The Prof G Pod with Scott Galloway - How Money Laundering Took Over London — with Oliver Bullough
Episode Date: May 19, 2022Oliver Bullough, a journalist and the author of “Butler to the World: How Britain Became the Servant of Tycoons, Tax Dodgers, Kleptocrats and Criminals,” joins Scott to discuss how Britain essenti...ally became the epicenter for money laundering and kleptocrats. Follow Oliver on Twitter, @OliverBullough. Scott opens with his thoughts on the latest surrounding Elon and Twitter, plus we hear why he thinks we’re seeing massive layoffs at growth companies. Algebra of Happiness: don’t bring your full self to work. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
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Episode 164.
Dr. Strangelove premiered in 1964 mary poppins premiered in 1964 did you hear
that mary poppins stopped wearing lipstick while episode 164 mary poppins premiered in 1964
true story i killed my best friend accidentally i didn't mean to of course it ends up that if
you give him a spoonful of sugar after his insulin that's a bad idea that mary poppins is full of go go go
welcome to the 164th episode of the prop g-Pod. In today's episode, we speak with Oliver Bulla, a journalist and the author of Butler to the World,
How Britain Became the Servant of Tycoons, Tax Dodgers, Kleptocrats, and Criminals,
and Moneyland, Why Thieves and Crooks Now Rule the World and How to Take It Back.
Okay, what's happening?
So, the markets are down, the risk of nuclear war is up, and worst of all,
it looks as if Comrocket will not replace the dollar. It's as if the bad news just won't relent,
and we really, really tried to make it a week without talking about Elon, but what do you know,
here we are again. So, obviously, you've heard by now that Elon has temporarily, big air quotes here, put his deal to acquire Twitter on hold.
Something Matt Levine points out is simply not a thing.
You can't put this deal on hold.
He's signed an airtight purchase agreement.
By the way, my date with Sofia Vergara is on hold. My plans to pee only twice a day and have the flow of the Canadian side of the Niagara Falls are on hold.
This is in a word or specifically two words or is it one word?
Bullshit.
And this is nothing but Rocket Man posturing to try and get out of what is a shitty deal that he agreed to. You know when
you sign an airtight contract to buy something from someone and then the value of that asset
goes down by 50% since you agreed to sign or you signed that airtight contract and so you look for
any ways to get out of it? That's what we are seeing here. Supposedly in his latest shocker, he has found out that, oh my God, oh my God, who would
have thunk it? More than 5% of Twitter's accounts are fake or spam. So let's break this down. In
sum, Elon Musk has said to his lawyers, get me out of this. I fucked up. And he could try and
negotiate a lower price, but it's unlikely the board will do that,
realizing that this guy has just monkeyed with the company and abused the board and
management, and he's no longer a credible acquirer.
So they would likely just say, everyone get back to work.
Go away.
You need to pay us a billion-dollar breakup fee, and we're going to sue you in Delaware
court for the $45 billion that you owe us, which you guaranteed we would have, which we did not talk to other suitors, which we incurred huge distraction, in which we started giving you confidential information based on this airtight legal contract that you're going to show up with $45 billion.
But here's the thing.
I don't see how practically, legal agreement or not, you can force somebody to show up with $45 billion.
I think likely the way out here, the reason this deal effectively doesn't close, and this deal is not going to close, folks. This is over. As a matter of fact, if you look at the stock price,
the deal is supposed to consummate at $54.50. Now, it's supposed to close in about, call it,
six months. Generally, roughly, people expect about an 8% return to the markets, 12% more frothy times.
Let's call it 8%, meaning that if we're six months away from the close of this thing,
if the market thought it was going to close, it would trade at approximately a 4% discount to the offer price,
or it would be trading somewhere around $52.
But it's not.
As of the recording of this video, it's trading at $38 or a full 33% below where it's supposed to close. Now, what
does that mean? What does that mean? It means the market believes there's about a 70% to 80%
likelihood this deal isn't going to close, and it's not. When he starts coming up with bullshit,
false flags, and head fakes for why, he's shocked. He's just shocked. But by the way,
by the way, there was an analysis
done by a firm called SparkToro that attempted to discern the number of the percentage of fake
accounts on Twitter. And they came back with somewhere between 18 and 22 percent. However,
they found, most interestingly, that of Musk's 90 million plus followers, approximately 72% are fake or bots.
