would like to, you would, statistically, we're likely to grow up in as an American or a Canadian or a middle class Australian, New Zealand or South Africa. And obviously white people, big or pardon, black people didn't have that. Black people didn't have the opportunity to obtain such wealth. The overwhelming majority lived in what were known as four rooms, the famous four rooms that were built by the apartheid government. And I'll tell you an interesting story.

I was the project manager of a very, very famous, probably the most famous African National Congress conference ever. I was a what's known as a special projects projects manager. So things like opening ceremonies of the Olympics or the world. I never did the Olympics. I'm just giving an example.

Or the closing ceremony of the World Cup of football or presidential inaugurations. That's what I did for an occupation for many years. And at this very famous conference, very, very big, huge. There was a riot among the ANC, the senior members of the ANC, the 5,000 most senior members of the ANC within the venue. There wasn't a room big enough to hold the conference, a room in South Africa, no indoor sports stadium, no nothing. and so a huge tent was rented from Germany and it was imported and this tent was erected

for this enormous conference 5,000 most senior members plus others 5,500 people in the room. I'm the project manager, I'm standing at the back, you know, making sure that everything's going well, the audio visual is going well, the audio, the this, the that that, that, that, that, that, da, da, da. and this riot breaks out. People beating one another over the head with chairs and desks and what have you. And the guy next to me was a friend of mine and he was a famous ANC activist. It was pure coincidence that he and I were in the role that we were in. We weren't there as anything but technicians as it were of the event.

And this guy's name is Mubi. Mubi Mabasso. It means ugly. His mother called him ugly when he was born. and that's his real name. And knowing that besides being an audiovisual genius, he was an ANC activist and a very good friend of mine, I was able to turn to him and say,

what now, Mooby? What the flip is going on now? And he said to me, Simon, people are upset that by then the ANC had been in power for 14 years. He said, and we took over the building of the houses. we started building rubbish. So black people lived in these famous four-room houses built by apartheid,

which were supposedly disgusting and disgraceful, but 14 years later, the entire leadership of the African National Congress, 5,000 people were beating one another over the head with desks and chairs and what are known as gooseneck microphones over the inner. the inability of the African National Congress to deliver to black people, a fraction of what white people had been able to deliver. I think that my answer gives you a sense of perspective.

Nobody's alleging that black people lived like kings. But what is a matter of fact is that black people in apartheid South Africa were afforded a standard of living by the state, by the state that was incomparable throughout Africa and certainly has not been compared in the intervening 30 years. Simon, let me ask you, you mentioned that in 1994 the ANC took over. Was that an, I assume that was an election, right?

Yeah, by the mid-80s, it became clear that South Africa's position was untenable. Now this is debatable and conservative white South Africans who watch this video might become very offended by what I'm about to say, but they must also understand that I have to, I can't spend 15 hours on this interview. So I have to keep things simple. And the best way to do that is to go for the general. So the general is this. Universal sanctions and a 27% annual inflation rate made South Africa's sustainability very difficult. And through a series of shenanigans and false moves and deceit and all sorts of devious things,

in 1990, the government presented white South Africa with a referendum. I beg a pardon, sorry, I beg a pardon, in 1990, the government released Nelson Mandela under phenomenal pressure. February 1990. Then in 1992, the government asked white South Africa to vote on continuing negotiations with the African National Congress. So there was a sticking point, a real impasse at that time. Conservative white South Africa were saying, how dare you betray us? And liberal white South Africa were saying, well, you've got to do more. And there was a lot of agitation within the country, a lot of violence. political murders, Winnie Mandela and her necklacing. It was a difficult, difficult time. And white South Africans, allegedly, whether the results were true or not is another matter, allegedly voted just over two thirds.

Yes, please continue negotiations with the African National Congress so that we can hold free and fair, multiracial, universal plebiscite elections. And we can get back to playing rugby with the rest of the world and international cricket and free trade and so on and so forth. And investment. We want McCain's vegetables to appear on our supermarket shelves. We want Burger King to appear in South Africa, so on and so forth. So, yes, 1990 Nelson Mandela's released 1992. This huge seminal Rubicon.

