The Rest Is History - 582. The Body in the Woods: A Medieval Murder Mystery
Episode Date: July 13, 2025Why was a boy grotesquely and mysteriously murdered in a wood in Norwich in the 12th century? Who was his killer? Was it a ritual child sacrifice? Why was the murder blamed on Norwich's Jewish communi...ty, and in what appalling way? How did the incident set in motion a whole wave of Jewish persecution across the world, as more and more children disappeared and were found ritually murdered? And, what can this chilling story tell us about mediaeval attitudes to Jews? Join Tom and Dominic as they retell the terrifying story of Blood Libel, one of medieval England’s most terrifying mysteries. The Rest Is History Club: Become a member for exclusive bonus content, early access to full series and live show tickets, ad-free listening, our exclusive newsletter, discount book prices on titles mentioned on the pod, and our members’ chatroom on Discord. Just head to therestishistory.com to sign up, or start a free trial today on Apple Podcasts: apple.co/therestishistory. For more Goalhanger Podcasts, head to www.goalhanger.com _______ Twitter: @TheRestHistory @holland_tom @dcsandbrook Producer: Theo Young-Smith Assistant Producer: Tabby Syrett + Aaliyah Akude Executive Producers: Jack Davenport + Tony Pastor Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
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The manuscript from which the work of Thomas of Monmouth is printed here, and it is the
only copy of his work which is known, formed part of a library bequeathed about the year
1700 to the parish of Brent Ely in Suffolk by a certain Mr. Edward Coleman, sometime
of Trinity College Cambridge. The collection included some nine manuscripts, and among
them were two of no ordinary interest. One was the Gospel Book of St. Margaret of Scotland,
which was purchased by the Bodleian Library in 1887. The other was the volume containing
the life of St. William. Seven out of the nine manuscripts are now in the
university library at Cambridge. And since I'd been myself to some extent instrumental
in procuring these books, it was with...
You're doing so well, Dominic. You're doing so well.
It was with extreme pleasure that on examination I discovered first that here was
a copy of Thomas of Monmouth's Life of St. William, and next that no other copy seemed to be known.
It is written in a fine hand or two hands on good parchment in double columns. It retains its
original wooden boards, formerly fastened by a strap and pin. Its
date I should place somewhat before 1200."
So if you like ghost stories, especially the classic ghost stories of the late Victorian
early 20th century period, people in the Sputter Viola scene I did a sort of necromantic gesture.
Yes, you did. Very frightening. It evoked the spirit of a Christmas ghost story, Dominic,
even though we're recording this in the middle of June.
That's great. Well, listen, if you love a ghost story, you will recognise there the
prose of Montague Rhodes James, M.R. James, whose tales of ghosts and of horrific goings
on usually in churches in East Anglia, they are surely the most chilling
stories ever written. And he wrote that passage in 1896 and by the time of his death 40 years
later he had established an international reputation, hadn't he Tom, as he was the Shakespeare
of the ghost story, the Dickens, the Mozart of the horror story.
I guess, I mean, his only conceivable contemporary rival for the title of the greatest horror
story writer would have been H.P. Lovecraft in America. And Lovecraft was a huge admirer
of M.R. James and wrote, Dr. James, for all his light touch, evokes fright and hideousness
in their most shocking forms and will certainly stand as
one of the few really creative masters in his darks and province.
And I think that you in that reading really powerfully evoked that sense of fright and
hideousness.
Good.
Essentially that's quite a boring passage, but my goodness, the chills that went down
the spine as you read it.
That literally took about 30 takes for me to read that and get through it.
So let's just talk about some of James's, before we get into today's subject, talk a
little bit about some of James's stories and their characteristics and why you've chosen
to kick off with him.
So many of his stories, the really kind of canonical ones like digging up sacks and grounds
and all of that kind of thing, they're often set in the kind of flat fields of East Anglia, which form this sort of brooding, slightly unearthly kind
of landscape backdrop to the tales. And they're often about a church or a cathedral or a library
or something like that. So the protagonist is often a scholar. So I was hoping to convey
scholarship.
You really did Dominic.
Good, because I knew my own voice would not be up to it actually.
No, you spoke like the incredible radio actor that you've become.
Because you were in Sherlock and Co. weren't you?
So you've played what was it, an irascible solicitor accused of killing a builder and
now you've played an elderly scholar with something terrible to reveal.
Literally no role is beyond me Tom, I think it's fair to reveal. Literally no role is beyond me, Tom. I think it's fair to say.
As well as being set in, say, an East Anglian cathedral city, as well as featuring a scholar
with a kind of specialist knowledge of the ancient past, the plot will often revolve
around the discovery of some antiquarian object. So it might be a whistle, you blow on the
whistle and something terrible comes, or more commonly, an old forgotten manuscript. And the discovery
of this kind of very ancient antiquarian object, whether it's a whistle or a manuscript, will
conjure up from the grave some ancient unspeakable horror. And a huge part of the horror is that
this ancient horror is now unleashed on the modern world. And all those elements are present in the
book from which that passage you so magnificently read comes from. And it's a book called The
Life and Miracles of St. William of Norwich. But Dominic, here's the thing. That book is
not a work of fiction.
What a bone shell. It's actually a real book. It a work of fiction. What a bullsh-t.
It's actually a real book.
It's a factual book.
It's a real book.