And by the way, who's been the biggest beneficiary in the world of the fake accounts and spam
and bots that litter the septic pool that is, or the septic tank that is the feces of
the sewer that is Twitter?
Who's been the biggest beneficiary?
You guessed it, Elon Musk.
Why?
Because a lot of these bots are out there pounding away at anybody who questions Tesla and also
pumping Tesla stocks. So the notion that he in any universe didn't realize that a large majority
or a large percentage, whatever the hell I'm trying to say here, of Twitter's accounts weren't spam or bots is just so insane. His tweet might have well been the following. Hey,
I think you're all fucking idiots and will believe anything I say. This is him. This is simply him
saying to his lawyers, get me out of this for an exit wound that is as painless as possible.
When I say painless, okay, I may have to pay that billion-dollar breakup fee.
I would really not like to.
But more than anything, I don't want a judgment against me for $45 billion,
which legally, legally, I'm on the hook for.
And here's the problem with all of this.
I said initially that when it comes to his side hustles,
Elon Musk brings more volatility than value.
This deal is not going to close.
All it has done is create a tremendous volatility and distraction at Twitter.
You're going to have people leave.
You're going to have – essentially, he's become a human poison pill.
He's outed the company.
He's only having a billion dollars in EBITDA, which would have been absolutely soaked up by all of the interest on this debt.
And now there's all these sort of weird dynamics now. Morgan Stanley was raising the money, thought they were going to get $750 million in fees for raising this money. They want
the deal to close. So he's sitting there trying to talk to his equity investors who have likely
said to him, let me get this, boss. I can buy the stock at $38 right now, but I'm supposed to wait
until it closes and pay 54 with you
such that all the EBITDA can go away
paying the interest on the debt
you're going to have to raise
and hope that your free speech weirdness
results in a stock worth 100 or 150 bucks
in two to three years.
No equity investors want to line up
besides Elon
other than total sycophants and stenographers
who say, yeah, we like you.
We want to be involved in your next thing or SpaceX or we want to take SpaceX public, so we'll throw a few hundred million dollars at this or we're a VC fund that wants to cozy up to you, so we'll come in for couch change.
This deal makes absolutely no sense for anyone. The equity investors, the debt holders are fine. The debtors who issue $15 billion on debt are fine because the company is worth at least $15 billion.
And if he defaulted on the debt, they could sell Twitter for probably at least $15 billion.
But it makes the least sense of all for Elon and his co-equity investors who are paying $54.50 or were supposed to pay $54.50 for a company that without this exogenous intervention, that is this acquisition offer.
Where would the stock be trading? Well, let's look at it. The stock was trading at about 32 bucks
before he started acquiring shares several months ago. Since then, the peer group for Twitter is
down between 20 and 40 percent, meaning without this external event, the stock would probably be
in the low 20s. And when this external event goes away, which the markets are already perceiving,
see above trading at $38 when the acquisition price is $54.50, the market is going to take
this thing way down. Now that it looks as if this deal isn't going to close, a few interesting
things are happening. Tesla stock is going back up because Tesla shareholders saw this as nothing
but downside for them. What's also interesting is every time this deal looks less likely to close,
what other stock goes up?
Truth Social.
Because once Elon Musk and once I get control of Twitter,
Trump is going back on this platform.
Truth Social lost its A-Rod, its Barry Bonds.
Anyways, this is going to be interesting.
But to be clear, the notion that Elon Musk didn't know that greater than 5% of Twitter's accounts were spam or fake, which, by the way, he has been the massive beneficiary of and he has known this all along, is nothing but bullshit.
And that's less than 140 characters.
Okay.
And other news.
A recession appears to be looming.
Let's not say appears.
A recession is looming over the U.S. economy.
And the cohort that is about to get kicked in the gut repeatedly, most recessions are either blue-collar or white-collar recessions, meaning some recessions are especially difficult on sort of frontline workers and others are more difficult on our kind of information worker.
This one is going to be the Patagonia Vest recession,
specifically those who haven't experienced a bear market
nor this volume of layoffs since the early 2000s,
and that is information age workers.
That is people working for unicorns,
private companies worth over a billion dollars,
and also public growthy companies.
