The Tucker Carlson Show - RFK Jr: Teaming up With Trump, Pavel Durov’s Arrest, CIA, and the Fall of the Democrat Party
Episode Date: August 26, 2024When Bobby Kennedy endorsed Donald Trump last week, he burned his boats. There’s no turning back for him, or for American politics. Here’s his first interview since that happened. (00:00) Get Tic...kets to Our Live Tour at TuckerCarlson.com (00:42) RFK Jr. Endorsing Donald Trump (11:20) Pavel Durov’s Arrest and Censorship (39:56) America’s Health Crisis (47:20) Kennedy Meeting with Trump (53:48) Kamala Harris Refusing to Meet with Kennedy (59:56) Why Did They Withdraw Secret Service? (1:09:48) Would Kennedy Accept a Position as CIA Director? Paid partnerships: ExpressVPN: Get 3 months free at https://expressvpn.com/TuckerX Meriwether Farms: Use promo code “Tucker” at https://MeriwetherFarms.com/Tucker Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
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We'll be in cities all across the country starting next week. But first, our interview with Bobby Kennedy Jr., his first since endorsing
Donald Trump on Friday. Here it is. So people were shocked. I know a lot of people you know
well were shocked when you endorsed Trump. I was not shocked because for all the areas where you
disagree on specific issues, there's a consistent theme that I have noticed in both of your lives,
which is you've both spent the majority of your life, well, in your case, your whole life,
in the American ruling class, and both of you decided that it was corrupt and that you were
going to say so out loud at great risk, at great risk to both of you. And so it was probably just
a matter of time before you aligned in some way. Is that how you see it? Yeah. I mean, I, you know, I think there's been a bunch of realignments,
political realignments, right about four or five throughout American history.
And I think we're going through one right now with the Democratic Party
and with both political parties really changing in this very dramatic way. And you and I talked earlier about the transformation of the Republican Party into the party of environmentalism. which ends up benefiting the oil companies and BlackRock and Goldman Sachs
with offshore wind and carbon capture, $100 billion carbon capture projects,
which is part of just the strip mining of the middle class.
And it's the only issue you can talk about in the Democratic Party.
I got into the environmental movement to do habitat protection,
to do wildlife conservation, to get toxics out of our kids.
And none of these are issues that the party itself, Democrats care about them, but the party itself doesn't.
There's been these big profound realignments, and it's not only on that issue. It's really the domination of this corrupt merger of state and corporate power that is happening in Washington, D.C. now where our democracy has really been subverted by the industries that have taken over the regulatory agencies and transformed them into sock puppets or corporate profit taking
and uh and basically wholly owned subsidiaries of the industries they're supposed to regulate
and the democrats for a variety of reasons and i watch it happen over many many years
um have uh have clung to this illusion of these democratic institutions
that they're still democratic,
and we all have the capacity to judge ourselves on our intentions
rather than our actions, right?
I've been there.
And the Democratic Party judges itself.
It sees itself, my friends who are Democrats, see themselves as part of the good guys, the white hats.
And that, you know, it's kind of like the good guys who are in Fort Apache surrounded by the, you know, the forces of barbarism that are about to storm the gate
and they're the only ones,
the only way to keep it at bay
is to elect a president who has dementia
because you're voting for the apparatus.
Yes.
And you're not voting for, you know,
or another president,
then to handpick a presidential candidate
without any elections
to basically get rid of democracy in order to save it
and handpick a candidate who in 40 days now
has not given a single interview on any media outlet.
And I think about when my uncle and father would think about that,
you know, they prided themselves on being able to go on debate. It was the centerpiece, you know,
a whole, you know, function of democracy was to anneal ideas in the furnace of debate and
have them rise up in, you know in the marketplace of ideas.
And the idea that, you know, and we have this British tradition of Churchill and the others and the House of Commons, you know,
and being able to defend their policies and being forced to defend their policies
articulately, eloquently.
And, you know, my uncle and father just thought we should,
ideas are important and we should be able to defend them.
And if you can't defend them, there's something wrong with you.
Yes.
And, you know, why?
So we have a presidential candidate that was selected by the Democratic Party
who can't do that.
And, you know, one of the things that my uncle and father
were always thinking about is,
how do we look to the rest of the world, right?
They were conscious that America was the template for democracy.
