The Tucker Carlson Show - RFK Jr. Provides an Update on His Mission to End Skyrocketing Autism and Declassifying Kennedy Files
Episode Date: June 30, 2025Twenty years ago, Bobby Kennedy was exiled from polite society for suggesting a link between autism and vaccines. Now he’s a cabinet secretary, and still saying it. (00:00) The Organized Oppositi...on to RFK’s Mission (06:46) Uncovering the Reason for Skyrocketing Rates of Autism (13:41) How Big Pharma Enslaves Doctors and Profits off Sickness (28:22) Is It Possible to End the Corrupt Relationship Between Big Pharma and Corporate Media? (35:35) Will RFK End Vaccine Company’s Lawsuits Immunity? (57:47) Did the Covid Vaccine Kill More People Than It Saved? Paid partnerships with: Masa Chips: Get 25% off with code TUCKER at https://masachips.com/tucker Levels: Get 2 free months on annual membership at https://Levels.Link/Tucker MeriwetherFarms: Visit https://MeriwetherFarms.com/Tucker and use code TUCKER76 for 15% off your first order. Eight Sleep: Get $350 off the new Pod 5 Ultra at https://EightSleep.com/Tucker Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
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We think you for doing this.
I remember the night that Trump won talking to people in Washington and their doomsday
scenario, the thing that they feared more than North Korea getting the bomb was you becoming
Secretary of Health and Human Services. They really were afraid because they felt it was a threat not just
to them but to the whole business of the city and I think a lot, I mean
there's a reason they felt that way and they probably still do. So what's that been like?
What's the opposition been like, the organized opposition to your program? Well, you know, the irony is I'm not really getting opposition directly from the
industry. Most of the industry wants things from this department. And we want to get, you know,
we want American industry to profit, the pharmaceutical companies, everything else.
industry to profit, the pharmaceutical companies, everything else. And so, and I think they know that and they know that we're working with them, we're not. They also know they've
been getting away with stuff up till now and that era is over. I get opposition from proxies to the industry. Yes.
And I get, I think the major opposition that I feel
is from the mainstream media and from Democrats,
which is really, that is an interesting phenomenon
because these were people I was friends with my whole life.
And you know, I am not changed and my values have not changed
and the policies that I've been advocating have not changed.
But the party has just a knee-jerk reaction
against anything that is Trump.
And you know that, that you know,
President Trump's in this kind of,
a really paradoxical position where he not only has
completely taken over the Republican Party
and dictates its platform, but he's also dictating
the platform for the Democratic Party.
I've noticed.
Oh, if, you know, if, if, I remember,
I saw this for the first time on NAFTA.
Democrats traditionally were against NAFTA,
and as soon as President Trump came out against NAFTA,
all the Democrats were now for NAFTA.
The Democrats were the anti-war party,
but as soon as he expressed his opposition to the Ukraine war,
they became the war party.
The Democrats traditionally were the biggest critics
of the CIA and the intelligence agencies.
And as soon as President Trump started
complaining about the power of the intelligence
agencies in Washington, they became
bonded with the intelligence agencies to the extent where they had for
the first time in history a former CIA director
speaking at their convention immediately before
Kamala Harris.
They were the party of free speech and they became,
when President Trump started advocating for free speech
and his ability to talk, the shutdowns of him on Twitter
and these other really crazy efforts to suppress
the speech of a former president.
He became a major advocate of free speech
and the Democrats are now openly for censorship.
The Democrat party was the party of women's sports.
My uncle wrote Title IX,
making sure that women had the right to
and had the equal access to the resources that they could play sports.
And the Democratic Party has become the party
that is now the enemy of women's sports.
And you can go on and on with those examples,
but President Trump is literally dictating
the platform of the Democratic Party,
anything that he says they're gonna be against.
And that is also a departure from tradition.
My father was very critical of partisanship.
I remember him telling us when we were kids,
I don't vote for the Democratic Republic,
I vote for the person, whoever's supposed best in the job.
And you know that partisanship by its nature is dishonest
and it is the enemy of democracy.
And that in Washington, George Washington's farewell speech,
he said that, he said he was very frightened
about the rise of the political party
because they would become self-interested
rather than patriotic.
They would become interested in promoting
their own agendas, rather than the agenda of the country.
And he thought that that was a real threat to American democracy and to the end of this
great experiment that we have in democracy.
I remember your first break with the Democratic Party and with personal friends, even members
of your family, was a Rolling Stone piece that you wrote about autism, asking why have autism rates risen?
And you were kind of written out
of police society for doing that.
One of the first things you did as secretary,
I think, tell me if I'm misstating it,
is commissioned a kind of study of autism.
Can you tell us what that is?
What are you seeking to do with that?
Yeah, I mean, you know, the studies,
there are a handful of studies that CDC has generated
on autism.
They were all epidemiological studies.
And they all say what the CDC wanted them to say is they couldn't find a link.
The problem is that the Institute of Medicine, which is part of the National Academy of Sciences, had said
in 2001 that the link between autism vaccine is biologically plausible.
And they were highly critical of the way that CDC was making decisions about the vaccine schedule that it was, you know, this group ASIP, which is an external panel,
which has the responsibility of deciding
which new vaccines will be added to the schedule.
They had essentially been captured by industry,
the people who serve on that panel,
almost all of them have financial entanglements with the industry.
And the Institute of Medicine recommended a litany, a retinue of studies, including
animal models, observational studies, bench studies, and epidemiological studies.
They said you need this whole rent node
to answer this question.
CDC never did those.
Instead it commissioned the creation
of these six epidemiological studies
and none of them does what, all of them are,
they use fraudulent techniques.
They say statistics don't lie, but statisticians do.
And epidemiological studies are very easy to manipulate.
But none of those studies did what you would do
if you wanted to find the answer,
which is to compare outcomes in a fully vaccinated group
to health outcomes in an unvaccinated group.
And CDC did that study in 1999.
They brought in a team of scientists
under a Belgian researcher named Thomas Verstraten.
And they looked at the data,
they looked at children who had received
the hepatitis vaccine within their first 30 days of life
and compare those children to children who had received
the vaccine later were not at all.
And they found an 11, 135% elevated risk of autism
among the vaccinated children.
And it shocked them, they kept the study secret
and they manipulated it through five different iterations
to try to bury the link.
And we know how they did it,
they got rid of all the older children essentially
and just had younger children
who were too young to be diagnosed.
And they stratified the data
and they did a lot of other tricks.
And all of those studies were the subject of that kind of trickery.
And so what we're going to do now, and meanwhile the external literature is showing
over a hundred studies that indicate that there is a link. But what we're gonna do now is we're going to do
all the kind of studies that the Institute of Medicine
originally recommended.
And we're gonna do observational studies,
retrospective studies, and epidemiological studies.
We're gonna do real science.
And the way that we're gonna do that
is we're gonna make the databases public for the first time.