Simply put, when interest
rates go up, they really impact growth companies. Why is that? When you're making money, you don't
care as much around interest rates. You make money off of higher interest rates because you can put
that money, you earn cash on your profits. But what happens when you're losing money because
you're funding growth? The cost to fund that growth gets much greater and your stock goes down or your valuation goes down because you're saying,
I'm going to make billions of dollars in the future. Well, that billions of dollars in the
future gets discounted back at a higher interest rate, meaning those cash flows that you're
expecting in the future are worth less and it's going to cost more to fund the capital required
to get to those profits. So you are seeing while the NASDAQ
and the S&P are down, it doesn't really explain the carnage and the growthy part because
the biggest companies where the indices are weighted, specifically a Google or an Apple
or a Microsoft that are profitable, their stocks are off. I think Apple's off 15%.
They're off maybe a maximum
of 25 or 30%. But when you're talking about the growthy stuff that still requires capital to keep
growing, these guys have just been taken to the woodshed. And what's happening? Whereas the market
before was saying, yeah, no problem if you're losing money. As long as you're growing, you're
worth X. Now that the market has decided you're worth 0.3X and this growth is no
longer can be justified with this type of economics, you are going to need to cut costs dramatically.
And you have in every boardroom right now a huge chart, huge org chart saying, okay,
how do we cut 10, 20, 40% of our staff? And this is a generation that hasn't seen layoffs.
This is a generation that is used to bringing their dog to work.
And their biggest problem is, well, what snacks am I going to have today?
That's probably a bit of an exaggeration.
But the employment market, the demand for information age workers has been so incredible.
Work from home, work from home, that is about to become
unemployed from home. The level of layoffs here is going to be extraordinary. And what will be
even more extraordinary is how this generation that has never seen a bear market responds to it.
Winter is coming. That was cheery. Stay with us.
We'll be right back for our conversation with Oliver Ballou.
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Hey, it's Scott Galloway, and on our podcast, Pivot,
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So, tune into AI Basics, How and When to Use AI,
a special series from Pivot sponsored by AWS, wherever you get your podcasts.
Welcome back.
Here's our conversation with Oliver Ballou,
the author of Butler to the World,
How Britain Became the Servant of Tycoons,
Tax Dodgers, Kleptocrats, and Criminals.
Oliver, where does this podcast find you?
I'm currently in a holiday inn in London.
How did that happen?
A holiday inn in London?
Oliver, I'm sorry. How did that happen?
I'm here for work and I needed somewhere central to stay. And sometimes a man's going to do what
a man's going to do. And it is conveniently located, though it does feel a little bit pre-loved.
So let's bust into it. Your latest book, Butler to the World,
explores how Britain essentially became the epicenter for money laundering, kleptocrats,
and other kind of dark sources of capital. Let's start there. Walk us through how the country
ended up being kind of the ultimate washing or global washing machine. It's a really important
and almost infinitely expandable question. But the short
answer is essentially Britain used to be the oligarch to the world, right? We were, we had
the empire. We were the country that did what Putin is doing now. If we didn't like a country's
foreign policy, we bombarded them until they changed their mind as a rule. And then we ceased
being able to do that anymore. We couldn't afford it anymore.
And so we're a little bit in the position
of being like an aristocrat
who's had to sell his big house
and his place in town
and his yacht
and all the lovely fripperies he had as an aristocrat.
And the only asset he's got left
is his knowledge of how to be an aristocrat.
So instead of building an empire
on our own account anymore,
we essentially advised other people into how to do it. So we went from being the world's oligarch to the world's butler. And so if you are an oligarch or anyone really, and you've got a problem that needs solving, you might have some money you need to launder, you might have some journalists you might need to silence, you might have whatever. Britain can help you do that,
provided you're rich enough to afford the fees. So I'll give you sort of the outsider's view,
and you tell me where I have this correct or incorrect. My sense is that Tony Blair said we
need something to prop up the economy and created very strong private property laws saying that to an African warlord,
somebody in the Gulf, or an oligarch, if you park your money over here, you can trust that in
addition to having access to nice restaurants and a very nice city, no one can come take that money
from you. It will give you safe haven from your past and how you made that money. And to be fair,
when I go to London, I've been going to London between four and 10 times a year since I was
eight. It feels like over the last 30 years, it's had a multi-trillion dollar facelift.
And I can't imagine that isn't one of the benefits or positives of this. Isn't this a
function of private property laws that said, as long as you have money, it's safe here, or it can't be accessed here?