When we created our modern democracy in 1789 or 1791,
when the Bill of Rights was ratified,
we were the only democracy on earth.
By 1865, during the end of the Civil War, there were five, and they were all modeled on America.
And by the time my uncle took office, it was about 150. And by the time, by the end of the 60s, there's 190. They're all based on American model.
And, you know, we very much were the exemplary nation.
We were the example of democracy around the globe.
And people, and they were very conscious.
They were, you know, they were embarrassed at first
by the civil rights movement because they said,
what is the rest of the world going to think about it?
And then they realized, well, we better correct, you know, the problem.
Yeah.
Because, but they, everything that they did, they were conscious that they were being watched.
What is the rest of the world think of American democracy right now? party selected a man with dementia to lead the free world and then turned around and
picked a person, a woman who cannot give an interview.
She cannot defend American, her vision or America's record in the world.
And then she gave this, you know,
Vice President Harris gave this speech at the convention
that was written by neocons.
And they had CIA directors talking at the Democratic Convention,
military people talking at the Democratic Convention.
My father and my uncle were the party of anti-war.
My uncle was asked by his best friend, Ben Bradley,
one of his two best friends who ran the Washington Post,
what do you want on your graves, on your epitaphs?
And my uncle said immediately he kept the peace.
He said the primary job of a president of the United States
was to keep the country out of war.
He said he didn't want children in Africa and Latin America and Asia, when they heard about the United States of America, to think of a man with a gun.
They wanted him to think of a Peace Corps volunteer and the Alliance for Progress and USAID, which were programs that he created to build the middle class, to end-run the oligarchs, end-run the military hunters
that used to receive a U.S. aid,
and instead go directly to the poor and build institutions,
education and health and all the institutions of democracy
to continue to model it for the rest of the world
and live up to what we were supposed to be doing,
which is to encourage the growth of democratic rule.
So now you have a, you know, we have a system that's produced people who, you know, a candidate
in the Democratic Party who can't even defend America's record in the world and who is
parroting this kind of warmongering, you know, military domination ideology that's gotten us
in such trouble. It's caused a calamity in our country. It's gutted the middle class. It's made
us a pariah around the globe. And's led to the rise of BRICS.
It's leading to the rise of totalitarianism all over the world. And, you know, I'd say this
finally, that if you really look at what's happening in the Democratic Party today,
it's a party that, the word demos in Greek means people.
But it's a party that's lost faith in the people.
It's a party that needs ironclad control.
So they didn't trust anybody to have a real election.
They got rid of the primaries because they didn't trust the people.
They then picked, handpicked Vice President Harris with no election,
no even pretense of election because they didn't trust the people.
And, you know, you
have, and they're the party now
of censorship.
How can you have a democracy
with censorship? You cannot
have a democracy. They're
absolutely incompatible.
And everybody knew that everybody, you know,
you and I were raised
reading Orwell and Alasdair Huxley and Robert Heinlein and Alexander Solzhenitsyn and all of these other books that were part of classical literature that was taught in every American classroom.
It said the first step to totalitarianism is always,
begins with censorship.
It's the first step down that slippery slope.
There's no time that we look back in history and say the people who are censoring speech
were the good guys.
They're always the bad guys because we knew, you know, we know that they're the guys who
are going to end up cracking the whip on us all and being our overlords.
And then the whole thing about, like you and I talked about that clip of Tim Waltz, Governor Waltz, saying that government should be the ultimate arbiter of what is protected speech and what is not.
You know, he said if something that the First Amendment does not protect, misinformation and disinformation.
But it does.
The First Amendment was written to protect not only true speech but false speech. And speech, it wasn't there and it's unnecessary
to protect the kind of speech that everybody wants to hear.
It's there to protect the kind of speech that nobody wants to hear.
Right, and especially speech that is critical of the people in charge.
Exactly.
And so in their current formulation,
misinformation is defined as any speech that criticizes the job that they're doing.
So with that in mind, you see the Biden administration encouraging France, Macron, to arrest the owner and founder of Telegram, Pavel Durov, who's now, as of right now, in a French prison.
That seems like, I mean, that's the hallmark of dictatorship, it sounds to me.
Yeah, well, you know, we've lost Europe.
Europe is now, does not have free speech.
You know, look what's happened to Elon Musk.
Elon Musk should be the hero of the Democratic Party.