We've gone into CDC.
We've gotten the data from CMS, which is Medicaid and Medicare.
We're getting the data from the Vaccine Safety Data Link,
which is the biggest repository for HMO health records.
So those records would have all the records of vaccination
and then the subsequent health claims.
And you can do a cluster analysis
and look and see if there's an association.
And we're gonna do some in-house studies ourselves.
But more importantly, we're gonna make this data
available for independent scientists
so everybody can look at it.
And then we have already put out
requests, grant requests,
the general scientific communities
so that any scientists with credentials
can apply for a grant and tell us
how they wanna go about studying these.
And so we're gonna to get real studies done
for the first time.
And we should have some answers by September,
some initial indicator answers.
And then it'll take over the next six months,
these large studies by independent scientists
all over the world.
We anticipate there'll probably be about 15 different
major teams who are all trying to answer this question. And within six months, we'll have definitive
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independence. Learn how at fuelingourfuture.us. And is it your expectation that those answers will differ from the kind of status quo understanding?
I think they will.
You know, my opinion, I always tell people is irrelevant.
We you know, people, we need to stop trusting the experts, right?
We were told at the beginning of COVID,
don't look at any data yourself, don't do any investigation yourself,
just trust the experts.
And trusting the experts is not a feature of science,
it's not a feature of democracy,
and it's a feature of religion,
and it's a feature of totalitarianism.
In democracies we have the obligation, and it's one of the burdens of citizenship, to
do our own research and make our own determinations about things.
Mothers, when they go shopping, they don't trust the advertising.
A good mother does not trust the advertising.
They don't trust what they hear.
They do their own research,
and it's a much harder way to live.
But that is one of the burdens of living in a democracy
is that we do our own research,
we make up our own minds,
and that's the way it should be done.
And we're gonna give people gold standard science.
We're gonna publish our protocols in advance. We're going to tell people what we're gonna give people gold standard science, we're gonna publish our protocols in advance,
we're going to tell people what we're doing,
and then we're going to use data,
and we're gonna publish the peer reviews,
which is never published by CDC studies,
we're gonna publish any time that we can, the raw data,
and then we're going to publish any time that we can the raw data, and then we're going to require
replication of every study, which never happens at NIH now.
That's something new that we're bringing in, is that every study will be replicated.
I thought that was like a basic precept of science.
We can't know something unless the experiment showing it can be replicated, right?
Yeah, that is a basic precept of science.
And unfortunately, it has the kind of science
that was done by NIH, you know,
and NIH was the gold standard agency when I was a kid.
But they stopped doing that.
And it incentivized a lot of cheating.
And the reason it incentivizes cheating is that
if you're a scientist, your career depends
on how much you publish.
And so if you have a hypothesis and you say,
this is my hypothesis, this is the study that I wanna do,
and you get a grant from NIH,
and the hypothesis turns out to be wrong.
The science does not support it.
A lot of times you cannot get that study published.
That's science, it's science when you,
a null hypothesis is science and it oughta be published, that's science. It's science when you, you know, a null hypothesis
is science and it ought to be published,
but the journals won't do it.
And also the journals won't publish anything
that is critical of vaccines.
They just won't, they won't do it because
there's so much pressure on them.
They're funded by the pharmaceutical companies
and they'll lose advertising,
they'll lose revenue from reprints if they don't do that.
So even Marcia Engel, who is a long time,
I think 25 years at the New England Journal of Medicine,
she said, you can't believe anything
that's in the scientific journals anymore.
Richard Horton, who's the longtime editor of Lancet,
is the same thing.
He says, we've become propaganda vessels
for the pharmaceutical companies.
And the pharmaceutical company,
now you have to pay to get something
published in these journals.
And so the pharmaceutical companies pay for something.
They give a, you know, they hire these,
you know, these mercenary scientists,
we call them byostitudes,
to do a study that will validate their product
and, you know, say that this statin drug works
against heart attacks and they'll mess with the data
because they want it published,
they're being paid by the pharmaceutical companies.
And then once it's published,
the journal will make available preprints.
The preprint is a little, like a little magazine
with the logo of the Lancet on the front.
And it has that one article that says,
this statin drug works or this SSRI works.
And then they have tens of thousands of pharmaceutical
reps who will take those journal articles and go to
every doctor's office in the country and say, you know,
and they're usually, let me put it this way,
hot-looking women or, you know, and they'll go take
the doctor out to lunch.
They'll say, you know, why don't you start prescribing
this drug? And they'll incentivize the doctor in all lunch. They'll say, you know, why don't you start prescribing this drug?
And they'll incentivize the doctor
in all kinds of ways to do that.
And so the doctors also have their own incentives,
you know, perverse incentives.
There's a published article out there now
that says that 50% of revenues to most pediatricians
come from vaccines.
And then there's a whole structure where Blue Cross
and the other insurance companies pay bonuses
to the pediatrician to make sure,
if for example, 95% of their,
if their clients are fully vaccinated,
they get a huge bonus.
It could be tens of thousands of dollars.
And that's why you're a pediatrician.
If you say, I wanna go slow on the vaccines
or I wanna have a little different schedule,
your pediatrician will throw you out of his practice
because you're now jeopardizing that bonus structure.
And these are all perverse incentives
that stop doctors from actually practicing medicine
and caring for the client
because they're looking at the bottom line.
20 years ago, 20% of the doctors in this country
worked for corporations.
Today, 80% do.
And that corporation is telling you, you know, we don't care what happens to your patient.
We care about how much revenue you're generating.
And you know, these doctors are coming out of medical schools with ginormous bills that
will bankrupt them if they don't have a job.
And so they're under tremendous pressure just to keep generating those funds
and the whole system as you know,
it's just a bundle of perverse incentives
that where everybody is making money by keeping us sick,
and I'm not saying that's deliberate or purposeful
or planned in any way, it's just the incentive system
that everybody makes money.
The insurance companies make money if you're sick,
ironically, they make more money if the population is sick.
And that may seem counterintuitive to people.
And a guy said to me once who worked for AIG,
one of the big insurance companies, he said,
I said, I wanna go with some data to AIG
and show them that what they're doing is actually,
I can show them on paper,
what they're doing is actually making their people sicker.
And they're the one group that you would think
would want healthy people because they'd have to pay out less.
And this guy said to me, think of it this way,
if you're Lloyds of London
and you insure all the shipping in the world,
is it better for you if one ship sinks a year
or if 500 sink a year?
And I would say, I said to him,
it's better if only one sinks.
He said, no, it's better if 500 sink
because then everybody has to get insurance.
And what the insurance companies are collecting money
and money is friction.
Oh, they're taking a cut of the revenues
that come through them.
The more people that buy insurance,
it doesn't matter what the claims are.
If the claims are high, they just raise their premiums.
And it's the amount of money that flows in the system
that gives them money.
So they're making money that way.
The doctors are making money from keeping us sick.