So when James wrote horror stories about scholars discovering ancient manuscripts and being
haunted by the terrors conjured up from the grave that he finds in these manuscripts,
I mean, he knew whereof he spoke because he
was himself a very distinguished scholar. And over the course of his career, he served
as director of the Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge, the provost of King's College, also in Cambridge,
and the vice chancellor of Cambridge University, also in Cambridge. So there's an East Anglian
theme developing there. He also discovered a manuscript fragment
that led to the discovery in Barry St Edmunds, also in East Anglia, of the graves of various
12th century abbots. And there's some very eerie photos showing the opened tombs and
the skeletons of the abbots lying in them. And also, as described in the passage that
you read so brilliantly, he sourced
a large number of medieval manuscripts for the Cambridge University Library. And his
book, The Life and Miracles of St. William of Norwich, is about one of those manuscripts.
And it describes not just the murder of a child, but the birth of a horror, I think,
infinitely greater than any of those that James portrayed
in his ghost stories and which still stalks the world to this day.
And there's a little clue, isn't there? It's the theme of that manuscript, The Life of
Miracles of St. William of Norwich, in a story that James wrote in 1895. And that story is
called Lost Hearts. So tell us a bit about that story.
This is presumably while he's preparing and maybe editing the book on St. William that comes out
the year later. It's a very short story. So you can access it online. It will take you about 10
minutes to read. And it describes a young orphan boy who's age 12, who is invited to stay with his
much older cousin, who is a very distinguished scholar of ancient cults,
particularly in late antiquity. And he stays there and he starts to see the ghosts of two
children. And when he sees them up close, he realizes that these children have had their
hearts cut out, that their chests have been smashed open and their hearts removed. And
so when the summons comes one evening from
his cousin to come to him late at night and before the cousin has arrived, the little
boy goes there early and he finds us a brassiere there and an old silver gilt cup full of what
looks to be red wine, but might be something else. And his cousin sprinkling some incense
on the brassiere from a round silver
box. You know, the implication is this isn't great. The prospects aren't good for him.
This isn't going to be a fun evening.
So the theme of a ritualized child sacrifice was evidently much on James's mind as he was
preparing the life and miracles of St. William of Norwich. And so with that
kind of preview listeners may be wondering, well, what is this text about? Well, just
to give some context, it was written in the second half of the 12th century. So as James
said shortly before the year 1200, by a monk from Monmouth in Wales called Thomas, who sometime between 1146
and 1150, so the middle of the century, had joined the monastery in Norwich, which is in East Anglia,
and this monastery was attached to the cathedral that had been built there in the wake of the
Norman conquest. And the story that Thomas of Monmouth tells has
at its heart a murder. The date is March 1144, so almost a century after the Norman conquest.
The setting for this murder is Thorpe Wood, which is a wooded stretch of the heathland that rises north of the city of Norwich, and Norwich
is in the northeast of East Anglia. And the plot is centered around events that happen
in Holy Week. So on the evening of Good Friday, according to Thomas, a fiery light suddenly
flashed down from heaven and descended on the wood. And this strange phenomenon is
witnessed by a nun who is the widow of a Norman aristocrat called the Lady Legada. And the
Lady Legada and her various other nuns gaze out at this extraordinary phenomenon and they
see that the light is continuing to blaze in the wood and it seems, and I quote Thomas
of Monmouth, to divide into two rays which took the shape of a very long ladder extending from below into the sky to the eastward.
So at dawn the next day, Lady Lagarda and various of her fellow sisters get up, it's Easter Saturday,
but they head out into the woods to investigate. And they go to the place where they had seen the
light rising and it turns out to be an oak tree.
And they're hanging from one of the branches of the oak tree. Lady Lagarda discovers, and again I quote, a boy dressed in his jacket and shoes, his head shaved and punctured with
countless stabs. And according to Thomas of Monmouth, various carrion birds, so ravens and so on, are circling around
the body trying to feed on it, but they can't settle on the body.
And so it seems that the body is being protected from desecration by some supernatural power.
Right.
Legarda approaches the corpse.
She and her sisters drive off the carrion birds.
They pray over the body, and then again,
I quote, commending the boy over to the care of his saviour, she returned home with her
companions rejoicing. And people may think it's a bit odd to rejoice over the corpse
of a boy who's hanging from a tree. She's rejoicing because she knows that the boy in
some way must have been holy to God, and therefore presumably has been taken up to heaven. So
the corpse of the boy is left hanging from this tree as Lady Ligarda and her fellow nuns head off. And shortly
afterwards, a forester called Henry de Sprouston rides into the wood. And he is looking for,
not for poachers, but for people illegally harvesting timber, because there's quite a
shortage of timber in East Anglia. Norwich is a boom town.
He wants to make sure that people aren't illegally removing the timber. And in the forest, he
finds a peasant who is removing timber. And clearly the peasant is anxious about being
taken into custody. And so he says, you'd never believe it, over there, there's a boy
hanging from a tree. And so Henry de Spouwsten is obviously distracted and he goes over to
where the body is and he investigates the corpse and he finds that the boy, in addition
to being stabbed, has been very, very brutally gagged with a piece of rope with knots in
it. So kind of the, as the rope has been tightened in his mouth, the knots have gouged into the
back of the head. So very horrible.
Jesus. So do we know who the boy was?
Well, De Sproustain investigates this and it doesn't take long for him to identify the
boy and it turns out to be an apprentice leather worker called William. And this apprentice
leather worker is 12 years old. So like the boy in MR James's story who has the sinister
cousin. Yeah.
In lost hearts.
William, he's been working in Norwich.
Originally he'd come from the countryside.
This doesn't mean that he was an uneducated peasant.
It seems that as well as his native English, he spoke of a
smattering of French and maybe even a bit of Latin.
And there's a brilliant study of, of this case, the murder of William of Norwich by
E.M. Rose. And she's done a lot of research into the possible background of William, and
she suggests that his father may well have been a moneyer. So that's a very kind of
upwardly mobile job for someone to have. And we know for sure that his uncle was a priest
because it's this priest, Godwin, who
according to Thomas of Monmouth, formally identifies the body.