If the old Democratic Party, he wouldn't be the hero.
Somehow he became a villain because he was actually the only platform
that would allow free speech on his platform. And he's now become a villain because he was actually the only platform that would allow free speech on his platform.
And he's now become a villain because of it because the Democratic Party does not believe in the people.
If you don't believe in free speech, it means because you don't trust the people.
You don't trust them to figure it out on their own, you know, to have information on which they can base their ideas and their notions and their beliefs.
And their votes.
And their votes, and that the government has to protect them from dangerous information, from things that might put bad ideas into their heads. And it's very patronizing, but it's also very manipulative and conniving. And really,
it's exactly the opposite of democracy. And you will not find a single Democrat
who will criticize it. It's really astonishing to me because the Democrats always liked them. You know, when I endorsed Trump, the big, you know, the big, kind of the fulcrum of
the centerpiece of the text of hatred that I got back, this kind of seething anger on
so many Democrats was, well, look what he did on January 6th.
Okay, January 6th was a bad day in American history.
And what President Trump did there, in my view, was very bad.
It was reprehensible.
But was the republic really at risk?
You know, we have the U.S. military.
We have the National Guard.
You know, we have all the institutions. We have the U.S. military. We have the National Guard. We have all the institutions.
We have Congress.
We have all these institutions of government.
And there was a mob of people, most of whom probably didn't know what was happening.
Some of whom were very badly in tension and were breaking the law.
But it wasn't a threat to the republic.
What is a threat, and this is what you cannot explain to a Democrat now, and it's astonishing to me.
What is a threat is when the government is censoring your speech, political speech.
And, you know, I just won Tucker last week.
But that was the centerpiece of Democratic ideology was free speech.
Exactly.
I mean, the word liberal means free speech.
That's where it comes from.
That must be weird for you,
being named Robert F. Kennedy Jr.
and spending your entire life in this world.
Like, what's that like?
I mean, let me just say this.
I won a lawsuit.
I won a new judgment in my lawsuit, Kennedy v. Biden, last week.
And Kennedy v. Biden was part of two lawsuits that were brought, one by the attorney generals of Missouri and Louisiana and the other by me, for the same issues, which was the Biden administration's censorship of speech.
And so there's a series of decisions.
There's a 155-page decision.
The attorney general's case went up to the Supreme Court and was rejected because the Supreme Court found that those attorney generals didn't have a standing to sue because they weren't directly harmed.
My case this week, the federal judge Doty said Kennedy does have a standing to sue.
And he reinforced, reissued his injunction against the Biden administration.
Oh, I have an injunction right now against the Biden White House and join them from censoring me,
which they've been doing. The 155-page decision by Judge Doty details everything that happened.
37 hours after he took the oath of office, President Biden's White House opened up a portal for the FBI to begin to have access to social media posts on all the different social media sites.
And the FBI then invited in the CIA, DHS, the IRS, and CISA.
CISA is this new agency that is the center of the censorship industrial complex that is in charge of making sure Americans don't hear things that their government doesn't want them to hear. to go into the social media sites and change posts and slow walk things and shadow ban posts.
It was part of that effort, and they removed my Instagram account.
I had almost a million followers.
They say it was for misinformation, but they could not point to a single post that I ever made
that was factually erroneous.
And they actually, Facebook pushed
back in the email chain. You can see Facebook pushing back at the White House and saying,
wait a minute, he's not, this isn't misinformation. This is not factually erroneous. What they're
saying is actually true. And they had to invent a new word, which is called malinformation,
which is information that is factually true,
but nevertheless inconvenient for the government.
And that became disinformation, misinformation, and malinformation.
That's what that is.
So everybody, and...
Isn't that illegal?
That's illegal.
Yeah, and the emails show that Facebook, the people said this,
they were saying about the White House in their private emails with each other.
These people are cynical, you know, terrible people.
And they knew what they were doing was breaking the law.
But they were under tremendous pressure.
Facebook has all these deals with the government and, you know, as do all the media companies with the intelligence agencies and elsewhere.
Plus, the White House was overtly telling them that they were going to,
if they didn't comply, that their Section 230 immunity was in jeopardy. Section 230 immunity is the, you know, just so that your listeners know
what it is. I used to write for the New York Times regularly. Every time I wrote an article,
lawyers would call me and fact check everything in that article. Because if I wrote something that was defamatory in that article
and somebody was defamed, that person could sue me,
but they could also sue the New York Times.