The hospitals are making money from keeping us sick.
The pharmaceutical companies are making money from keeping us sick. The pharmaceutical companies are making money
from keeping us sick.
So every level of the system is incentivized financially
no matter what your intention is as a doctor.
If you're a doctor, of course you don't want sick patients.
But there's tremendous pressure from every angle
of the system to actually, you know, to keep us all sick.
And we're now the sickest nation in the world.
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One of the reasons that there hasn't been much of a discussion, you said there were
signals in 1999 that there was a connection between autism and vaccines.
The response from the American media was just to throw you out, take away your New York
Times presence, ban you from Rolling Stone, etc., attack you as a Nazi.
You made the point years later
that the reason that happened
was because pharmaceutical companies
are the single biggest source of revenue
for a lot of media companies
and they're buying the protection with that money.
And that's another perverse incentive, right?
Absolutely.
I think we're one of only two countries in the world
that allow that.
Can that be stopped?
in the world that allow that, can that be stopped?
That's a question that we are looking at right now.
There's a bad Supreme Court case from a couple of years ago that essentially anointed pharmaceutical advertising
with First Amendment protection.
There, the First Amendment protects political speeches.
Oh, if you have, if you're saying something, you know,
political, you should have absolute protection
under the First Amendment.
If commercial speech has a lower level of protection,
if commercial speech has a lower level of protection,
and the pharmaceutical advertising was regulated
as commercial speech, and it was until 1990, really around 1992,
it was, you didn't see pharmaceutical advertisements,
there was no direct to consumer advertising on TV,
and after that, and then there were more changes made in 1997, that's when it became, you know,
it exploded.
And today, Roger Ailes, who both you and I knew, you know, I had this very Roger Ailes
for your audience who doesn't know him, which I think most of them do,
was the founder of Fox News. And I had this odd relationship with him
because politically we were at loggerheads,
but I had spent, when I was 19 years old,
I spent three months with him in a tent in Africa.
And I, and we developed a friendship then,
and as you know, he was very, you know, he was a very engaging guy.
He was very witty, really fun to be with.
Very paranoid, but at the same time brilliant.
Yes.
And so he was very kind to me.
He was a very loyal friend to me,
and he would make Sean Hannity and Bill O'Reilly
and Neil Cavuto and all the other hosts,
your former colleagues, put me on TV
to talk about the environment,
even though he didn't agree with me on it,
he made them put me on.
So during the 80s and 90s,
I was the only environmentalist who was going on Fox News.
But I brought him one time this,
I think it was like 2014,
I brought him a documentary that we had done
about mercury and vaccines.
And he had, he watched it, he was completely sold on it.
He had a family member who had been affected, he felt.
And he said, I can't put you on because if I did,
if any of my hosts allowed you on to talk about this issue,
I would have to fire them and if I didn't,
I would get a call from Rupert within 10 minutes.
And he said, for the evening news division,
about 75% of the advertising revenues are coming from pharma.
And then he told me something that,
if I remember it correctly, he said that
on a typical evening news show, there are 22 ads,
and 17 of those are pharmaceutical ads.
And so this was the principal source of revenue.
And for a lot of these television networks,
it's keeping them alive.
As you know, they're all kind of collapsing financially.
Collapsing due to lack of popular demand
for their presence. Right.
So could you end that?
Do you have the authority as the Secretary
of Health and Human Services to say
no more farm ads on television?
Well, you know, a lot of the pharmaceutical ads
are misleading.
Yeah.
And even the music and the video, the photos
or that they show the scenes that they show,
that's kind of speech and it's misleading.
It's sending a message.
And if you take this drug,
you're gonna be riding jet-strips skis
and playing volleyball and water skiing.
Have a great looking spouse.
Right.
And the side effects meanwhile are rolling at 80 miles an hour and that's misleading.
And so one of the things that we're looking at is making them be more honest
about what they show.
So that the public is, you know,
and you know, this form of advertising
is insidious for a number of reasons.
That's why they don't allow it anywhere else in the world.
New Zealand has a very, very limited allowance
of direct to consumer advertising,
very, very highly controlled compared to us, it's nothing.
People who come over here from England or Europe
and watch our TV are shocked by what they're seeing on it.
And it's insidious because of this.
The pharmaceutical advertisers are advertising
the most expensive version of every drug.
They're not gonna advertise the generics
because they're not making any money.
So they're advertising the ones that are the highest profit
margins for them.
And normally if you see an advertisement on TV,
like for Coca-Cola, you then have a choice to go get that
and then you're paying out of your pocket for it.
When somebody buys a pharmaceutical drug,
it's Medicaid and Medicare that are paying for it.
With us, it's the taxpayer.
So they're advertising something to the consumer
when the consumer has no skin in the game.
And then the consumer, and we're paying for the ads
because they're tax deductible. So we're paying for the ads because they're tax deductible.
So we're paying for them to advertise,
and the advertisements are getting people to buy drugs
that may be ineffective, that may be the least effective drug
of the ones that are available.
And then they go to their physician.
The physician is told by his boss,
who's the corporate bean counter,
you have 11 minutes with each patient, and that's it.
And the physician then can spend that 11 minutes
trying to talk the patient out of something that they want,
and then the patient's gonna go away unsatisfied.
Or the physician could just say,
all right, you want this prescription,
I'll write it for you.
And then, you know, that patient is then gonna come back
because he's happy.
The doctors hate it.
The American Medical Association has been against it
for, you know, for 30 years.
And nobody thinks that this is good for public health.
It is hurting us and it's distorting the markets.
And it is not, you can't even call it a free market
because everything's paid for by the federal government.
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So if, and starting in September,
when we start to see the results of the analysis
of these massive data sets
that you're putting out there in public,
and if it becomes clear that there is a connection
between autism and vaccines, vaccines the
government promoted in some cases effectively required, that's a tort.
That means there are a lot of injured people who can now show they were injured by this
product.
How were they made whole?
What happens to them?
Well, that's going to be complicated because in 1986, Congress passed an act, the Vaccine Act, the National Vaccine
Injury Compensation Program, and they gave the vaccine companies immunity from liability.
So no matter how reckless the company is, no matter how toxic the product,
no matter how egregious your injury, you cannot sue them.
And that's one of the problems.
And that actually is why we, one of the reasons
we had this explosion in the vaccination program.
You know, when I was a kid, we only had three vaccines.
And by 1986, the year the act was passed,
there were 11 doses of, I think, five vaccines.
And today there are a child to go to school
in states like California
and New York and many other states where you have mandates,
an American child now has to receive
between 69 and 92 vaccines, between conception,
so some of those are given to the mom during pregnancy
and age 18.
And the reason it's 69 to 82
is some of the vaccines have,
the different brands have different dose requirements.
So some will require three doses,
some will require one dose, some will require four doses.
But that's a lot of vaccines for a kid.
And each one of those is calculated,
is designed to permanently alter your immune system.