And by this point, when Godwin comes to identify the body, William has already been buried
out in the woods, in unconsecrated ground, and they exhumed the body.
And when the body is brought out, an absolute miracle.
Though so many days had passed by since the time when they suspected he had been put to death,
yet there was absolutely no bad smell perceptible.
But what seemed more deserving, their wonder was that though there was never a flower there nor any sweet smelling herb growing there about,
yet there the perfume of spring flowers and fragrant herbs was wafted to the nostrils of all present. So what this suggests
is that the body is intact, and an intact body is an absolutely certain signifier of
a kind of saintly status. So you think of St Cuthbert buried in Durham Cathedral after
many, many wanderings around the northeast. the intact nature of St Cuthbert's body
is the marker of his sanctity.
And so it seems that William likewise
is one of the blessed who has been gathered up
into the arms of God.
So it's a very, very mysterious case.
So very mysterious case, Tom, who was the killer?
Or was there more than one killer?
Was it a collective thing thing or ritualistic thing.
Why the gag and why so many stab wounds why was william this boy even in the wood in the first place.
If his father is a is a money from norwich or was he killed in norwich and then his body moved to the water was he taken to the wood to be killed well a lot of mysteries there
Poirot but first of all why don't we put this into the its historical context
because i suspect that will be really important because we
are in the anarchy so 1144 and this is the war between
Matilda Henry the first's daughter, and her what, cousin? Stephen, Stephen of Blois, who
is a terrible king.
Well, yeah, I mean, he's busy fighting a civil war and it goes on for ages. So actually from
1138 to 1153. So in 1144, we're absolutely bang in the middle of it. And it's famously
described by chronicler in Peterborough, which is about 60 miles from Norwich, so very much in the eye of the East
Anglian storm, as a time when Christ and his saints sleep. So we can be fairly confident
that when this chronicler in Peterborough, who is updating the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle,
which is still going at this point, even after 1066. And he's describing how armed
gangs of thugs are roaming the countryside, targeting anyone who might have money, robbing
them, killing them. He is definitely describing conditions that prevailed in the countryside
around both Norwich and Peterborough. And just to give a passage from the Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle on the horrors of the anarchy,
no martyrs were ever tortured as these victims, so the victims of the robbers were. They were
hung by the thumbs or by the head, and corselets were hung on their feet. Notted ropes were put
round their heads and twisted till they penetrated to the brains. I neither can nor may tell all the
wounds and agonies which they inflicted on the wretched men of this land."
So what do you make of that, Hastings?
Yes, that I think is very telling, isn't it?
So, these thugs have a particular modus operandi and young William, I guess, is he the kind
of, I mean, he's a boy, he's from's from you said an upwardly mobile family, he's working
as an apprentice or something like that, is that right?
Yeah, so he might have a bit of money jingling in his purse.
So would he not be an obvious target for these ne'er-do-wells, these ruffians, and in fact
the gag, the hanging, hung by the thumbs or by the head, corsets on the feet, they were
tortured, blah blah blah, blah blah blah. I mean that just looks like he's a standard victim of the anarchy, of this kind of wave of banditry
that's swept across England, no?
You might think that, but it has to be said, this is not the explanation that ultimately
came to be favoured and it's certainly not the explanation that Thomas of Monmouth, whose
reliability we will have to stress test over the course of this episode. It's not
the conclusion that he comes to. And the reason for that is that Godwin and the rest of William's
family, they do not think that William has been the victim of bandits and robbers. They come to identify Williams murderers as even more sinister figures.
Men who Godwin thinks of as figures of literally diabolical evil, who live not out on the roads
where poor travelers can be captured and tortured to death, but chillingly within Norwich itself.
Ooh, that is chilling. So who are these people and what are they doing within Norwich itself. Oh, that is chilling.
So who are these people and what are they doing in Norwich?
Okay, some setting first.
So Norwich first of all, by this point, it's the second largest city in England, which
isn't to say much actually, population probably around 5,000 people.
But it's grown because it's the centre of a region that's very rich in crops.
Soil is very fertile, lots of sheep, so wool, there's
cattle, so hides and beef and so on. And it's linked very conveniently by rivers to the
sea. So it's in pole position really. And like so many key places in England, it is
now dominated by a vast castle built out of stone and also by a cathedral that was begun in 1096 and it's one of the
most impressive Norman ecclesiastical structures ever built. So these are all markers of how
significant Norwich is, but there is another marker of Norwich's importance and prosperity
and that is the presence within the city of a community of Jews. And Jews had first come
to England after the Norman Conquest, but they'd come to Norwich really only a generation before
the murder of William. And they work in Norwich in finance, as moneyers, as doctors, as scholars,
as artisans, and as a community, they're very, very successful.
And across England, the only community of Jews that pay more tax to the royal exchequer than
Norwich is London. And so Stephen, embroiled in this civil war with his cousin Matilda,
he essentially has East Anglia under his control, and he needs money to fight the civil war.
And so he loves the Jews. I mean, he thinks they're great. They're making him lots of money
and giving him taxes and so he can carry on fighting.
And yet throughout history, people who make a lot of money in a time of chaos, also people who
are already regarded with suspicion because they are different from their neighbors. Such
people often tend to incur resentment, conspiracy theories, hostility, and as we know, violence.
And is that the case at this point with the Jews of Norwich?
Well, as you say, there are obvious reasons for their unpopularity. Another is that they
are associated with the Normans,
and so they are associated by colonized people with their colonizers. And there might be a kind of parallel with the way that Asians were regarded in Idi Amin's Uganda. Asians who'd
been brought over by the British. But obviously, Norwich is a Christian city, and so there are
deeply rooted theological
reasons which go all the way back to the very beginnings of Christianity as to why Christians
might have negative stereotypes of Jews.