So the social media side said,
we cannot hire lawyers to look at every post
and call the people and check on it on Facebook or Instagram.
So if this industry is going to function,
we need to be able to not be liable for what is published on our site.
And that is called Section 230 of the Communications Act.
Congress said if you are just a platform, a mere platform, that for other people to
publish, like Facebook is, like Instagram, like Twitter or X, that you're immune.
Nobody can sue you.
They can sue the person who wrote the post, but they can't sue Facebook.
So Mark Zuckerberg said if they take away our Facebook, our Section 230 immunity,
it is existential, meaning we will no longer exist. And so they were terrified because Congress was
actually considering removing Section 230 immunity. And the White House was telling them,
if you don't censor our political critics, we're going to take away your Section 230 immunity.
If President Trump did that,
the Democrats would go berserk.
Well, that's criminal behavior.
Anyone who does that is a criminal.
Right.
They're violating the First Amendment,
the Constitution, for starters.
Yeah.
And so that's what happened.
And, you know, my idea is that if somebody does something bad, it shouldn't matter whether they're Democrat or Republican.
It is, you know, we should all be going after them and we should be going after them as a society.
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What I don't understand,
and it is baffling to me
having known a lot of Democrats, but you've been in that world your whole life.
Like, how do they not see that?
How do people who say they believe in civil liberties suddenly think it's okay for the government to prosecute its political opponents and silence them?
How do they think that?
You know, to me, it's a, I've thought a lot about that.
I bet.
And it's about tribalism, you know, that people put themselves in these tribal categories, and we're hardwired for tribalism.
That's why orthodoxies are so popular, that, you know, people get sucked into various kind of orthodoxies, whether it's ideological orthodoxies or religious orthodoxies.
And that impulse is really, it's not a religious impulse.
It's a biological impulse.
And it's an impulse that's hardwired in us from the 20,000 generations we spent wandering the African savannah and tiny little groups that were warring each other, where there was always a male leader, where, you know, the women were traded as chattels
because you couldn't marry your sister.
So you knew from the beginning she was going to be a trade good,
and you were going to trade her for somebody else.
She had no power.
And where you all had to ascribe to an orthodoxy and see no problems with people who were within your in-group,
and people who were outside were subhuman,
and they could be killed, and if they made a mistake,
you wanted to talk about it.
Everybody would talk about it.
We're all hardwired that way,
because that's where our wiring comes from.
And when somebody gets subsumed in orthodoxy,
it's very, very difficult to unravel it.
And there are all kinds of psychiatric treatises
about how do you deprogram somebody?
How do you talk somebody out of an orthodoxy?
And the little that I know about it
is that if you challenge them directly,
you challenge their belief, it pours concrete on it.
And it makes them less able to move off that.
They get very defensive.
And that, you know, the way to approach them,
there are ways to approach them.
There's deprogramming protocols. And they usually include a lot of Socratic method of asking them questions about their belief.
But it's a one-on-one project enterprise, and it's not something that you can do with the whole Democratic Party overnight. Something has to happen that's going to make this tribal thinking unravel because it's really destroying our country.
And the polarization, which is happening on both sides, is put on steroids by these social media algorithms that reward people for staying on the site as long as possible.
So the algorithm, all the algorithm knows is
I've got to keep as many eyeballs on the site as possible.
It turns out that the way people stay on the site
is if you fortify their existing opinions.
Of course.
If you feed them information that consolidates their worldview
yes and so you know we have this problem now where it's not just polarization like the civil war but
it's polarization on steroids because you've got machines that are that are manipulating us to hate
each other more every single day so knowing all this as you do and have for a long time
the you know the most radical step you can make if you're a Democrat is endorsing Donald Trump.
So there are political calculations involved, there are ideological calculations, but there
are also, of course, personal calculations. So you know once you do that, you've burned your
boats. Like that's it. You're not going back to wherever you were 10 years ago.
How hard a decision was that for you personally?
It was a very good, it was an obvious decision for me.
It should have been, but it was a very, very difficult decision.
And we had, you know, I have a very, very good team around me.
And I was most worried about my wife, who was, about Cheryl, you know, who, you know, was not comfortable with it.
She is a, you know, lifelong Democrat.