Yeah. I mean, Tony Blair's government certainly is to blame for having prioritized welcoming money
here, over checking the provenance of that money. But actually, the problem goes back
even further than that. In a way, certainly where I trace the problem back to,
it's sort of the 1950s is where this begins. Towards the end of the Second World War in
Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, the Allies came up with this very restrictive post-war financial
system, which was designed to prioritize employment over speculation, designed to prioritize production over consumption, and so on.
And it was a very successful system.
It created a very stable, prosperous world
that created consistent economic growth all across the Western countries.
But it was very annoying for the City of London,
which had been the engine of the British
Empire, had been used to moving money around the world at great profit to itself. And suddenly,
it wasn't able to do that anymore. And you had a cohort of bankers in the City of London who
kind of chafed at the restrictions which this new, very sort of democratic financial system placed them under. And so they looked for ways to
evade these restrictions. And what they came up with was very simple and kind of doesn't really
make sense in retrospect because the world has changed so much since then. But they realized that
if instead of banking with pounds in London, they banked with dollars, they were
able to essentially simultaneously evade both British and American restrictions.
So you had these very tight laws everywhere in the world, except suddenly after 1955,
and particularly after 1956, except in London, where there was a loophole, where as long
as you use dollars in London, there were no laws, you could do what you liked. And as a result, the, the, the U S banks open branches in the city of
London, the European banks, the Japanese banks, because it was just so much more profitable to
move money around in London than it was anywhere else because there were no rules. Um, and you
know, yes, a lot of that money was legitimate money being moved by multinational corporations,
but let's be honest. A lot of it wasn't legitimate money. A lot of it belonged, I mean, could be to the Soviet Union, could be to
criminals, could be to tax evaders, could be later as the sort of time moved on into the 60s and 70s,
could be to the dictators of South America or Sub-Saharan Africa or so on.
So essentially what the City of London did was, well was well i mean it created what they called offshore
so it created a a legal space where there were no rules which essentially prioritized people who
could afford the fees london charged over anyone else and that's essentially what's been happening
ever since the uk has been earning fees allowing anyone who can afford those fees to dodge the
restrictions of anyone else.
And that's what I mean about being a butler. So yet the problem has accelerated. As you said,
in the last 30 years, the city, London as a whole, has had a massive facelift. But it begins
back then. You can trace the origins of this amoral enabling culture back to the 1950s.
But it picks up pace.
And by the 1970s, you start getting money from the Gulf countries.
By the 1980s, there's a lot of money from Europe.
By the 1990s, you start getting money from the former Soviet Union.
By the new millennium, it's money from China.
And now, essentially, it's money from everywhere.
And the interesting thing about the last couple of months and the Ukraine crisis is the fact that suddenly there seems to have been this realization that perhaps just moving money for anyone, no questions asked, was a pretty stupid way to make a living.
And suddenly there's this scramble in West London in particular to try and identify who owns what, was the money that bought it legitimate and so on. But it's going to take
years to try and untangle the mess that we found ourselves in because so much money has come here
from so many different places. Yeah, I think there's so many layers to this. So we're not,
you know, we're sort of, it's hard for us to be judgmental because in Florida,
we have, I think, outside of London, the largest number of mansions purchased by Russian oligarchs.
It feels as if everyone, to a certain degree, is in this business.
I would argue that there's very strong moral arguments, but I would argue this is actually a great business.
That being a safe haven for capital at a premium price is economically
very advantageous. Where you get into trouble is when you begin realizing the second order effects
of people you've never met and what it means for democracy, and that you might be funding a war
effort or funding, you know, genocide light. And my sense is that the Ukraine conflict has brought,
you know, bubbled all this up.
Where do you think are the biggest problems, the most immediate externalities that highlight just
how wrong this is and how short-sighted these policies were? Yeah, I mean, you're absolutely
right that the U.S. has been in this game as well. My last book, Moneyland, I spent a bit of time in
Florida, a bit of time elsewhere,
California, New York, and so on, looking, tracking down some of these mansions that
have been built.
The key difference between the US and the UK is that the US has a very robust enforcement
apparatus, the FBI and other agencies, that will actually investigate financial crime
and prosecute in a way that is vanishingly rare.
Here, these agencies are incredibly under-resourced in the UK, and that has been a strategic choice
by successive governments to essentially under-regulate the system to attract more
money here for precisely the reason that you state. The calculation has been that this is
essentially free money, right? You've got money flowing in here,
fees are being earned for moving it around, it's easy work. And essentially, you can attract money
into your economy, which can then be used to build roads and hospitals and schools and all
the good things that we want. As you say, there is a moral point which has been insufficiently understood by politicians
that essentially it's not free money at all. Someone is paying for it just at the other end.