So they are viewed by Christians as aliens who have willfully shut themselves off from
the universal, which in Greek is Catholic, community of Christian souls. So that's an obvious cause
of hostility. They are believed to have an intense malevolence towards Christians, so
they are blamed for the sufferings of Christ on the cross. They are also, because Herod
was a Jew, and Herod is the man who launches the massacre of the innocents in Bethlehem when
he's trying to kill Jesus. The innocents over the course of the 12th century are increasingly
being cast as Christians, and so there's a sense that Jews have a particular animus
against children. And there is a broader feeling that they have been cursed by God, that they're
favored by the devil, that they've been driven into exile because they slew the Messiah, that they've
been exiled from their homeland, and that essentially they kind of bear the mark of
Cain on their brows.
So there's a whole swirl of very negative stereotypes that Christians can draw on if
they want to.
But you ask, you know, are relations between Christians
and Jews in Norwich at this time unremittingly hostile? Absolutely, they're not. Because
even though there are kind of currents of popular hostility to Jews, by and large, both
the church and Christian kings are influenced in their attitude to Jews by centuries of relative, and I emphasize
the word relative tolerance. So the popes, for instance, have always employed Jews. They've
always served as the patron of Jews in Rome and the lands ruled by the popes. So in 598,
Gregory the First, Gregory the Great had decreed that the Jews in their communities
were in no way to suffer a violation of their rights. The Frankish kings, so the Merovingians,
Charlemagne and his heirs had recognized them as a people with their own law, their own
religio, their own kind of relationship to God. And it's possible for, say, bishops to
view Jews not just with a kind of grudging toleration, but with almost
a sense of admiration. So in 1084 in Speyer on the Rhine, a bishop decrees that the presence
of Jews in his diocese does it honor. I mean, most bishops don't go that far, but there
is clearly a basis there for a kind of modus vivendi in Latin Christendom that enables
Jewish communities to thrive, which is essentially what they have done for centuries. There isn't
a kind of a mood of violence and persecution in the kind of the early Middle Ages towards
the Jews. And certainly in England, the 12th century is a pretty peaceful period for the
Jews who settled there. There are no real outbreaks of violence. There's certainly no royal or ecclesiastical persecution. And
I think the Jews of Norwich, far from people in Norwich thinking, oh, they're a menace,
I think they're, well, they're certainly acknowledged by the city authorities as a
key ingredient to its success. Diversity is Norwich's strength,
I think, would be the message of the Norwich town authorities.
So, at what point, I mean big spoiler alert, the Jews are going to get blamed for this
murder. At what point does the finger of blame start to point towards the Jews and how many
people believe it, would you say?
It seems to be William's family who point the finger. So Thomas of Monmouth says that
his mother comes from the country into Norwich and is told that William had been offered
a job as a cook and had gone to a house of one of the leading Jews in Norwich to talk
about it and had vanished into this Jews house and was never seen again. I mean, how reliable that is, we will discuss later. But the person who really seems
to push the accusation is this priest Godwin, so William's uncle. He's the guy who takes
the case to the Bishop of Norridge and says, it's the Jews collectively who have killed
my nephew. And so the bishop then takes this case to
the local sheriff, a man called John Duchesne. And John Duchesne says, this is ridiculous.
This is, I mean, you have absolute nonsense. And not only does he reject the accusation,
but he actively assists the Jews. So first he tells the Jews, if the bishop tries to
launch prosecution against you, ignore it. As non-Christians,
you are not under the remit of the ecclesiastical courts. And then he takes them under his direct
protection in Norwich Castle. So there they are effectively completely secure. And I think
it's understandable that he should have thought these accusations against the Jews are improbable,
particularly coming as they do from this priest
Godwin who had gone out into the wood and had seen the place where William had been
found dead. And I guess that Duchesne is thinking possibly two things. I mean, we don't know
for sure, but it's likely. So I suspect that Duchesne thinks either this is an attempt
by William's family to extort money from the Jews. You accuse them and they try and basically buy the accusers off. Or I think there's possibly
a darker reason, which is the one thing we're told that I think we can absolutely rely on
is that William is found hanging from a tree because Thomas of Monmouth, he rather lets
it slip. It's not a detail that he dwells on. And so there might be a possibility that William had hung himself. You know, he's a
young boy alone in the city. You could think of any number of reasons why he might have
wanted to kill himself. And a person who hangs himself from a tree for Christians, and certainly
for a priest, would immediately conjure up thoughts of Judas
who betrayed Christ and then hung himself. And it's this that marks suicide out as a
crime in the opinion of the church.
Although that wouldn't explain the gag and it slightly, it conflicts with the idea, which
I find very persuasive that this is a modus operandi of lots of thugs in the area during the anarchy. Is that not the simplest?
I think that is the simplest, but it is possible that Duchesne doesn't trust the accounts at
all. And I guess that because there's association with Judas, that might be what puts, you know,
you could imagine Godwin the priest worrying about this. And so he starts thinking about
the Jews and then he thinks, well, maybe the Jews did. We can't know for sure. We're at such a distance. Thomas
of Monmouth's account is the only one we have. And as we'll see, we can't 100% rely on it.
But I guess that the chief reason why de Chesney would be skeptical about the idea that the
Jews had killed William of Norwich is why would they have done it? I mean, what conceivable
reason would they have had for doing it? And so it's not surprising, I think, that first in the weeks and then
in the months and then the years that follow the discovery of William's corpse, there isn't
any serious investigation into the murder and certainly there is no prosecution. And
as you say, the times are evil. The circumstances of William's death are murky and there are
lots of people who are dying horribly in the fields and woods of East Anglia at this time.