She comes from, not the aristocracy, she comes from a very, you know, I would say poor family in North Florida.
But she found her way through idealism to the Democratic Party,
and she shares a lot of those values.
And her industry is very, very much aligned with the Democratic Party,
probably more than any industry in our country and more than any town in our country.
So this, for me, was likely to have huge impacts on her.
And ultimately, if she had told me, you can't do this, I wouldn't have done it.
So, but I'm very grateful that she overcame, she allowed me to do it.
She was not embracing it, but she said, I understand why allowed me to do it. She was not embracing it,
but she said,
I understand why you have to do this.
And we had a four-day meeting
up in Hyannisport, my home,
where kind of everybody,
my family members, my kids,
many other people,
Tony Robbins,
attended remotely, and a number of other kind of spiritual leaders,
just people who cared deeply about our country, chimed in and made case on both sides.
People from the campaign organization did.
Here was the calculus that ultimately was persuasive for me.
All of our internal polling showed from the outset that if I stayed in the Democratic Party,
I was going to get Vice President Harris elected. 57 to 60 percent and even more sometimes up to 66 percent of my voters my followers said that
if i withdrew from the election they were going to vote for trump which is ironic by the way
tucker because president trump and the rnc did nothing to prevent me from being on the ballots. They didn't have a big major organization sending
private eyes out. You know, the Democratic Party was interviewing literally everybody I've ever met
in 70 years to collect dirt on me. I got a call. They've been doing that, I know for a fact,
for over a year, as you know.
Yeah, and they were open about it.
This is what we're going to do.
They put a person in charge of it named Liz Smith,
who's, you know, that's the kind of person she is.
This is what she does.
She does negative research on people and tries to characterize them.
Liz Smith, Elliot Spitzer's old girlfriend?
Yes.
And she was in charge of that team.
And then there was other people as well.
Mary Beth Cahill had been my uncle,
Teddy Sheeves, who I knew.
And Liz Smith was in charge of the negative research,
or what they call negative research, euphemistically.
And I got calls from, for example,
a guy that I met at an AA meeting 40 years ago.
And he received a call.
Most of my family members received calls, contacts, either texts or telephone calls from people who said, I'm doing intelligence for the DNC.
And we'd like to talk to you about Robert Kennedy and if you have any negative information about him.
So I was getting that.
What could possibly be the justification for that?
Well, they didn't want me running.
And that's the thing is it's not democratic.
It wasn't, you know.
That's such a mafia tactic.
Yeah.
Yeah.
So, I mean, but the point is it was weird.
It was not smart because I was actually helping the Democrats. And if they just let me stay in and they didn't run this campaign against me He made a couple of statements about me, that I was a communist, etc.
They were sort of good-natured, the stuff that you're like, okay, that's okay.
They weren't like calling my old girlfriend saying, what did he do? Or, you know, whatever they were asking him. So, um,
but the DNC was up to that. And, uh, and were you shocked by that? Was I shocked? I don't know. I mean, I was... I'm...
I feel like I'm...
I'm in a place now where nothing surprises me anymore.
I bet you are.
So...
But...
I don't know.
I mean, anyway.
They're going to drop
all that stuff now,
obviously,
right?
What?
Are they going to get rid
of Liz Smith
and put her on some other
project?
I don't know.
I just,
you sort of wonder
how does Liz Smith
live with herself?
I mean,
that's so repulsive.
Like,
how does she justify
that to herself?
I have to,
I mean,
and I've met her,
she's not stupid,
but that is disgusting. No, I mean, I met her, she's not stupid, but that is disgusting.
No,
I mean,
you've lived a life,
famously,
and if you have a team
of researchers
digging into it.
And I have not
led a careful life,
by the way.
I know.
I said,
you know,
my first,
my first,
during my announcement speech,
I said,
you know,
I had told my wife,
told Charlotte
a couple days before,
I said, I have so many skeletons in my closet that if they could vote, I could run for king of the
world. I know stuff's going to come out about me because I led, let me put it, a colorful life.
And, you know, people have all kinds of stories about me, but so I i'm ready for you know i'm ready for i was i never done
anything criminal in terms of like this this is stealing money or self-enrichment i did a lot of
stupid stuff and a lot of have you gotten rich off pointless foreign wars no i have not done that
oh you haven't okay you haven't forced people to inject substances in their bodies. No, I have not. I've never done any of that.