And so we have now this epidemic of immune dysregulation
in our country, you know,
and there's no way to rule out vaccines
as one of the key culprits.
And if you look at all of these diseases
that have become epidemic, diabetes, rheumatoid arthritis,
all of these seizure disorders,
the neurological disorders like ADD, ADHD,
speech delay, language delay, tics, Tourette syndrome,
narcolepsy, ASD, autism, all the diseases.
UNN, I never saw when we were kids.
And suddenly, this generation is damaged,
is incredibly damaged by all these disease.
The autoimmune diseases like diabetes,
rheumatoid arthritis, the allergic disease
like peanut allergies, anaphylaxis, eczema.
Did you ever know anybody with eczema?
No.
Right, so, and now it's ubiquitous in every classroom.
And all of those injuries are listed as side effects
on the manufacturer's inserts of those products.
Oh, we would be, have to be blind
to not say we have to look at this as a potential culprit.
We have to do the studies that the Institute of Medicine
has been telling the CDC to do for 25 years.
The Institute of Medicine told old CDC in 2013,
there are 158 injuries
that aren't suspected to be vaccine injuries.
Only 38 of those have been studied
and almost most of those, it was positive.
It was, yeah, this is a vaccine injury.
The other 120, whatever, and I'm not doing the math,
but the others have never been studied.
CDC's job is to study them, and yet it never studied them.
And that was purposeful.
And I'm not saying that out of speculation.
I'm saying that because I've seen the emails.
And CDC deliberately derailed any study on that. And if somebody does, independent
scientist does do a study, they can't get it published. The scientific publishers will
not publish a study that is critical of vaccine. So we need to change that taboo. And that's
one of the things Jay Bhattacharya is doing at NIH is we're gonna remove the taboo about talking about this issue and
we're gonna be honest with the American public. It's pretty clear from the VAERS
the self-reporting vaccine injury system federal system that vaccine injuries
with the COVID Vax like jumped you know to multiples of what had been reported before.
There were more injuries reported from theirs by the COVID vaccine than all other vaccines
put together for the past 36 years.
And I'll tell you something else. There's a lot of people out there who say,
this is part of the consensus.
You'll see this on every mainstream,
Anderson Cooper, Jake Tapper, all of these guys,
they again and again, that the link between autism vaccines
has been debunked, right?
It's been studied.
But those studies that I was talking about earlier,
the epidemiological studies,
they only looked at one vaccine, the MMR,
and one ingredient, thimerosal.
None of the vaccines that are administered to children
during the first six months of life have ever been studied
for autism.
In fact, the Institute of Medicine said that they looked at this issue, you know, has it
been debunked?
And they said, no, these studies have never been done on the vaccines that are the most
likely culprit, which is, you know, D-tab, AB, IAB, the pneumococcal, the vaccines group in the
first six months, none of them.
He said the only one that has ever been studied is DTAP, which is diphtheria, tetanus, and
brittosis.
And they said that the one study that was done showed that, yeah, there was a link with
autism. The one study that was done showed that, yeah, there was a link with autism, but we're not
going to count that study because it was based on the VAERS system, which is CDC's only surveillance
system. And they said that system is too unreliable. So what they were saying, the Institute of
Medicine, which is part of the National Academy of Sciences, said that the only system that the CDC has to study vaccine injury
is so bad that any study done on it,
we're not gonna count.
I'll tell you something else.
David Kessler, who is a very famous surgeon general,
who you remember, and many, many, many other people
have said that their system does not work and you
need a new system.
So in 2010, CDC designed a new system and it was a machine counting system.
The problem with VAERS, with the Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System, is that it's voluntary.
Yes. And so the doctor has to, if he sees a vaccine injury,
he's required to report it to VAERS.
But there's no penalty if he doesn't.
It takes him a half an hour to fill out the paperwork.
So there's a big incentive for him not to do it.
There's another incentive though.
He doesn't know if something is a vaccine injury.
If you get a vaccine and then four years later,
you come in with a food allergy, how do you know?
Will any doctor in the world say that's a vaccine injury?
Or seizure disorders?
And the other thing, so they don't know what to look for.
They've never been taught that at medical school.
There's no course on vaccine injury in medical school,
in any medical school in this country.
And then the other thing is he has a big emotional incentive
because he told that mom to give that child that vaccine.
And if the child has a seizure three weeks later
and she comes back and she says,
I think it might be the vaccine,
a lot of doctors will say, no, that's normal for that age.
And they're not gonna call it into bears.
So CDC designed a machine counting system
that would do essentially cluster analysis.
They would look at the vaccine
and then they would look at clusters of injuries that were unique
or anomalous to that vaccine.
And it was a very accurate system according to the,
you know, the group that designed it.
It was a team led by a guy called Lazarus.
And CDC paid for the whole thing, millions of dollars.
And it was a long-term study and they looked at one HMO,
which was Harvard Pilgrim up in Massachusetts,
and they did this machine counting system
for Harvard Pilgrim, and then they compared
what the machine counting system had gotten,
had yielded and collected in terms of vaccine injuries,
and they compared that to what VAERS had collected
during the same period at Harvard Pilgrim.
And they said that VAERS was capturing
fewer than 1% of vaccine injuries.
And they had a system now that would capture over 95%.
And they were very proud and they brought it to CDC
and said, our system works, here's the data.
The data showed injuries in about 2.7% of vaccines.
Of all vaccines?
Yeah, all vaccines, about 2.7%.
Wow.
Which I think is something like one out of every 37 vaccines
you get, there's an injury.
And CDC saw that and said, we're not going to use the system.
And they shelved it in 2010.
And they've continued to use VAERS now for 22 years,
when they know that it doesn't work.
When they know it is designed to fail.
We're going to absolutely change VAERS and we're going to make it,
we're going to create either within VAERS
or supplementary to VAERS, a system that actually works.
And right now, even that system is antiquated
because we have access to AI.
And one of the, you know, we are creating here
at HHS an AI revolution.
We've been able to attract the top people
from Silicon Valley.
People have walked away from billion dollar businesses
and they don't want prestige, they don't want position,
they don't want power, they want to change.
They want to make the system work.
And we're going to, we are at the cutting edge of AI, we're implementing it in all
of our departments.
At FDA, we're accelerating drug approvals so that you don't need to use primates or
even animal models.
You can do the drug approvals very, very quickly with AI.
And we're also implementing it at CMS
to detect waste, abuse, and fraud,
which is, it's extraordinary at that.
But we're also gonna use it at CDC
and throughout our system
to look at the mega data that we have
and be able to make really good decisions
about interventions.
For example, if you look at the population as a whole
and say, okay, we're using three different diabetes drugs
or five different statin drugs
or all these SSRIs and others, you can then look drug by
drug and you can tell on the population whether it's working or not and which one is giving
you the best bang for the buck and which one has the most side effects.
We have a potential now to use AI in ways that are going to revolutionize medicine.