If money is being sent here and being used to build schools and hospitals and roads in this
country, often that money has been stolen from schools, roads, and hospitals in Nigeria or Angola or Venezuela or Russia or Ukraine or
wherever. And that's one point. And the second point, which I think is as important in the long
term for why this is a bad business model, is that you end up with a sort of crowding effect
in the economy that it becomes so profitable to move money around, to serve the needs of the
oligarchs, to be a butler in my term, whether that's a lawyer fighting their legal battles or
a reputation manager fighting the press or an investment manager dealing with their money
or whatever, that you end up attracting many of the brightest and the best citizens of your country into the
butlering profession. And you end up essentially with a brain drain away from other segments.
You have ended up with this, and the soccer pyramid is a pretty nice metaphor for it, with
essentially this incredibly wealthy clique of clubs at the top of the game and everyone else
sort of scrabbling around for the various crumbs that might fall out of their windows. And that's, again, the sort of
structure of the British economy, that this butlering industry benefits hugely a pretty
small number of very well-connected people. It sounds like such an apt metaphor for big tech
in the US, where it's remarkable, the wealth creation,
the prosperity, but it hasn't translated into progress for the country. It just hasn't really
trickled down. So you brought up a favorite subject in the Galloway household. You brought up
Premier League soccer or football. My sons, and we don't know what to make of this, we feel a bit awkward. We have
Chelsea hats and we watch Chelsea FC. And the first thing we do when we go to London is we go
to a Chelsea game. Can you, just as a means of explaining kind of a real world application,
can you talk a little bit about Roman Abramovich, his ownership of a London asset, what happened and what likely
happens and what it means and what we can draw from it? Yeah, I mean, he's a fascinating character.
You know, the most well-known of the oligarchs, probably. I would say the smartest of the
oligarchs, always ahead of the game. He worked out the threat that Putin posed to the oligarch's business model,
I think, before anyone else did. He was able to essentially sell his company back to the state
in a way that no one else was really allowed to. And he managed to gain this huge reputation,
not just in the UK, also in Israel and in Portugal to a certain extent,
in order to gain a degree of protection outside of Russia, which who knows, maybe we'll serve him
well in the long term. But yeah, I mean, his iconic purchase was Chelsea Football Club.
And I can remember really clearly after he bought it, I was living in Moscow at the time,
and I can remember watching a Chelsea game,
I forget who they were playing, on British television, just when I was sitting in the
office in Moscow quite late. And I was watching a feed of a British TV channel, and they showed
Abramovich in his box, you know, in the director's box in the stadium. And at the time, there was
this huge political kind of speculation in Russia over
who was going to succeed Putin when he stepped down as president, because under the constitution,
he had to stop being president in 2008. Who was it going to be? Was it going to be Dmitry Medvedev,
who was, you know, an old friend of Putin's, seen as quite sort of dovish? Was it going to be Sergei
Ivanov, who was another former KGB man, seen as quite hawkish? Then there was this leading
opposition candidate, Mikhail Kasyanov, who had formerly been prime minister, who was another former KGB man seen as quite hawkish. Then there was this leading opposition
candidate, Mikhail Kasyanov, who had formerly been prime minister, who was seen as quite
pro-Western maybe. And they were the three people everyone talked about. And I remember the English
TV feed just panned to show him sitting in the box, watching his club playing football. And with
him in the box was Dmitry Medvedev, Sergei Ivanov, and Mikhail Kasyanov, all watching football together with the oligarch.
And it was so amazingly sort of revelatory about the role that having an asset like that
plays. If you're an oligarch, you can invite people to these amazing parties. You can say,
enjoy the best seats in the house to watch a you know, a team playing in the best league in the world. It's an amazing thing. And it real sign of how, you know, deeply the disentanglement
between the oligarchs and London is having to go.
You know, the fact that he's having to give up this prized, prized asset is extraordinary.
I mean, obviously, it hasn't actually happened yet.
So who knows exactly where that's going to go.
But, you know, he was very embedded here until just three, four months ago.
Sort of very hard to believe that he was ever going to have to do something.
We'll be right back.
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So is there a glass half full scenario here? Is Britain having a healthy immune response?
And will this result in better laws, better governance?