And I think that there's a general feeling on the part of the town authorities that the
accusations that William's family have brought against the Jews are ridiculous.
But then, Tom, six years later, six years after the death of William of Norwich,
everything changes, doesn't it? A shadow falls across the Jews of Norwich and this is a shadow
that stretches all the way from Palestine. And we'll pick up on that story after the break.
after the break. Let the careful reader here observe how just was the judgment of God, and how worthily
he dealt out retribution, in that the Jew, who with wicked hands had enticed a Christian
into his house and killed him, when he had killed him, had flung him into a wood, and
there had exposed him to the dogs and the birds. This same man was enticed out of his own house, was killed by
the hands of Christians in a wood, and in exactly the same way was left in the open
air and exposed to be torn to pieces by dogs and birds. So that was Thomas of Monmouth and he is reporting on two sensational
trials that took place in 1150. One of them was in Norwich and the other one was in London
and they were presided over by King Stephen himself because a second murder victim had
been found in a ward outside Norwich. But this time Tom, it was not a Christian,
it was a Jew. So what's going on?
That's right, and not just any Jew, but the man who, according to Thomas of Monmouth,
at any rate had masterminded the murder six years previously of the 12-year-old Christian
apprentice, William. And so this was the Jew into whose house supposedly
William had vanished never to be seen again by any Christian soul. And the Jew who is
named by Thomas as Eliezer had been killed out on the roads beyond Norwich by a knight
named Sir Simon de Novas, who was very deeply in debt to Eliezer and couldn't pay him back. And
the case is absolutely open and shut. And Stephen, who is very anxious to signal his
support for the Jewish community, he is very keen on the taxes that they pay him. He's
keen to make an example of de Novas, you know, bang him up, hang him,
whatever. Let's, let's convict this guy. But even though Stephen is basically set on finding
De Novas guilty, this isn't what happens because the longer the trials go on, the harder it
becomes for Stephen to convict De Novas. And finally, the trial in London, which follows
the trial in Norwich, basically he gives up on the whole thing.
And he says, we have been fatigued by a good deal of discourse today, and yet have some
business which keeps us.
We are unable therefore to give the requisite attention to so weighty a matter.
So in other words, he's basically washing his hands of it.
He's saying, I don't have time for all this.
De Novas isn't, he's not acquitted, but he's able to go free and he's never punished for the murder of Eliaza, which he undoubtedly committed.
I mean, it's a slightly comical verdict from Stephen that, you know, we've run out of time and I can't be bothered.
And yet, gross injustice. I mean, if you're the family of this guy, Eliaza, you're gutted about this. This De Novas has got away with it, it's got free.
And so why has that happened? I mean, because if De Novas, if it's an open
shut case and De Novas is obviously guilty, why has he got away with it?
Okay. So I think there are two reasons and both of them contribute to a hardening of
the mood against the murdered Eliazze. And the first of them is brilliantly teased out by EM Rose in her book on this
whole case. And she argues that De Novas had borrowed money from Eliezer and why had he
done that? Rose argues that it was because he had needed to fund his participation in
the great collective Christian enterprise of the age, which is the campaign to Palestine, to
the Holy Land that we remember as the Second Crusade. So this had been launched in 1147,
so three years after the murder of William. And it had resulted in a mood of often literally
murderous hostility to Jews across Latin Christendom. And one of the things that
Jewish communities over the previous century and more had come to their horror to realize
was that bad news from Palestine, from the Holy Land, was invariably bad news for them.
And even though, obviously, Jews in England or Germany or France or whatever
have nothing to do with what is going on in the Holy Land, invariably there is blowback and Jewish
communities in Western Europe tend to get the blame for what is going on in Palestine. So to
give you some examples, in 1009, the Fatimid Caliph al-Hakim, aka the Muslim Caligula, orders the destruction
of Constantine's Great Church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem. And this has incredible
blowback in Europe. Everyone's massively upset there, understandably. And lots of Christians
immediately blame the Jews for it with absolutely no evidence whatsoever. And so this is the first real mass display of anti-Jewish
campaigns. So there are all kinds of examples of forced conversions, expulsions of Jewish
communities across Germany, across France. Then in 1096, the First Crusade is launched
and as the bands of knights are starting to form and these great bands of armed pilgrims head out
to the Holy Land. So it inspires pogroms along the length of the Rhineland, so particularly
notorious pogrom in Mainz where over a thousand Jews are killed. And even in Speyer where
the bishop only 12 years earlier had been saying, you know, it's a privilege to have
Jews here, Jews there also get attacked and killed. So now we're in the mid 12th century and a new crusade, the second crusade, and I suppose
inevitably a new wave of pogroms and persecutions.
Yes, some of the details of this are horrible. So there's a rabbi who's based in England
who's trying to get home from Cologne where he'd been on a visit, and en route he gets seized and beheaded. There's another
rabbi in France who is mutilated by a band of crusaders, and they mutilate him in a very
precise way. They inflict the five wounds suffered by Christ in his passion on the rabbi,
and then they dump his body. And on the river Maine, which is a tributary of the Rhine,
so again, this sense of the Rhineland as kind of center of these atrocities. A child is found in the river, he's dead, and the Crusader say it was the
Jews who did this.