But anyway, so it became clear to me that if Kamala got elected, the issues that I cared
about, which is ending the foreign wars, you know, the unjust wars, the immoral wars, the
wars of choice like Ukraine, stopping the censorship, which I think is existential for our democracy, and then protecting children from this extraordinary exploding chronic disease epidemic.
Those are the three reasons that got me into the campaign.
That's why I ran for president.
Those are three reasons. If she got elected, I'm 70 years old, that eight years from now, our kids are going to
be lost. And if she's president for eight years, my chance to do anything about it would be gone.
And then I got a contact from Callie Means, who you know well. You've made one of the best shows ever put on TV,
ever aired, was your interview with Gally and his wife.
Casey and Gally, for those of you who haven't seen the show,
his show is an expert, a genius, brilliant, articulate, eloquent,
and incredible encyclopedic knowledge on the food system
and what is corrupting it, what is causing the corruption at FDA, at USDA,
that the capture of those agencies by the processed food industry,
by the chemical industry, by the pharmaceutical industry,
that actually profit on sick children.
One of the things that Callie says,
there is nothing more profitable in our society today than a sick child that actually profit on sick children. One of the things that Callie says,
there is nothing more profitable in our society today than a sick child
because all of these entities are making money on them.
The insurance companies, the hospitals,
the medical cartel,
the pharmaceutical companies have lifetime annuities.
Any child that,
and they're earlier that kid is sick,
they don't want to kill them.
They want them sick for the rest of their lives.
And we have now a whole generation, when my uncle was president, 6% of Americans had chronic disease.
Today it's 60%.
When my uncle was president, do you know what the annual cost of treating chronic disease was in this country?
Zero. There weren't even any drugs invented for it. Zero. The annual cost of treating chronic disease was, in this country, zero.
There weren't even any drugs invented for it.
Zero.
Today, it's about $4.3 trillion.
When your uncle was president— And none of it is necessary.
What was the autism rate in 1960?
In 1960, the autism rate, there's about four or five studies and the highest rate
say about one in 1,500
one in 1,500
one in 1,500
one in 10,000.
So that, you know,
it was somewhere between
one in 1,500
and one in 10,000.
Today it's one in every 34 kids
according to CDC
and in some states like California, I think maybe Utah and New Jersey, one in 22.
One in 22 kids.
And these kids should be healthy.
These kids should be our highest performing kids.
And they instead have this extraordinary disability that's going to keep them dependent.
And not, you know, a lot of these, if you're full-blown autism,
you know, it's a nonverbal, non-toilet trained,
head banging, stimming, toe walking.
These are kids that will never throw a baseball.
They'll never graduate high school.
They'll never go out and take a girl on a date. They'll never use the toilet alone.
They'll never write a play.
They'll never write a poem.
They'll never vote.
Never have children.
Never pay taxes.
Here's something you may not have known.
Back in 2015, the Congress of the United States repealed something called the Country of Origin Labeling Act.
Now, why is this relevant to
you? Well, it means, among other things, that when you buy beef at the supermarket that says
made in the USA, it may not actually be. In fact, it could be, likely is, from a foreign country.
It means that repackaging foreign meat can be enough to get the made in USA designation. It's
a lie. It's a lie.
It's an absolute lie.
Most people don't even know what's happening.
So how can you be sure that the meat you're eating is from the United States and has been raised with the highest quality standards and is the tastiest?
It's truly made here.
Well, it's simple.
You can go to our friends at Merriweather Farms.
Merriweather Farms is an American small business.
It's based in Riverton, Wyoming.
We know the people who run it, and they're great people.
And they have great meat.
They ship the highest quality meat raised free from growth hormones and antibiotics directly to your doorstep.
It's delicious.
We eat it a lot, including at this table.
These are Americans.
These are American-made products.
And because they're cutting out the grocery store middlemen, their prices are actually cheaper, 10% to 30% cheaper for the best meat.
They are the real deal.
Again, we eat that meat at this table from Riverton, Wyoming.
They're the best.
MerriweatherFarms.com.
Use the discount code TUCKER10 and you get an extra 10% off. Again, that's MerriweatherFarms, M-E-R-I-W-E-T-H-E-R farms.com
It's worth it.
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Mom, Mom, did you see my race?