There have been some really noticeable responses to the Ukraine crisis. Before the crisis, back in January, a government minister resigned because
of the government's failure to tackle economic crimes, take it seriously. Since then, there has
been a long overdue law passed to impose transparency on offshore owned property.
Oligarchs will now find it harder to use offshore companies to anonymously own their mansions in the UK, which is good.
We also promised an economic crime, another one, a second economic crime act, which was supposed to come in the next year,
which will impose a degree of order on Britain's chaotic corporate registry company's house, which is used by money launderers, has
been used in all of them, the biggest money laundering scandals in moving money out of
Eastern Europe into the West, from Danske Bank downwards. They're really huge, like hundreds of
billions of dollars worth of money laundering. So that's also good. But I haven't yet seen any sign of a
political realization that the real problem isn't so much a legal one, but an enforcement one.
You know, so even when good new laws are passed, and some of them have been quite imaginative,
there was one passed back in 2018 called the Unexplained Wealth Orders, which was supposed
to cut through the kind of legal obfuscation oligarchs are able to do to, to cut to the source of their wealth.
Even that collapsed under the weight of, of the legal assault put on it by oligarchs lawyers,
because, uh, there wasn't enough money given to the law enforcement agencies to use it properly.
Um, so, you know, we need to at least double the resources going to the big law enforcement
agencies if not triple and there's been I've seen no sign of that yet so you know is the
glass half full I wouldn't say so I'd say that the glass is maybe an eighth full you know having
gone up from a 16th so you know that's that's not insignificant progress but there's a huge
amount of work still to do are you comfortable making any predictions around what might happen over the next 12 or 24 months?
Are we going to see, is this going to be a blip and it'll be back to business as unusual?
Do you think that there's going to be new laws?
Do you think that politicians are going to find support in a movement around going after this type of capital?
What do you think happens in the short and medium term here?
I'd say this depends on two things.
One of them slightly depends on the White House.
You know, there is, you know,
particularly post-Brexit in the UK,
there is a huge amount of attention paid
to what the White House thinks and what Joe Biden thinks.
And if, you know, he has made a very strong
case for fighting kleptocracy, he's put some really good people on that case. And there's
been some new laws with corporate transparency in the US. If that continues, then there'll be
quite a lot of sort of trying to be Joe Biden's best friend, which will likely mean the UK will
do some similar things.
And a second important point is what happens to Boris Johnson, the prime minister. He,
you know, and I kind of overstressed this, does not personally care about this topic. We saw this,
back in December, Joe Biden held a summit for democracy in the US. Boris Johnson went and
promised some, you know, reforms. He then dropped that
promise within weeks, despite the fact he'd made it to his closest ally nominally. So he clearly
isn't particularly interested when the Parliamentary Intelligence Committee did a report into Russian
interference in the UK back in 2020. He dismissed it. It was a pretty good report, actually. Some
really important recommendations and very sober. He dismissed it as It was a pretty good report, actually. Some really important recommendations
and very sober. He dismissed it as an attempt to delegitimize Brexit and refused to take it
seriously at all, even though it had nothing to do with Brexit. He's not someone who personally
could care less about criminal finance. He just wants more money to fund his lifestyle.
If he ceases to be prime minister, which is not an inconceivable possibility because
he's in a bit of spot of trouble, then we might end up with a more serious person. And if we do
have a more serious person, then we'll get a more serious response. So, you know, my sort of ideal
scenario would be that, you know, that the White House continues to lead on the response to illicit
finance around the world and put pressure not
just on the UK, also on other European countries, but particularly on the UK. And also that we get
a different prime minister who might be able to recognize that this issue is of greater
significance than his own political future, which we don't currently have.
So final question, Oliver. A lot of young people listen to the podcast.
You just, A, you seem like a really interesting guy, but what you do seems really interesting.
How did you get to this point?
How did you find this career and specifically this topic?
Yeah, so I'm a Russianist.
I've just always been very passionate about the former Soviet Union.
I don't quite know why.
I think because I was growing up in the 1990s when it was all kicking off in Eastern Europe
and that was just seemed to be where the cockpit of history at the time.
Um, always been fascinated by history.
I studied history at university and then, and then after university, I just moved to
Russia because I wanted to be there while things right out of college, you moved to
Russia.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Immediately.
Just, just cause I wanted to know what was happening.
Um, and I sort of fell into journalism because I needed a job.
Uh, it wasn't really deliberate.
And, um, and then you can't spend much time in Eastern Europe before you realize that corruption
is a big problem.