There are lots of Christians who are appalled by these displays of violence. So chief among
them is the great preacher Bernard of Clairvaux, the great Cistercian whose sermons had played
a huge role in inspiring the Second Crusade. He tours the Rhineland trying to refute the
allegations that the Crusaders are bringing against the Jews. In Wurzburg, the bishop,
he finds the bodies of the Jews who've been slain and he washes them and he anoints them
and he buries them in the grounds of his own garden. And out in the countryside, there are lots of Christian Castellans who, a bit like
Duchess near Norwich, when the Jews there were threatened, they sheltered the Jews in their
castles. So the story isn't unremittingly a dark one, but it is clearly darkening. And, you know,
it's essentially Jewish communities now across Western Christendom
are having to live with the knowledge that religiously motivated violence might be provoked
any time there is a kind of geopolitical crisis in Palestine.
Now, superficially, there's an obvious explanation for this, which is that the Crusaders are
going off to do what they see as God's work, fighting the enemies of Christ in the Holy Land, i.e. fighting Muslims.
And that at the same time, that is being that the sort of mirror image of that is people
fighting Christ's enemies in Christendom itself, in Europe itself. So in other words, in this
case, Jews, that the violence that they are exporting to the Holy Land, they are also
now replicating within
their own communities against non-Christians. But you think there's something more than
that, there's another dimension to it.
Yeah, because the question is, why does what happens in the Holy Land, why does it reverberate
back so profoundly into Latin Christendom? I mean, there are all kinds of wars and things
happening across the Mediterranean and the Near East, but they don't have the impact.
And the answer to that, obviously, is that this is the Holy Land.
This is where Christ was born.
It's where he died.
It's where he rose from the dead, Christians believe.
So the Holy Land is where the innocents had been massacred on the orders of Herod, King
of the Jews, and it's where Christ's suffering had been cheered on by the crowd who had refused Pilate's offer
to release him, who in turn are Jews. And if you look at the accusation of child slaying,
you know, this child found in the river echoes there of the massacre of the innocents. Or
you look at the wounds of Christ inflicted on this rabbi again, it's drawing on the New
Testament narratives. And so I think that
these are part of the swirl of emotion and anger on the part of Christians that Stephen,
when he's presiding over the trial of De Novas, has to take account of. But he also has to
take account of something else. And this is the readiness of De Novas's defense team to weaponize the almost completely forgotten murder of the
apprentice boy William six years before. And when I say de Nova's defense team, I mean specifically
the guy who is leading the defense, who is the Bishop of Norwich himself, a man called William
Turb. And the Bishop of Norwich is a very,
very able man. So he's not a royal appointee as bishops tend to be in Norman England. He's
a monk in Norwich who had been an oblate, so given by his parents to the monastery as
a child. He's a man of Norwich through and through. He'd been elected as bishop by his
fellow monks and to quote EM Rose, an experienced courtroom authority, sophisticated, well-travelled,
well-read, mature and a noted orator. And for William Turb, the chance to plead
before Stephen, the King himself, is a massive opportunity for him to raise his
profile because as we said he's not a royal appointee. So this is a chance
for him to make himself known to the king, but it's also a chance for him to raise the
profile of his cathedral. And so by emphasizing William's status as someone who's been murdered
by the Jews and therefore perhaps could rank as a martyr, it gives William Turbur the chance to potentially provide Norwich Cathedral with
what up to this point it has very badly been lacking, namely some really good, authentic
saintly relics, because this to be a top-class cathedral is what you need. So we mentioned
Durham Cathedral has the body of St Cuthbert, Westminster Abbey has the body of Edward the confessor.
And I think that probably William Turb is thinking, hmm, you know, if we can promote
this little boy who's been possibly murdered by the Jews as a martyr, then brilliant. You
know, we fill the gap that my cathedral has.
So do you think that this guy, William Turb, the Bishop of Norwich, is so cynical that these
thoughts have genuinely gone through his mind?
The cogs have turned, he's thought, it's win, win, win.
You know, I'll impress people with my oratory, I'll get this very presumably influential
and powerful person off, but also I will really boost my cathedral, we'll get the relics,
we'll get pilgrims. Do you think he's done
that cold-bloodedly or do you think he has drunk his own Kool-Aid as it were and it just
happens to match or you know it's one of those things that he actually genuinely believes
or thinks he genuinely believes it but it also you know works to his advantage?
Well self-interest and the needs of God have often coincided, I mean, and often do throughout
medieval history. William Turbys, he's a monk through and through, and he's a man of
knowledge through and through, and he's been personally chosen by the monks of knowledge,
and he must feel that this reflects the will of God, and that God would want the cathedral
to be hallowed, perhaps, by the body of a martyr. And therefore, to be sure, I
mean, he's trying to get de Novas off, that's his job. But if at the same time he can raise
the profile of his cathedral, then that's presumably what God wants. I'm sure that would
be his thinking. I mean, you might describe it as cynical, but cynicism can often be given
a kind of, dare I say, sacral flavoring. So, I mean, it is
a really spectacular display of victim blaming because essentially what William Turb is doing
is saying that Eliezer, the murdered Jew, deserved everything he got. So to quote him,
and this speech of William Turbis is quoted by Thomas of Monmouth, that Jew of whose death
the night, so that's de Novas, though innocent, is accused, did, in conjunction with the other Jews then in
the city, in his house, as report says, miserably torment, kill and hide in a wood a Christian
boy. And the key word there is report. What does he mean by report? Well, the bishop by
this point has sourced various witnesses, proving, as
he thinks, the murder of William of Norwich by the Jews. So one of these witnesses is
a Burgess of the city called Alward, who supposedly had run into Eliezer and a fellow Jew out
in Thorpewood, disposing of William's body. And you may wonder, well, why hadn't Alward, who by
this point very conveniently is dead, why hadn't he revealed this at the time? And supposedly
Alward had sworn an oath to the Sheriff, Don Duchesne, who is also dead, never to reveal
this and only on his deathbed had he confessed it. And Thomas of Monmouth, who reports this,
notes with immense satisfaction that
both Alward and John de Chesney, the sheriff, had suffered very horrible deaths, so due
punishment for their lack of enthusiasm for prosecuting the Jews. So that's one piece
of evidence.