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What about all the people who are injured by the COVID Vax?
There are a lot of them, I know a lot of them.
Some died, some were permanently disabled.
Nobody seems to care, you never hear about them
and they don't seem to be getting any help.
Will that change?
Yeah, that's gonna change.
I mean, as I said, the big impediment is
the 1986 Vaccine Act.
And so it's complicated about how we fix this,
so that we can get compensation to those people.
We just brought a guy in this week
who's going to be
revolutionizing the vaccine injury compensation program,
which is a program that was, you know,
when Congress passed the Vaccine Act
and gave immunity from liability to vaccine companies,
it recognized that vaccines were in the word of the,
in the description, the characterization
of the American Academy of Pediatrics
were unavoidably unsafe.
And some people, like for every medicine,
some people are gonna be injured and killed.
And so it set up a program that's in the federal
government called the vaccine courts and they have a trust
fund. The trust fund is endowed by a 75% surcharge on
every vaccine.
And that program is supposed to, there's supposed to be a
vaccine court that's supposed to be generous and fast
and give the tie to the runner.
In other words, if there's doubts about, you know,
whether somebody's injury came from vaccine or not,
you're gonna assume they got it and compensate them.
And it's paid out over $5 billion now
to about 12,000 people.
And we're looking at ways to enlarge that program
so that COVID vaccine-injured people can be compensated.
And we're changing the program so that, you know,
we're looking at ways to enlarge the statute of limitation.
It was only three years.
A lot of people don't discover their injuries after that.
And there's no discovery in that program.
There's no rules of evidence.
The program has devolved into lawyers from the justice.
You're not suing the vaccine company.
You're petitioning my agency,
and it's represented traditionally
by the Department of Justice,
and the lawyers in the Department of Justice,
the leaders of it were corrupt,
and they saw their job as protecting the trust fund
rather than taking care of people
who made this national sacrifice.
And we're gonna change all that. And I've brought in a team this week that is starting
to work on that this week. So, you know, that's one of the things we're doing,
but we're looking at everything. What's the status of the COVID
facts now? Who gets it? What are the recommendations? And why?
The recommendations now are that children under 18
are not recommended to get the vaccine, but they can get it if they want.
It's through a joint consultation with their physician.
Oh, it's available to them.
There's a new version of the COVID vaccine
that just came out that was approved by FDA
and that vaccine is going to actually
do real clinical trials.
So, and it's being given to people who are 65 years older
or have profound comorbidities.
But the agreement with the company is that everybody
who takes it will be part of a clinical trial.
So we'll actually get some real data.
And as you know, there was just data chaos
with the other vaccine.
In fact, the Pfizer vaccine, when it came out,
The Pfizer vaccine, when it came out,
it had a higher all-cause mortality. So more people died in the placebo group.
I mean, more people died in the vaccine group
than in the placebo group.
I had 20,000 people who got the vaccine, 20,000 who didn't.
And after six months, they looked at it
and there was 23% more deaths in the vaccinated group
from all causes than in the placebo group.
And the efficacy was kind of dubious because-
Oh, well, yeah.
There was only two people who died from COVID
in the placebo group.
And there was one person who died from COVID in the vaccine group. And there was one person who died from COVID
in the vaccine group.
And that's the whole data set they were looking at.
And so they said, you remember they were saying
the vaccine is 100% effective?
Well, that's why they were saying it,
because there was two is 100% of one, right?
100% larger than one.
So that's what they had, but what they were telling the American people is 100% of one, right? 100% larger than one. So that, but that's what they had,
but what they were telling the American people
is 100% effective.
And that, when people heard that,
they thought if you get the vaccine, you can't get COVID,
which of course now we realize,
now everybody realizes was wrong,
because everybody got COVID,
whether they got the vaccine or not.
And you know, what they really should have been telling people
is that in order to prevent one death from COVID,
you had to give 19,999 vaccines.
If any of those vaccines were killing people,
you would cancel out the effect of, you know,
the beneficial effect.
Do you think the COVID, I mean, net,
net as we say in business, just kidding,
do you think overall the COVID vaccines
killed more than it saved?
My opinion about that is irrelevant.
What we're gonna try to do is make that science available
so the public can look at the science.
And I would not say one way or the other.
And the truth is I don't know.
The reason I don't know is because
the studies that were done by my agency were substandard
and they were not designed to answer that question.
And there's been a lot of obfuscation
about covering up, as you know,
about suppressing any kind of discussion of vaccine injuries.
I mean, Mark Zuckerberg publicly said that he was ordered
by the White House to suppress anybody on his platform,
on Facebook or Instagram who mentioned vaccine injuries.
Oh, he was ordered by the Biden administration to,
and he said, you know, he said, I was stunned.
I was being ordered by the federal government to deny facts.
And anybody can look him up on YouTube saying that.
So, and we know that too,
because I sued the Biden administration
and we got all this discovery documents
that showed that he was,
that 37 hours after he took the oath of office,
swearing to uphold the constitution,
he opened up a group in the White House
who were, whose job it was to suppress any dissent
about this government policy.
And I was the first person that they went after.
37 hours after he took that oath,
they were telling Facebook to take me off of Instagram,
which Facebook did.
I had almost a million followers
and there was no vaccine misinformation on there.
I asked Facebook again and again,
show me one fact I got wrong.
Everything I put on there that was vaccine related
was cited and sourced to government databases
or to peer reviewed publications.
But they were, it was not,
it wasn't misinformation.
The word, in fact, they had to invent a new word,
which is because Facebook was saying to the White House,
this isn't misinformation, it's actually true.
And the White House said, well, it's malinformation.
Oh, malinformation, this is an Orwellian kind of construct.
And malinformation is information that is factually true,
but it is nevertheless inconvenient for the government.
And they just said, all the people who are now running
this agency were censored.
J. Bhattacharya was censored, Marty McCary was censored. Dr. Oz was censored. Vinay Prasad was censored. We were all
censored. I was censored. I remember well. What's the status of the COVID vaccine pregnant women?
The recommendation has been removed now for pregnant women.
Are you satisfied that mRNA technology is safe for people?
I'm not satisfied.
You know, again, you know, my opinion about that is irrelevant, but we will be doing those
studies and I would say there's a lot of skepticism in this agency about mRNA vaccines.
You know, about mRNA technology, about the status of it now,
about whether it's safe.
And we do not, the safety studies simply have not been done,
but there is enough anecdotal reports of people
getting profound injuries that may or may not
be associated with it,
and we're gonna answer those questions.
What happened with the vaccine board?
I keep reading you fired all these eminent scientists
on the vaccine board.
Yeah, I fired all these what?
All these important, highly credentialed scientists.
Yeah.
Well, we fired that board because they were,
it was utterly, it was just an instrument,
it was a sock puppet for the industry
that it was supposed to regulate.
So, you know, they, in fact, you know,
and this was a long time coming, Tucker.