Crossing of the Rubicon moment election is held. And then in 1994, on the 27th of April, 1994, the first multiracial election was held. It was won by the African National Congress under the leadership of Nelson Mandela. What happened after that? Well, the ANC took over, and they were given arguably the greatest benefit of the doubt of any ruling party in government in the history of the world. They could do no wrong. The African National Congress has spent 30 years

ruining one of the world's gems. Now, to some people, that makes no difference. Some people will say to you, well, it doesn't matter. freedom and equality and justice are all that count and those were not present during apartheid, not for the majority, the black majority. Therefore, it doesn't matter. The ANC remains legitimate. The entire process is illegitimate.

The New South Africa or the Rainbow Nation, as it's called, is legitimate. Fine. No problem. It's okay. we're not going down that road here. I'm just going to tell you that whether apartheid was good or bad, whether the new South Africa is good or bad, it's a catastrophe of the first class. And I'll give you some illustrations. At the time, let's say prior to and after, we'll keep it simple.

prior to 1994, South Africa produced more than double the electricity produced by all of the rest of the now 54 countries of Africa. So one versus 53. But at the time there weren't 54 countries. I think there were 52. So it was one versus 51. So one country produced more than double all of the electricity that the other 51 put together. were able to produce. South Africa produced more than double the potable water that the other 51 countries of Africa were able to produce. South Africa's standards of education for black people

were country miles ahead of the majority of African countries. The apartheid government provided the famous four-room houses to all black families, the four-room houses that I've already described to you. The Chris Harnie Baragwanath Hospital in Soweto is, or was, I should say, the largest hospital in the world for decades and decades and decades. So there were many features of apartheid that were far more beneficial to black Africans, than freedom, democracy, love, peace, and the wind blowing through your hair are to them now. And I'll give you a few illustrations of the negatives. In the week prior to my departure for the USA, the daily rotational blackouts, every man, woman and child in the country has the same, but it's staggered.

45 minutes for my suburb, then an hour and a half for yours, then two and a half hour for the next guy. But the national blackouts were nine and a half hours a day, no electricity. And in the previous week to that, they were 11.5 hours a day. Now, imagine trying to use a cell phone, use the internet, run a machine shop. run a beauty parlor, run a dollar, run a dollar store. Imagine trying to do schooling, education. Imagine trying to run a hospital without electricity. It's too much for your mind, Pete.

It really is that bad. The economy of Africa, economy of Africa is absolutely dominated. And if anybody would like to now take advantage of this opportunity to pull up a map of Africa. While I'm waffling, they can do so very easily. Just type into Google or open Google Earth. If you pull up a map of Africa, zoom in to the bottom. And hopefully you'll be able to identify the province of Kao Teng. Chow Teng is a teeny tiny little province in South Africa miniature and it produces almost one fifth of the GDP of all of Africa to this day. Now imagine being the province of Gauteng and the African National Congress says,

we and Africa really need you. Keep going, boy, but we can't give you electricity. It's a flaming joke, Pete. That is African National Congress rule. It is Africanist rule. It's the rule of inability, the rule of incompetence, the rule of lack, the rule of failure, the rule of poor, weak, inferior. 11 and a half hours a day and not three decades ago, South Africa was producing more than double the electricity of all of the other countries of Africa put together. That's African National Congress rule for you, Pete.

Is it incompetence or is it punishment or is it both? I would say that it's both. I would say that the punishment or the spitefulness has got a lot to do with the global elites. So at the risk of saying something that becomes mystical and, you know, your audience finds annoying. I think that by now any thoughtful person has figured out for themselves that the COVID pandemic and the clot-shot program, and many other things that occur in the world do not occur at the behest of the putative leaders. Joe Biden is not Joe Biden's boss. And the list goes on.

That there is some kind of a ruling elite. Is it the Rothschilds? Is it the Rockefellers? Is it this? Is it there? We don't. But what we do know is that the African National Congress is a Communist Party. We know that communism is derived from Talmudism. Nobody knows it because nobody

knows it because nobody likes to read. I know it. A lot of the listeners know it. Carl Marx wrote extensively about how the first role of communism was to destroy. I'm referring now specifically to his writings in the fourth critique of Hegel on this subject. subject, how the first and primary role of communism is to destroy God in his manifestation on earth, which is the Christian family. And so we know these things. So I believe that the African National Congress is a tool for destroying the very, very conservative, very Christian, Africa on a bourgeois.