Then there is a monk in Norwich who is a Jewish convert to Christianity called Theobald, and
Theobald, as someone who had been a Jew, is able to reveal one
of the Jews darkest secrets, and this according to Theobald is their belief that without the
shedding of human blood, they will never be able to return to their homeland, to what
had been Judea, Israel.
Has he dreamt that up, or does that draw on an older tradition?
I think drawing on the notion of the Mark of Cain, the idea that Jews are sentenced
to wander and therefore perhaps as Cain had killed Abel, a blood sacrifice, so a blood
sacrifice must be offered to remove the Mark of Cain. I mean, it's obviously a fabrication.
There is no authentic tradition about this in Jewish thought at all. But Theobald anyway,
I mean, he's all over it. So to quote Thomas of Monmouth's account of what he said, hence
it was laid down, this is Theobald saying, by the Jews in ancient times that every year
they must sacrifice a Christian in some part of the world to the most high God in scorn
and contempt of Christ, that so they might avenge their sufferings on him, inasmuch
as it was because of Christ's death that they had been shut out from their own country
and were in exile as slaves in a foreign land." So there you have the idea of a ritual killing
designed to bring about the return of the Jews to the promised land.
And the third witness is, and I quote, a certain poor Christian woman who had worked as a maid for Eliazza in his
household. And she is the key witness because yes, if the autopsy on William's body is accurate,
you know, so if he had been gagged, if he had been stabbed with thorns, then there is evidence there
for kind of ritual torture. But it's the
maid who had peeped through a chink of the door, supposedly, who had seen the literally
killer site. And again, I quote Thomas of Monmouth, while these enemies of the Christian
name were rioting in the spirit of malignity around the boy, some of those present had
judged him to be fixed to a cross in mockery of the Lord's passion. As though they would say, even as we condemn the Christ to a shameful death, so let us condemn the
Christian so that uniting the Lord and his servant in a like punishment, we may retort
upon them the pain of that reproach which they impute to us." So what is being done
there? William is being tortured in the way that Christ had been tortured. It's a
very, very specific anti-Christian form of death. And the people responsible for it,
according to this maid, and therefore by extension the Bishop of Norwich and Thomas of Monmouth,
who is reporting all this, it's not just Eliezer who's the guilty party, it's all the Jews of Norwich and by extension
every Jew who lives in Christendom.
The implication is that they are all doing this.
So now I suppose you can see why Stephen abandons the trial in such a cack-handed way because
on the one hand, you know, he has decent relations with the Jews of England, right?
So he doesn't want to endorse these
mad conspiracy theories. And yet at the same time, he can't ignore them, I suppose, or
can't just dismiss them, because there's a kind of populist enthusiasm for them. Is that
what he's worried about? That the people will say, oh, he's a friend of the Jews, and we've
heard that they're out to kill lots of Christians and blah, blah, blah. So he just thinks, I'll shut this down.
Yeah.
He doesn't want to seem like he's applying two-tier justice, you might say.
Yeah.
Very good.
And so the result of that is that this bloke, Simon De Novas, who's a murderer and has just
killed, because he owed this bloke money, is that basically the, it's pure self-interest.
He killed this bloke that he owed money to and he's got away with it.
But there's another profoundly more momentous consequence of this, which is that William's
status as a martyr is kind of redeemed from oblivion and very powerfully confirmed. But
there are still two further steps which are needed to absolutely consolidate William of
Norwich's elevation to the ranks of the saints. And both very tellingly are set in this year, 1050, that witnesses the two trials in Norwich and London. And both of them involve the same
guy who is none other than Thomas of Monmouth. So that lent Thomas's resting in the monk's
dormitory after matins, and he has a vision. It's a vision of the
founder and first bishop of Norwich Cathedral, a guy called Herbert de la Zinga, and Thomas
describes him as being a man of venerable looks with grey hair, clothed in episcopal
robes that glistened with an incomparable whiteness. And the bishop instructs Thomas
of Monmouth to inform both the bishop and the prior,
so the head of the monastery, that the body of the martyred boy, the martyred 12-year-old William,
who originally had been buried in unconsecrated ground out in Thorpewood, that his relics must
be translated as a matter of urgency into the cathedral itself. And Thomas goes to the bishop, he goes to the prior, he
reveals this spectacular visitation, and they obediently place William of Norwich's relics
inside the cathedral. But the key step that Thomas of Monmouth then takes is to write
a life of the martyr. And this is the very same life that one day will be discovered
by MR James and published. And H.P. Lovecraft, the great American writer of horror stories,
described the quality he found embodied in James' stories as an almost diabolic power
of calling up horror. But I think that nothing that James ever wrote could begin to compare with
the diabolic power of the life and miracles of St. William of Norwich, which Thomas of Monmouth
wrote, nor with the horror of its enduring impact. Because although it's barely remembered today,
although there was only the single copy
that M.R. James found,
you could argue that this is one of the most influential
texts ever written in England.
Now, interestingly, its influence on Norwich itself
doesn't seem to have been that profound.
So essentially people in the city don't take
this boy martyr to their heart. So to quote
EM Rose, the hard-headed Norwich merchants, artisans and aristocracy were not persuaded
of William's sanctity. And Thomas of Monmouth, who's very much the guy in charge of the branding,
is absolutely irate by this. He records all kinds of details about how people just laughed
at him. And I guess that they're laughing at him because you would imagine that people
with local knowledge are much better qualified than outsiders to evaluate the degree of fabrication
that has gone on. And I guess that most people in Norwich would probably have thought that
there's nothing really that can be said with any certainty about the fate of the
poor boy who died beyond that he had died too young and that his body had been found in thought
wood and everything else. So the issue of how exactly he was wounded, where he was found,
everything else is essentially kind of supposition. And so I think that that's why people are skeptical and a bit embarrassed about it,
I think, in Norwich.