And you can't spend long looking at corruption before you realize that if you want to understand
it, you need to recognize the role played by the Western financial system in laundering
the money, not just the role played by kleptocrats in stealing it.
And I suppose, you know, it makes me quite angry, really.
I know a lot of people whose
lives have been kind of ruined by corruption in eastern europe and and i'd like that to stop and
there's no point in in appealing to vladimir putin's better nature right i mean the guy's not
going to change no matter how many articles i write about him um but i do feel that you know
if i write about the enabling of corruption in Western countries, then it may have an influence on Western politicians,
and it might help to change the situation here.
And if we make it harder to launder money,
then it'll be less attractive for people to steal it.
If less money gets stolen, then less of my friends have their lives ruined.
And so that's good.
So that's sort of the calculation, really.
Oliver Ballou is the author of Butler to the World, How Britain Became the Servant of Tycoons, Tax Dodgers, Kleptocrats, and Criminals, and Moneyland, Why Thieves and Crooks Now Rule the World and How to Take it Back.
His journalism appears regularly in The Guardian, The New York Times, and GQ.
He joins us from a holiday inn in London.
Oliver, I appreciate your time.
I'd invite you to a Chelsea game,
but I think it'd be awkward for both of us.
What club do you support now?
Well, I'm from Wales,
so when I support football,
I support Hereford FC,
but I'm from Wales,
and in Wales, we prefer rugby. So Cardiff rugby is more my thing.
If ever you're in Wales,
let's go to a Cardiff game.
I'll hold you to that.
That sounds like fun.
Oliver, thanks for your time. This was great. Thank you.
Algebra of happiness. So in my very cheery, optimistic review of the news or prediction,
I talk about the layoffs that I believe are coming for our information age workers and that a lot of young people aren't going to be prepared for it.
And that is those of us who are my age have been through economic cycles, and we realize that a lot of our success and or failure is not entirely our fault.
And what I would suggest is that you don't bring your full self to work. And that is you recognize that if you get laid
off, yeah, it's a little bit about you, but it's more about the market. And that is market dynamics
always trump individual performance. You can be outstanding at what you do. You can start a great
company. And if you started at the wrong time, it's not going to succeed. You can start a bad
company at a certain time, and it might be sort of successful. Actually, that's not true. A good
economy can't save a bad company, but a bad economy can absolutely put a good company out
of business. And we have, I think, incorrectly told people to bring their full selves to work.
I think a lot of CEOs who were trying to pose for the woke cameras or trying to become,
seem more engaged, I don't know what the fuck they were doing,
but I think it was a mistake to pretend
that we wanted your political viewpoint
or that you should think about work as your life
such that you can work harder
or such that we can encourage you to make this your life.
Whatever it is, whatever the reason, it was wrong.
An organization is a great place to create economic security. It's a great place to make friends, to find mentors. I even think young people should
find mates at work. A third of relationships begin at work. I'm not suggesting, and I want to be
clear, I think once you get into a senior level position of power, you got to take that shit off
campus because it can result in abuse of power. But we used to have L2 weddings all the time.
We had profit weddings, my first company all the time.
I think that's a wonderful thing.
Anyways, I don't know how I went down that path.
But don't bring your full self to work.
Or just keep in mind, if you get laid off, trust me on this one,
as someone who's, I think I've been fired from most every job I've had at some point.
Nothing's ever as good or as bad as it seems.
You're gonna be fine.
It's not an indictment on you.
It's not an indictment on your politics.
It's not an indictment on your core beliefs
or who you are as a person.
It just meant that that organization at this time
has fewer resources than they had yesterday
and needs to make hard decisions.
Your full self is your relationships with hard decisions. Your full self is your
relationships with your family. Your full self is the relationship you have with yourself. Your
full self is a relationship you have with your community, with your God. Your full self does
not show up at work and nor should it. Our producers are Caroline Shagrin and Drew Burrows.
Claire Miller is our associate producer. If you like what you heard, please follow, download,
and subscribe.
Thank you for listening to the PropG Pod from the Vox Media Podcast Network.
We will catch you next week on Monday and Thursday.
And one quick reminder before we sign off,
we answer your questions about business trends, big tech entrepreneurship,
and whatever else is on your mind on the pod every Monday.
To submit a question, please visit officehours.propgmedia.com. Again, please visit officehours.propgmedia.com.
Again, that's officehours.propgmedia.com.
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