But I believe that they've been chosen suitably. You know, it's one thing for me to choose. To choose, as my chosen instrument, to saw a piece of wood a teaspoon. It's another thing for me to choose, for the purposes of sawing a piece of wood, a wood saw or even a hack saw, or even for that matter, a chisel to do some kind of piercing, penetrating job on a piece of wood. I would say to you that the African National Congress, by virtue of its inherent antipathy for labor, for industriousness, for productivity, for study, as the great South African super liberal scholar, dear me, what is his name? oh dear me, Simon, I'll think of his name in a minute.

As he said in a speech a few years ago, the reality is that there is an absence of a culture of learning in black South Africa. He was just saying it like it is, even though he's a super liberal guy. And somebody had to sooner or later. So I think that what global communism did, what the elites did, whether it's the Rothschilds or this, that, is say, in South Africa, we want these people to be destroyed by those people. How do we go about it? And somebody said, well, let's play to the strengths of those people. We know that they hate industriousness and productivity. We know that they are extremely vindictive people.

Let us allow them to use those particular qualities, to employ those particular qualities. If they were a hammer, let them hammer rather than sore or rather than use them to eat yogurt. Let them hammer. They're hammers. And I think that's what we're seeing playing out in South Africa now, as so much collapses. Education system collapsed, railway system absolutely collapsed, electricity system completely collapsed. The government's administration system very much collapsed. We've seen play out the natural extension of exploiting the inherent qualities of the African National Congress as a communist party in taking over the New South Africa.

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Learn more at join crowdhealth. That's join crowdhealth.com. Code Pete Q. A couple years ago in 2021, video was coming out of South Africa, showing incredible violence, shopping malls being destroyed, gunfights, I mean,

firefights in the streets. What happened then? What can you describe as happening then? What caused that? Well, I should first point out to you that it has since come out in numerous liberal media that those events are regarded by those in the know as a rehearsal for revolution. And people who are interested in the subject are welcome to look up the following search term as one of many examples.

The Daily Maverick July riots 2021 rehearsal for revolution. There's numerous special reports on the subject. Tremendous evidence for the fact that it was really when all is said and done a covert rehearsal for a later revolution. but ostensibly on the surface of it. It was a matter of the former president, Jacob Zuma, having to go to jail and him refusing to go to jail and him being kind of semi-forced and eventually in going to jail,

it caused his supporters to go berserk and for, I think it was eight nights, I think it was the... Six to the 14th, if I remember correctly, eight to the 16th. Anyway, I believe it was eight nights of rioting. Occurred, you know, people, Zulu people were very unhappy that the first Zulu president of South Africa, the Zulus being by, well, being the largest ethnic group of South Africa, very unhappy that their poor man had to go to jail for his many and, many, many, many and various crimes.

ranging from admitted rape to, well, everything else under the sun. So they went on this rampage. And they looted and pillaged and marauded and burned and so on and destroyed what in South African terms. I'm not going to even attempt to convert, you know, give an exchange rate because it's misleading. If I said it was $10 billion worth of damage, people would say, oh, it's only $10. $10 billion in South Africa terms. That means everything. So it just destroyed a lot.

And there was a lot of violence, not only that took place that I'm describing to, but that came out of it. So what happened was that the black people went on the rampage. And the Indian, we have the largest population of Indians from India. outside of India in the world, when I say we, that province the surrounds. It's where I grew up. So I grew up knowing and seeing, regardless of apartheid, just who was there, who was in the street, who was whatever, behind the counter, far more Indian people than black people.

There, the Indian people, outnumber the Zulu people, the black people, in that immediate vicinity around those cities. And as the riots grew or picked up pace, the perpetrators became emboldened. And they began to enter white and Indian neighborhoods. So the neighborhoods from apartheid days have obviously changed tremendously. It's nothing like it used to be, but you still have these kind of, you know, This is traditionally where the Indian people were obliged by law to live. That's traditionally where the black people were obliged by law to live. That is traditionally where the colored people,

that is to say the mixed race people who insist upon being called colored, where the colored people lived and the whites and so on. And so these Zulus began to enter these areas, and the whites and the Indians began to form sort of very, vigilante defense committees. And they killed many, many, many, many, many, many black people, which upset the African National Congress no end. The reasoning of the African National Congress was,

if a thousand people approach your, your suburb to rape your wife and to plunder your house, your first resort should not be to shoot them dead. it should be to give way and who knows what. I don't think anybody in the African National Congress has ever explained exactly how the matter should have been handled. But it has since become a matter of huge racial tension, enormous racial tension between particularly the Indians and the black people, to a lesser extent, the whites and the blacks. Most particularly the Indians, there's a level of hatred that now exists between those two racial, population groups, yes, but we're talking at more localized level.