In 2002, the Government Oversight Committee
and the United States Congress held hearings
about that board, which is called
ASEP Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices.
And they said that 97% of the people on that board
had undisclosed conflicts.
Many of them had disclosed conflicts as well.
many of them had disclosed conflicts as well. But they said that, Congress said that,
it gave an example, it said the rotavirus vaccine
was approved by that board.
And there were five members of that board at that time
and four of them had direct financial interests
in the rotavirus vaccine.
And they were working for the companies
that made the vaccine,
or they were receiving grants to do clinical trials
on that vaccine.
They all had overwhelming financial interests.
One of the people on that board was a guy called Paul Offit,
and who is one of the big voices for vaccines.
CNN goes to him all the time when it wants to know about vaccines.
He voted to add the rotavirus vaccine to the schedule.
When he had a rotavirus vaccine in development,
because it's now on the schedule,
his developing vaccine is virtually guaranteed
to get on the schedule.
It's a competitive product,
but once you say rotavirus vaccine has to be vaccinated for,
his vaccine is now guaranteed to get on the schedule.
The one they voted on that he voted on,
within a year it had to be withdrawn
because it was causing this really disastrous disease
in kids that is often lethal called insusception,
agonizingly painful when your intestines kind of tie up
against each other and it kills children on occasion.
That vaccine was pulled the following year
and his vaccine then replaced him.
He was still on the committee.
He didn't vote on that, but he was still on the committee.
But he voted to make rotavirus vaccine mandatory
for the schedule.
And he, then he and his business partners,
Stanley Plotkin and a couple of other people
sold that vaccine to Merck for $186 million.
He told Newsweek that he won the lottery.
Oh, you know, it's been said of him
that he voted himself rich.
So that, and that kind of conflict
was typical on that committee, but the most.
Did people know this was going on?
That's such an obvious conflict.
The Office of Inspector General in this department
investigated and they said this is a disaster,
you gotta change it.
Congress investigated and said you gotta change it
and they did nothing.
As the most sort of glaring example
of medical malpractice by this group
is that they approved
all these vaccines.
We went from 11 remember to 69 to 92,
11 vaccines in 86 and not one of them had,
except for COVID, COVID is the only one
that had a pre-licensing safety trial
that involved a placebo, a true placebo.
And so all of those other vaccines were ushered in
without safety studies.
And that means nobody understands the risk profile
of those products.
How can you do that?
That's, they did it, it's corruption.
And it's, you know, it's because of agency capture.
It's because the companies that were making these products
had, if you can get your vaccine on the schedule,
it's generally, typically about a billion dollars a year
for your company.
Because you now have a trap market.
You have a-
With no downside, no, you've got an immediate issue.
First of all, the federal government oftentimes
actually designs the vaccine.
NIH would design it.
It would hand it over to the pharmaceutical company.
The pharmaceutical company then runs it through ACIP.
Runs it first through FDA, then through ACIP
and gets it recommended.
If you can get that recommendation,
you now got a billion dollars in least revenues
by the end of the year, every year, forever.
So there was a gold rush to add new vaccines to the schedule.
And ASM never turned away a single vaccine.
Everyone that came to them, they recommended.
And a lot of these vaccines are for diseases
that are not even casually contagious.
How are you, I mean, they recommended
the hepatitis B vaccine for babies when they're an hour old.
The first day of life, they get that.
And, you know, hepatitis B, if your mother's got it,
you should get it.
And you can pass through maternal transmission.
But every mother that goes to the hospital
in this country is tested for it.
So we know which ones are vulnerable, which aren't.
But the mass vaccination of the entire population,
including well children, this is a disease.
You get through sexual transmission
or you get it from sharing needles.
And particularly it was prevalent among promiscuous gay men.
But a one day old baby has,
the risk to a one day old baby
was one in seven million.
Very few of whom were promiscuous.
Very few of whom are involved in prostitution
or drug addiction.
But it was a financial, they were all financial drivers.
And a lot of the diseases that they target
are not diseases, the vaccine itself
does not prevent transmission.
And so, you know, the justification
for having it mandated is very ephemeral.
And, you know, these are all things that we need to look at.
We wanna protect public health,
but that means protecting against chronic disease too.
And these vaccines have,
there's nobody who will contest that they cause,
that they can cause chronic disease,
chronic injuries that last a lifetime.
So one of the reasons that this system has become so corrupt,
I think it's fair to say, is Anthony Fauci,
one of the longest serving federal employees
who was the subject of one of the bestselling books
of a couple of years ago,
which he wrote the real Anthony Fauci, amazing book.
And all this information about him was exposed to the world
and he gets some sign of cure at Georgetown
and still has Secret Service protection.
He seems to be thriving.
He doesn't have a Secret Service protection.
Any longer?
President Trump took that away from him, but he,
he got immunity.
Why did he need immunity?
Why did he need a pardon in advance?
What do you think the answer is?
I would be speculating, but I think he was vulnerable.
I think he had a lot of liability on creating coronavirus.
You know, he was funding precisely that research
at the Wuhan lab.
And he was giving them the technology.
He was giving them, you know,
he gave them not only the technology,
the precise technology for developing that pathogen
and published about it, by the way.
And the publications credit NIH for financing the studies.
But he also gave them, one of his fundees, Ralph Barak,
from the University of North Carolina,
developed a technique called the seamless ligation technique
which is a technique for hiding the laboratory origins
of a manipulated virus.
So that normally if there's a virus manipulated,
you can look at it, you know,
sought research can look at it,
they can look at the DNA sequences
and they can say this thing was created in a lab.
Ralph Baric had developed a technique
that he called the no-seum technique
and its technical name was seamless ligation.
And it was a way of hiding evidence of human tampering.
What is the public health rationale?
If you were interested in public health,
you would want to be doing the inverse of that.
You would want to be pinning red flags all to it
and say this was created by people.
That's what you would do if you were creating viruses
for biological warfare.
Right, that's right.
And that's another question is why would he give it to the Chinese?
I mean that was a military lab.
It was run by the military.
It's hard to even understand that.
What would be the rationale for doing that?
I try not to look in other people's heads.
I try like in the Fauci book,
I never look in and speculate about what his motives are.
I just say this is what he did.
But I do think that there's,
as among a lot of the people who were doing
that kind of research, the gain of function research,
their big career economic and professional incentives
to break ground, to break new ground and say,
I just, one of his fundees created a avian flu virus,
which can be very deadly to humans
if you can make it
do human to human transition our transmission and he developed one that
could jump to mammals why would you do that you know you're just you're
inviting a catastrophe and they published it and bragged about it. And I think there's this kind of,
this kind of, I don't know whether I would call it
a God complex or something where, you know,
some of the people in that field seem to have
this kind of, get some kind of sense of omnipotence
or something from, you know, developing something that can kill all of humanity
Yes
But I don't know that's that is sheer speculation. That sounds right to me
So it sounds like Fauci is beyond the reach of the law at this point
Yeah
There I think generally unless
Yeah, I think generally unless there was a truth commission,
which they did, as you know, in South Africa, they did it in Central America after the 1980s wars there,
and they were very, very helpful to those societies.