But the problem is, is that further afield, where people don't have that local context,
the influence of Thomas's story very rapidly proves to be devastating.
And what he has done is to provide essentially the building blocks for a story that can just
be kind of endlessly recycled. So over the decades and the centuries that follow, the
elements that feature in Thomas of Monmouth's account of William's murder are kind of recycled
and recycled over and over again. So you get the innocent child who is brutally, ritualistically put to death. You
have the presentation of Jews not as individuals, but as kind of malevolent archetypes. And
these archetypes are reaching back to Herod, to Cain, to Judas, to the crowds who were
called on pilot to execute Christ. And just as these are in the Bible are sinister archetypes, so you
have the sense that these archetypes are enduring into the present day. And you have the figure
of the distraught mother looking for her child, the inquisitive maidservant who is always
looking through the keyhole at these terrible murders, the perfume quality of the martyr's corpse,
the miracles performed by his relics, although actually in Thomas of Monmouth's account,
the miracles are brilliant. I mean, they're nothing incredible. And also interestingly,
they don't relate to the Jews. So they are, you know, you've got an ingrown toenail, you go,
it's cured. It's that kind of level. They're not miracles that continue to harp on the theme of
kind of Jewish iniquity.
But then you get refinements, don't you, as the story spreads. So even though this is
an age before print, stories can spread very quickly. I suppose you might say it's like
a meme. It's like a meme that spreads, wouldn't you?
So only a few years after Thomas of Monmouth's story has appeared, something similar is being
told about in Blois, where Jews end up being burnt
by the Count of Blois. And of course, the links between Stephen's England and Blois
are very obvious because Stephen is the Count of Blois. So you can see it how it's kind
of spreading.
But it's in Germany that there's a terrible new refinement in Fulda in 1235, right?
Yes, because in Fulda, the bodies of five boys are found on Christmas Day.
And they say that the Jews had murdered these boys not because they were kind of reproducing
the horrors of the crucifixion, but for a different reason, namely to mix the blood
of the children with the Passover unleavened bread.
And obviously, I mean, this is mad.
The whole point is that
Jews don't drink blood. And it's hard to know how and why this particular refinement comes
about. Maybe it's to do with anxieties on the part of Christians themselves around the
idea that they drink Christ's blood.
Yeah, that seems obvious.
I mean, that seems, I think is generally the kind of probably the most popular scholarly explanation for it. But the consequences are terrible. So
in Fulda, 34 Jews again are burned to death. And these stories just keep on happening and
happening and happening. Even though the notion of Jews torturing children to death, whether
to replicate the crucifixion or to mix their
blood with unleavened bread, is condemned very explicitly as a libel, first by an imperial
commission in Germany, and then in 1253 by the papacy itself.
But that begins to change, doesn't it? Because soon even the authorities, the secular authorities
who previously have by and large tried to protect their Jewish populations, they give
in to the kind of conspiracy theory, into the sort of populist outrage, and they start
to join in the persecutions.
They do. So in 1255, which is only two years after the papacy has officially condemned
the blood libel, a terrible discovery is made in Lincoln and again it features a murdered child, so a small boy named Hugh is found at the bottom of a well and
90 Jews are arrested for the boy's murder and this time it's done on the
orders of the King himself, Henry III, who takes them to the Tower of London.
18 are hanged, the murdered boy is entombed in Lincoln Cathedral and hailed
by locals as a martyr and he is kept there as a kind
of you know one of the great saints of Lincoln Cathedral right the way up to the Reformation.
Even though the papacy itself very pointedly refuses to confirm the canonization,
this does not inhibit the growth of the cult of little Saint Hugh as he comes to be called.
You can see the stone base of his shrine in Lincoln Cathedral to this day and there's
now a sort of a statement drafted by kind of the church and local Jewish groups about
you know bigotry and persecution and stuff but it's a reminder of how widespread and
how popular actually this kind of stuff was.
Yeah and by this point even the church itself itself, which in its higher echelons had tried to
stand against this blood libel. By now, church councils, church scholars, even they are starting
to repudiate the notion that Jews and Christians might share a common humanity. So already
in 1215, a Lateran council held by Innocent III, the
most powerful of all the great medieval popes, the guy who had launched the Alpergenzian
Crusade, had ordered Jews at all times to be marked off in the eyes of the public from
other peoples through the character of their clothing. In 1267, sexual relations between
Jews and Christians are banned by the formal decree of another Church Council,
and in 1275 a Franciscan in Germany draws up a law code which makes it a capital offence for Jews and Christians to have sexual relations.
And in 1290, Edward I, so he's the son of Henry III, the King of England, he pushes the logic of this, you know, this baneful trend, I guess, to its kind of ultimate conclusion,
when he orders all the Jews in England to leave for good, and they will not return until
the time of Oliver Cromwell. So I guess you could say that in that sense, even though
the people of Norwich laughed at Thomas of Monmouth for promoting William as a saint,
it's Thomas of Monmouth who has the last kind
of sinister laugh. Yeah, the last baneful laugh.
And so his book, That Life of William of Norwich, that's what we began with. You know, the title
sounds very boring, but actually you could argue it is one of the most sinister, poisonous
and influential texts ever published in England.
Yeah, because the blood libel continues to be repeated even to this day.
All right. Well, what a chilling and instructive story, Tom. Thank you very much. We will see
you next time for something hopefully a little bit more cheerful. Bye bye.
Bye bye.