So let's call them those two racial communities that has historically probably never existed because the Indians stood up for themselves and said this far and no further. You're not coming over my garden wall. Excuse my language. I beg your pardon, Pete. So when we were talking on the phone the other day, you made it very clear to me that with everything you had described in the beginning, why don't you give,

here, let's do this, why don't you give an overview of what you were talking about as far as the Geneva Convention, and it's basically, it's preparation for what you know is going to happen in the future. Firstly,

let me quickly say that the elderly liberal, very famous Oxford, Oxford University scholar, to whom I was, referring earlier, whom I was quoting earlier, is R.W. Johnson, R.W. Johnson. Yes, following World War II, the Geneva, or not the A-Geneva conventions, there are a number of Geneva conventions that extend back to the 1800s. But the most recent iteration of the Geneva conventions was drafted to govern the prosecution of war.

So the nations of the world came together and said, look, we had the first World War, and there was that chlorine gas, mustard gas, that wasn't very nice. And now we've had the Second World War, and golly gee, some of the things that happened, we're a little bit on the nasty side. Perhaps we should write some treaties, some laws, to ensure that we're not quite so horrible to one of the things. another next time round. And so in 1949, the Geneva Conventions of 1949 were ratified. Fast forward 28 years. And by 1977, it had been recognized that there were a number of

meaningful loopholes in the Geneva Conventions of 1949. So the Protocols Additional, Protocols 1, 2 and 3. What are known as the protocols additional of 1977 to the Geneva Conventions of 1949 were ratified. And those three protocols pay attention particularly to the circumstances of civilians in conflict. So they address many, many, many, many, many features of, of, what parties, what they call parties to a conflict, may and may not do with particular reference to civilians, to non-parties to a conflict. And we Saitlanders have constituted ourselves under those provisions of the protocols additional to the Geneva Conventions. One of the things that they provide for is for identifiable ethnic groups.

Now, identifiable ethnic group doesn't mean that, you know, if I'm black or if I'm very black, or if I'm not, if I'm light black or whatever, it means more than just that. It means language and culture and religion and profession. What do I profess to be? I'm a Muslim, I speak Bosnian which is a South Slavic language, and I say, I'm a Bosnian Kosovo, that's who I am. That's the identification of me. Identifiable ethnic groups are permitted to pursue the preparations for the erection of national emergency plans or emergency plans for their people in the event, I'm just going to shift a lamp that's burning my eyes, in the event of international and non-international conflict.

But there's one strict proviso, and that is that those parties have to become, or those actors, let's say, those actors have to become non-parties to a conflict. So if there was a civil war in South Africa, a civil war broke out tomorrow. St. London's would say we don't want to be a part of this. Otherwise, we're going to lose the Aegis, the protection of international law. And we've prepared a nice national emergency plan for ourselves. So we're going to withdraw from the conflict and establish a safe zone, erect a perimeter, a defensible and defended perimeter that's perfectly legal,

but not be proactive, not be a protagonist in the conflict whatsoever. We will merely defend this perimeter. And as I've already said, become a non-party to the conflict. And that's the gist of it. The Geneva Conventions, the protocols additional, the provisions for identifiable ethnic groups to prepare for a conflict,

and then how they must act. What is the nature of that protection? What does it mean? It means that I must withdraw from the conflict. I must be a non-party to it, but it also means that I can establish a safe area and defend it. Simon, when we talked the other day, you made it very clear that you didn't have a white pill for me. You made it clear that you think that what's going to happen in South Africa is going to be the absolute worst possible thing that could happen. And that is civil war, violence, and murder, everything that comes along with it.

So why don't you tell everybody why you think there's no saving it? There's no getting past that. Well, at the risk of answering you in an evasive man, I don't think that my answer is going to be evasive in the end at all, but I'll begin by saying this. When I told you this anecdote too, in 2019, I was the main main. speaker at the annual party of a prominent organization in the USA. The annual birthday party and I fell very ill the day before and I was so ill that I couldn't read the speech I'd written. Couldn't focus my eyes on the page.