And I think we should probably do something like that now.
And in those cases, what happens is you have a commission
that hears testimony on what exactly happened.
Anybody who comes and volunteers to testify truthfully
is then given immunity from prosecution.
And, but so that at least the public knows who did what yes and
People who are called and don't take that deal and purge themselves
They then can be
They can be prosecuted criminally
We don't have a good track record of revealing the truth in a timely manner
You don't have a good track record of revealing the truth in a timely manner. As you know better than anybody, the president on January 23 issued an executive order ordering
the full declassification of files related to the murder of your uncle, father, and Martin
Luther King.
And you know, we haven't seen all of them yet.
Where is that process? Have your conclusions about any or all of those
three murders changed on the basis of new documents?
No, nothing's changed. I mean, you know, as you know, there's already millions of pages
of documents out there. And I think, you know, in terms of my uncle's death, I think that that ship has sailed.
I don't think anybody who actually is willing to read the evidence now will question the
fact that my uncle was killed by a conspiracy and that, in fact, Congress in 1973,
when the Church Committee looked at it,
I think it was 73, the Church, 75.
Yep.
Church Committee, they said it was conspiracy.
That was the conclusion of the Congress Committee.
So the Warren Committee that was run by Alan Dallas,
who was, you know,
had a lot of reasons to lie and did lie throughout. And in fact, he said at one of the sessions,
yeah, if we were involved in this, we would lie.
Oh, he said that.
And he got himself put on that committee
and he was really,
it should have been called the Dulles Commission,
you know, he said it's a single shooter.
But then, you know, in 75, that was 64,
so 11 years later, Congress investigated
and they had a much larger purview,
they had much more data at that time.
And they said it was a conspiracy.
But since then, there's been a million documents released
and probably 30 people who were involved
in making confessions, including many of the prime actors.
And so I don't think there's any doubt
that my uncle was killed by a conspiracy.
My father is more difficult because we just don't have
the data, it's never been investigated.
And you know, I've been trying to get an investigator.
You know, one of the women who played potentially
a key role in it was a woman called,
a woman in the polka dot dress
who appeared to be Sir Hans Handler.
And that woman is living openly in Tarzana, California.
Nobody's ever talked to her.
And she, you know, people should,
this should be investigated and people should talk to her and, you know,
really investigate the crime.
So, and as you know, and I think I've talked to you
about this before, then my father, you know,
Sirhan was there, there were 77 eyewitnesses
in the kitchen at the time,
and he took two shots of my father.
One of those shots hit Paul Schrade in the head,
and Paul Schrade survived.
And the other one hit the door jam behind my father,
and it was later removed by the LAPD.
And then Sirhan was grabbed by six people,
including Rayford Johnson, Rosie Greer,
Carl O'Rourke, who is the manager of the Ambassador Hotel.
And they turned his gun, they bent him over the steam table
and they turned his gun away from my father.
And it had six more shots in it.
And he emptied the chamber.
So Sirhan, or Rafer told me that Sirhan had superhuman strength.
Sirhan is a little tiny guy.
You know, and I've met him and talked to him.
And he's a very, he's kind of a frail,
I mean, he's frail now because he's older,
but even then he was just a little tiny guy, you know,
and was not particularly strong.
And Rafer said he had superhuman strength
and he could not pry the gun from his hand
and he fired six more shots.
All those shots hit people.
We know what happened every shot in his gun.
And my father was shot by four shots from behind.
One of them passed harmlessly through the shoulder pad
of his, this was Noguchi's autopsy, he said,
through the shoulder pad of his suit.
And all the others were contact shots,
meaning the barrel of the gun was either touching his body
or less than three inches from his body.
The last shot that killed him was behind his left ear.
And that shot, Noguchi says,
was from one to three inches from him.
And Sirhan was never behind him.
Sirhan was always in front of him.
And the guy who almost certainly took those shots
was a security guard who had just gotten his job
within a week before.
And he was a, and my father fell down on him.
My father must have known that he was being shot
because the last thing he did was he turned
and he tore off the clip-on tie from Cesar.
Cesar had him by the left hand
and had steered him into the ambush.
And he had his right hand, he had his right hand,
his gun in his right hand, and he admitted it.
He was seen, you know, my father fell on him.
And he pushed my father off him, he was gun drawn.
And he was, the gun was not taken away from him by the LAPD.
He was in a terrible job, and not only a terrible,
but a malevolent job because they destroyed
2,500 photographs that were taken that night before the trial.
So there were photographs, you know,
2,500 photographs in that kitchen and the ballroom.
And the LAPD collected them and destroyed them all.
And you have to ask why would they do that?
And a lot of the other evidence was also destroyed,
including the door jams and, you, and we have pictures of them,
but we don't have the real thing.
And then they never confiscated the gun from,
from Cesar, and Cesar said that,
oh, I had the gun out because I was gonna shoot at Sirhan.
And so, that should be questioned.
Are there any documents?
And I'll just say this,
that Zain Sazar was working at that time.
His job was working for a Lockheed plant in Los Angeles.
And he had a top security classification
and Lisa Pease who's one of the researchers
and authors who's written extensively about this
went through his background and the only employer
that he ever listed officially in his background
was the CIA.
So there are a lot of questions
and we don't know the answers to them.
I was in contact with Cesar in 2019, 2020,
negotiating with him.
He had moved to the Philippines
and I was trying to see if he would talk to me.
I was gonna go over there and talk to him
and he said, I'll do it for $5,000.
And then when I got close, he said, 10,000.
And he said, 20,000.
Then he said, 30,000.
And then he just said, I'm not gonna meet with you.
Oh, and then he since passed away.
Oh, again, we don't know,
but there are enough kind of flags on it
that you would, you know, that if you were actually
wanted to know answers, you would be asking questions.
And those questions.
Are you confident that, I know there's been some frustration
about getting all the documents relevant
to those three murders, those three assassinations.
Are you confident that all of it will come out
by the end of this time?
I'm confident that President Trump will release anything that he has access to
But you know, I don't expect anything groundbreaking to come from those documents because first of all with my uncle
We've already got everything there may be little things like
You know the calendar for for Bill Harvey who is one of the people who was in the CIA
who is almost certainly involved
and other things like that that would be,
and then more evidence.
I mean, the evidence that came out the last launch,
the New York Times had to finally admit
that Leah Harvey Oswald was a CIA asset,
which they'd been denying for 50 years.
They finally admitted, yeah, he was working for the CIA.
And so, you know, there may be some more validation
of what, you know, he was doing
and how he was recruited, et cetera.
But I don't think it's gonna be anything groundbreaking.