And so I walked up on stage and I said, well, here's my speech and I showed to them all written out in long hand, as I like to do. and I said, but I can't focus my eyes on the page. Hang of a sorry, I'm just going to stand here. I'm going to ramble and waffle for a bit. And then I'm going to have to leave. I'm sorry, I'm very, very ill. And so I just started talking about this, that, and the next thing.

And at some point, I said, what is clear is that violence, widespread violence, will break out in the USA in the very, near future. After the speech, I was invited up to somebody's hotel room. The event took place in a hotel and this very distinguished gentleman said, why don't you come up and have a chat with me and my friend. I said, oh, what a privilege, what a lovely invitation. And I went up and he and his friend were chatting and I sat and listened to their wise words. And at some point the friend, again, a very,

very distinguished gentleman looked up at me from under his eyebrows like that and told me how he were how offended he was or how much he disagreed anyway with my allegation that there would be widespread violence in the USA in the foreseeable future three months later the portland riots broke out five people from this audience after the Portland riots broke out three months later they sent me messages saying how my name is Fred I was in the audience blah blah blah I got your number from Joe hope you don't mind me sending you a message how did you know we're not gurus we don't have some special gift Pete but we've kind of watched this movie before and we know how society breaks up we know how society fractures how schisms form overnight in in in in in in

society. And it was apparent to me, having spent a lot of time in the USA in 2017, 18 and 19, that there were certain levels of tension that were absolutely irremediable. They couldn't be remedied. And they were at one another. They were at one another in the newspapers and they were at one another. I'd given a speech a few months before in Tennessee at which there were 300 protesters going berserk all these obese women. I'm sorry to say, I mean, you know, God made them far be it from me, but not only a beast generally ugly, with purple hair and rings through their eyeballs and who knows where else, screaming, shout, here. And one guy standing next to me, there was a police cordon, huge police cordon.

One guy standing next to me said, you know that they're here for you, don't you? I looked in an astonishment. You're joking. He said, yeah, yeah, yeah, he said the other speakers, you know, they wouldn't be here. The point is that we, when there's that level of hatred, the 300 people come to a hotel to throw bricks and glass bottles and to wallow in their filthy obesity and before your very eyes to prove a point. it's difficult to turn the clock backwards. It's difficult for that thing to kind of go away. What tends to happen is that it matures and festers and eventually begins to suppurate

like an overdeveloped boil or not to be common, but some kind of pimple that hasn't been attended as it should have been. It doesn't just magically disappear. And we believe the same of South. Africa. We believe that the degree and the extent of the crisis in South Africa now is such that it can't be fixed. In 2016, Tuesday, Tuesday the 6th of November, if I'm not mistaken, maybe, maybe, perhaps it was a Thursday, I'll forget. the leader of our Marxist political party, Julius Malema, famously said, I'm not calling for the slaughter of all whites, at least for now.

I think that was verbatim what he said. And he's repeated that many times since. And at the 13th birthday celebrations of that political party, the economic freedom fighters, this year, in the famous FNB Stadium in Soweto, Johannesburg, before 100,000 people, and there's a reason why I, as a long-time projects manager for very huge events, can tell you with some authority, that the number was almost certainly 100,000 people. Before 100,000 people sang the song, kill the farmer, kill the boer for the umpteenth time. It's highly provocative. And on the 2nd of June of this year, our president, while speaking as the guest of honor or the, uh,

main speaker at the annual conference of the African National Congress Youth League said, it may be that in the near future we are not able to hold on to power, and we will require you to become the militant youth, such as the Youth League, the Youth of the African National Congress of the 50, 60, 70s, 70s, 80s. And he went on, and what he was saying is that our polling figures for next year's elections, there will be an election on roughly the 27th of April next year. The precise date is not yet appointed. If we've, the poll, what he was alluding to is the fact that in recent months has come out that the ANC for the first time has ever has significantly less than 50% of the

vote, perhaps as low as 35, 36%, or will get. You're saying that if we do not win the elections, we're going to have a proper revolution, his words, not mine. In other words, a real, actual, violent Marxist, Leninist revolution. And we, Saitlanders, believe that that has been, that writing has been on the wall since forever. The fact that the mainstream media can only see it now and report it now, and the fact that academia is only now obliged by the blatancy of it, the conspicuousness of it, the undeniableity of it, to acknowledge it doesn't mean that it hasn't been there. It has been there since forever.

It was always just a matter of time before the New South Africa Rainbow nation became very much less tenable than the world believed and proclaimed it to be in the late 80s, the early 90s and 1994. In the late 80s and early 90s, you'll remember all across the world, there was a chorus of praise for how wonderful Nelson Mandela was and how great an ANC government would be and how the wind would blow better and our hair would blow better in the wind and the daisies would smell nicer and the money would grow on the trees more abundantly and these, you know, hopelessly unrealistic superlatives that were used to describe the idyll, the idyll that would be the new South Africa Rainbow Nation. And for a long time, people like myself and our leader,

Mr. Gustav Miller, the founder of our organization, I'm merely his employee, have said, you know what? This is not right. This is not right. You know, the murder rate in the USA is roughly five per 100,000 per year. Five people of every 100,000 are killed in intentional homicide, as the United Nations calls it, every year. In South Africa, it's 39, 38 point something. The USA is supposed to be this gun-mad, blood-lusting society. You guys haven't a clue. In fact, you don't try very hard at all.

Your desire to butcher somebody and drink their blood, your desire to cut open a woman or to murder a child, or to savagely slaughter an elderly person is, I would say, decidedly tepid. You are lukewarm, Pete. And it seems to me that you're given a great deal of credit for something that you're not actually doing. And you should perhaps make a little bit more effort if you wish to deserve the credit that you have in the whole effing world. for being the most bloodthirsty people ever born, going by the amount of attention that is given to the USA

and every shooting and every murder and every FBI file and the top 10 wanted and all these stupid programs that you thrust down the throats of national broadcasters all around the entire world that we all have to watch your crap. You should put in a little bit more effort because it seems that your... your claim to fame is very much exaggerated. We, on the other hand, know a thing or two about murder, rape, the butchery of children, and so on.

And, you know, I'm being facetious and sarcastic now, and it's not very classy of me, but that's, that's the way that it is. You know, we hear people waffling on and on about the A&C and, I mean, I'll be a part of the USA and the, and the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the. Second Amendment and all of this crap. And we think to ourselves, you haven't a flipping clue. Come to the country that you insisted was going to be the bed because it was, principally American politicians, above all others and American media, that really like feeding a goose, force feeding a goose to make paté foie foie gras, that force fed the world, the narrative of the unimpeachable and impeachable.

and impeccable nature of the of the african national congress and the forthcoming new south africa rainbow nation uh new south africa rainbow nation yes um so come and have a look uh and then you tell me well you had mentioned that you you believe that the 2021 violence which took um it's recorded 354 deaths in those riots. Our riots in 2020 took 10% of that. I would say that if they are gearing up for that kind of revolution in this country, we're probably looking for something similar to what you experienced in 2021 before the whole big thing kicks off if they try. I mean, it's a little harder. I think it's a little harder here because the country's so big and it's so spread out. We have federalism. A lot of states have different laws, things like that. But it does look like

that there could be full sections of the country that could fall into exactly what you, what you described and even worse than what you're expecting in the future. Yeah, there's no question about it. You can't reconcile the United States of America. to itself, the inherent contradictions are just so great that there's no fixing what you have now, Pete. I'm not saying that the United States is going to devolve into civil war the day after tomorrow. And even if I was saying that, I would say the United States is going to devolve into civil war the day after tomorrow, but I don't think it's going to be bad.

So I'm not saying that it's going to be, that it's going to happen soon or even that it's going to be the worst of the worst of the worst. But I am saying that as time goes by this crisis of self-hatred for want of a better expression, I'll try to think of a better phrase, shall become more and more and more intractable. it will become more and more difficult to turn the clock back to the day before the Roe versus Wade decision in 1972. It will become more and more difficult to turn the clock back to the day before the series of legal decisions in US courts of the late 80s and early 90s that have set the precedent for the divorce laws that. obtain in the USAID now, it will become more and more difficult for you to turn the clock back to the days before blatant lesbian, gay, whatever you, LG, X, Y, Z, whatever it's called, being almost, or in some cases, foisted upon children. That is not going to happen.