I don't think you need anything groundbreaking.
I think, listen, I was a prosecutor.
If I had to try the case right now,
I guess a number of the people are dead.
I believe I can win and from a jury with it,
just with the evidence that we got.
Yep.
With my dad, it was never investigated
and that was deliberate.
So last question, you left, you were born here,
obviously your father's an attorney general
of the United States when you were young.
He's murdered in 1968, you leave Washington,
you haven't lived here since, you just came back
as secretary, what's it like, what do you notice,
what do you think of it?
Well, you know, I didn't expect to love living in Washington.
When I was a kid, I couldn't wait to get out of Washington.
But you know, my wife is happy here.
We found kind of a community and a neighborhood.
And I love the people that I'm working with at this agency.
It's the most gifted, committed group of people
that I've ever worked with.
And they're immensely talented and committed.
And then I really like the cabinet, I think.
President Trump's cabinet has put together
an extraordinary cabinet.
I'm friends with a number of the people I never thought I'd be friends with, but they're,
you know, I mean, I really, I really get along with Pam Bondi and, and, you know, Cheryl
loves Pam and, and her husband John,
and then I really, and Marco Rubio.
Marco Rubio's the funniest guy in the cabinet.
He says things that make people belly laugh
at every cabinet meeting.
And he's, you know, I always, I never was very,
let's say approving of Marco
because he was kind of a neocon war hawk,
but now he's had this incredible transformation.
And I think he very aligned with me on most issues
on Ukraine, and just the fact that we should not be
the policeman of the world anymore, issues on Ukraine, you know, and just the fact that we should not be the policemen of
the world anymore, that we've got to withdraw from that role.
But I get, I really, you know, Scott Turner's my friend, Sean, you know, and all of them,
I get it.
Linda McMahon,
I get along, you know, one of the things with President Trump
is that he really knows how to pick talent,
and he, and I'm not talking about me,
but the other people on there,
when you sit in those cabinet meetings,
and every one of those people is incredibly erudite and just fluid in the way
that they speak and very, very comfortable and they're one of the things that President
Trump did when he picked the cabinet and I was on the transition team.
So I watched what he was doing for every of one of the positions that he picked, he wanted to see three clips of them performing on TV.
And so, you know, he's very conscious of the way
of these people are gonna be out selling his program
to the public and that he needs people who are, you know,
good salespeople, not only good administrators,
but that they can communicate a message to the public.
And I think this time around,
everybody tells me it's completely different
than the last administration,
because he had so much time to grow and to learn
and to figure out how to do this right.
And we need a revolution in this country.
We've got, you know, we've got a $34 trillion debt.
We've got, we're spending two trillion more a year
than we got.
We're borrowing it from China and from Saudi Arabia
and Japan.
We have a $1.2 trillion trade deficit.
And a lot of people, businesses are hurting
because of the tariffs, but I admire President Trump
because he is looking over the horizon
and he's looking at, this is unsustainable.
And we need to do something radically different.
And you need to, particularly at the beginning,
when you have momentum and when you have your most power,
you need to do a lot of things that are gonna be very,
very disruptive to many, many people.
He still has tremendous support for the American public
and I feel it every day.
I walk down a block and people are ecstatic.
They come to me and say,
thank you for what you're doing.
And they feel good about this country again.
I'll just tell you another anecdote if we have time.
My uncle Ted Kennedy really didn't personally
did not like Jimmy Carter. He, on every level. My uncle Ted Kennedy really didn't personally,
did not like Jimmy Carter.
He, on every level.
Famously.
He didn't like his politics.
He didn't like him personally.
And you know, Carter did a lot of things.
My uncle was just, I mean one of them was he banned liquor
from the White House, which my uncle didn't like.
And then he put, what was it, Fresca or something,
on tap at the White House.
So there were just little things like that
that annoyed him, but he also,
when Carter came in, he talked about the malaise
in this country and how bad everything was,
and it's like what Starmor did in England,
to tell people take those messages
from their leader.
And my uncle, and then Reagan came in,
and Reagan was dismantling everything
Teddy had done over a 40 year career.
But Teddy really liked him.
And I asked him one time,
wow, this guy is destroying everything you believe in.
And Teddy said, I like him because he makes people
feel good about being American.
And he is able to inspire hope for the country again.
And President Trump does that. Whatever you think about him, there
are, there's a new feeling in America now that, you know, we're back on the
upswing again. You know, as he says, the country is hot again, you know, and all
around the world people see that too. And you know, a lot of things have surprised
me about the President because I, you know, a lot of things have surprised me about the president because I bought into this fact
that he was this one dimensional character,
that he was kind of a bombastic narcissist and all this.
And part of it is hearing it all the time on TV,
but also the way that he conducts himself
sometimes validates those.
If you have that narrative, you can find things
when he does that validate that narrative.
But what I've been surprised in getting to know him
is what a kind of deep, multidimensional,
and thoughtful character he is, and how well.
I also thought, oh, he doesn't read,
and he's not interested in anything.
He's immensely curious, inquisitive,
and immensely knowledgeable.
He's encyclopedic in certain areas
that you wouldn't expect, like music.
And he gets very emotional about music.
And he knows the whole story behind every song.
Havarati and James Brown.
Yeah, and he cries when he hears Paul Verratti.
He said to me one night when we were at Marta Lago with Amaryllis, he said, Amaryllis, you
understand this because she loves music too.
And he said, but most people here, they don't understand it.
They don't get it.
And then in terms of sports, he is, he just, he's an encyclopedia.
He knows everything.
And then, you know, on Wall Street, he knows how everybody made their money and, and the
stories and he's, you know, an incredible raconteur about telling all these stories.
And then, and also the most surprising thing is because I had him pegged as a
narcissist when narcissists are incapable of empathy and he's one of the most
empathetic people that I've met you notice whenever he talks about the
Ukraine War yes he always talks about the casualties on both sides every time
he talks about it. I noticed that.
And he does that in every theater.
He talks about how human beings are affected.
Whether it's vaccines or Medicaid or Medicare,
he's always thinking about how this impacts the little guy.
And the Democrats have him pegged as a guy who's sort of sitting, you know,
in the cabinet meeting talking about how can we make billionaires richer. He's the opposite of
that. He's a genuine populist. And you know, like all of us, we're all flawed characters in one way
or another. But I think he's really a uniquely right person
for this country right now,
because we were in a death spiral,
and not only just morale,
but also just the deficits are,
who could ever, would you believe
we'd ever have a president in our lifetime
who would actually be addressing
the costs of government in a dramatic way?
And the trade deficits, how could you ever cure that?
It's too entrenched in so many people making money
and on them, but meanwhile, us all going to hell
in a handbasket and so I think he's doing stuff,
a great political cause to him
that is gonna benefit this country
10 years from now and 20 years from now.
And you know, I'm really proud to be part of it.
Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., thank you very much.
Thank you, Tucker.
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