Real life in the real world doesn't work like that. So the likelihood is that this schism will continue to rupture and in so doing rupture more severely. And eventually it's going to lead to a major event in the USA. And I'm not qualified. I'm not clairvoyant, you know. So I'm not qualified to say exactly what it is, but what it is. But let me put it to you this way. the U.S. national debt seven years ago,

23 minus 7 would be 2016, the U.S. national debt was $19.8 trillion. So between 1776, I know that Americans celebrate the 4th of July, but the last signatories to the document were in October of 1776. So from October 1776, when the Republic was properly implemented, until 2016, through world wars, through civil wars, through everything, the USA was only able to rack up a debt of $19.8 trillion. dollars in seven years you've taken that to over 33 trillion dollars so 14 trillion versus 19 trillion dollars in seven years versus 17 76 is 24 so 224 and 16 would be 240 years 240 years versus beat it's bad and Americans can't see it

And I suspect that what's going to happen is that somebody of a conservative bent is going to say that the madness that reigns in the White House now or in U.S. government or in the Treasury, if you like, or in the Federal Reserve, or in whatever, point your finger at whichever blemish, whichever flaw on me appeals to you the most. if I'm the body corporate of the United States of America, you know, what thing do you hate the most? Point your finger. That that is enough to justify something absolutely radical and drastic. I'm not saying that there's going to be a coup d'etat. I am saying that at some point, somebody's going to say, well, it's now been, you know, since 2016,

it's now been, let's say, not seven years, it's ten years. and the debt has gone from $19.8 trillion to 64 or whatever, you know, now a coup is warranted. Now the setting off of a bomb is warranted. Now we can get drastic and radical. What I'm saying without trying to be overly specific because I don't, I'm not clever way, is that things can't deteriorate this drastically, this radically as they have, as we've all witnessed over recent years. Without sooner or later there being some kind of a huge reaction, some real pushback. And because the positions are so irreconcilable, it's going to precipitate a terminal crisis.

So let's say my wife and I, I'm not. married. I am, to my eternal regret, a bachelor, but let's say I was married. And my wife and I had an ongoing dispute. And let's say I was goading her, antagonizing her, giving her a hard time. And eventually one day, she turns around and she does something. Right. That's one thing. She loses her temper. She gets it. But just imagine that I'd done something that had betrayed her trust forever and ever and ever and ever. And in that context, I was needling her and she retaliated. She would probably retaliate and maybe stab me or psionade or, you know, in my sleep, shoot me or something.

You know, what I'm saying is that it's one thing to have a schism. It's another thing when the two parties cannot in any way be reconciled because you cannot reconcile LGBTQ to core America, to the core values of America. You cannot reconcile a $33 trillion debt to the traditional pecuniessness, the traditional, economical, very wise with money, nature of US government.

You cannot reconcile that the parties are just so far out from one another, that when they do clash, they're going to clash in a terminal manner. And I think that that's now, absolutely inevitable. You can't fix, you can't fix the stolen election of 2020.

You can't fix. the bio labs in eastern Ukraine. You can't undo that. You can't undo COVID and the clot shots and the adverse reactions. You can't undo the assault on God. You can't undo. Would you believe me? I read a figure.

In fact, I went through the table of figures, the official figures, today before this interview, just for no particular reason. Would you believe me if I told you that the number of immigrants, illegal immigrants only, to the USA in this year alone, is greater than the populations of 39 of the 50 states of the USA? It's it's unfixable, Pete. You don't fix that. You don't get to fix that. Yeah.

Well, tell everybody where they can remind everybody where they can find more about your work and whatever, what anybody can do. Oh, thank you very much, Pete. Thank you for having Saitlanders on your show. We appreciate the opportunity. I hope that the video is well watched. Please send me a link and I'll distribute it in South Africa. Although I should forewarn you that the overwhelming majority of our people do not. not speak English.

Well, it's not their first language so that the audience is not big for English products. People are welcome to visit satelanders.org. That's S-U-I-D-Landers.org. And if they would like to make a contribution, if they'd like to assist us in the work that we're doing, we are really standing in the breach. We are boxing above our weight. We are standard bearers worldwide for the, conservative, Caucasian, Christian cause.

You can look up the speech that I gave in the European Parliament and many other, many, many, hundreds of other interviews, Alex Jones, etc, etc., BBC, CNN, Russia today to see the work that we're doing. And if that impresses you, please be so kind as to make a donation. Satlanders.org. You just enter there, go to the bottom of the page. You'll see where you can make a donation. Thank you very much for watching this video.

I hope that I wasn't too long-winded, and I hope that you thoroughly enjoyed it. And thank you to, Pete, very much. No problem at all. Thank you, and I'll make sure to link to that in the show notes, so people can get to it very easily. Thank you, Simon. Thank you.