Of course I did, darling.
Look, you did your best.
You tried. The thing is, it's not about winning. It's about taking part. Next year you might do better.
But I did win, Mom.
You did?
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Conditions apply.
So that just seems like such an emergency.
For me, if I could save one of these kids, it would be worth giving my life for it.
I'm 70 years old.
To save one kid at birth, it would be worth dying for.
And to the opportunity and need for me to save all of these kids, I would do anything for it.
I would literally do anything for.
We were talking at breakfast.
I'm sure your perception is different
because we're talking about you.
But, you know, for 15 years anyway,
there was not a single story about you
that didn't dismiss you as a dangerous crackpot
for questioning why autism is much more common
than it once was.
Much more.
I mean, exponentially more common.
And you've written a lot about this and you were attacked i don't see those attacks very much anymore well they're still in the mainstream media that's still part of the you know the litany of of
of my crimes um but you know anybody who uses their hand any of and, and that's one of the reasons they won't let me speak on the media.
I mean, when Ross Perot ran, he was running for 10 months.
He was on mainstream media 34 times interviews.
And you remember him.
He was on, it seemed like he was on Larry King every week.
Of course.
And I got, in 16 months, I had two live interviews
on all of those networks,
ABC, NBC, CBS, CNN,
MSNBC, too.
And, you know,
they're just basically
mouthpieces now for the DNC.
And there was this
obligatory litany
of defamations
and pejoratives
that were used to describe me any time my name was mentioned.
You know, that I was not a crackpot.
And, you know, I was like a supervillain.
And I'm not complaining because that's just, you know, I knew what I was getting into.
But anyway, the idea that, you know, I had these meetings with President Trump and they were partly because of you.
You know, you were the one who, Cali Means called me about, I'd say three hours after President Trump was shot.
Cali Means called, although it doesn't seem possible because, but I think it was only three hours after his shooting.
It was Saturday night.
Yeah, Saturday night.
And Cali Means said to me,
you know, he told me,
Cali had been advising me for a long time in my campaign.
He told me that night,
I've also been advising President Trump,
which delighted me because I thought,
oh my gosh, there's another candidate beside me
that is listening to the truth.
And he said that there was interest
in the Trump campaign by the president of including me.
Then he talked about vice president, which I wasn't interested in.
But he said, you know, would you be interested in talking with President Trump?
And I said, I don't think so.
And part of this was I just thought
it was an onstart, it was Cheryl.
And I called Cheryl up
and she said to me,
you should hear them out.
And I immediately called Kelly.
I texted Kelly back and said, I'm interested.
And then I got a text from you.
And you and I have each other's cell phones. And you had an unknown cell phone number, which you had linked me into, which was
President Trump's number. And you said, you know, he's waiting for your call. And so I called him
that night. I had a great conversation with him. And then he asked, well, we decided to talk.
And I met him the next day.
He was at that point at Bedminster, which is his golf course and home in New Jersey.
And he'd driven there from Butler, where he had been shot.
And then I went to,
and so I flew out to Minneapolis the next day,
and I had probably a two-hour meeting with him and Amaryllis, who's my daughter-in-law,
who is running my campaign,
the smartest person I've ever met,
and Cheryl and Susie Wiles.
And it was a really interesting meeting because he was so open about, first of all, not liking the neocons.
Yeah.
And, you know, I never imagined that because, you know, for me, he was the guy who brought John Bolton and Mike Pompeo into office.
And, you know, but he was really disillusioned with them, to say the least, you know.
And then, you know, he was deeply interested and well-informed as much as he is on any subject about what's happening to our kids,
chronic disease. And then he was absolutely adamant about stopping the censorship and making
sure that we had free speech. And so we talked a little then and didn't really come to any, you know, talked about
the possibility of working together. After that, and then we put it on hold. They wanted me to do
something at the convention. I said, no, I'm not going to do that. And we still, at that point, there was still a chance that I could get into the debate.
That chance was diminishing,
and because I was not allowed on any media,
and because, you know, my only chance of winning the election,
I believe I would have won if I had gotten on the debate stage,
but my only chance was to get on the debate stage.
And that possibility was vanishing.
And so I was looking at kind of my options.
I then contacted Harris's campaign because I thought I should talk to them
and see if they're interested in any of these issues,
which I suspected they were not because a Camelot was still an empty slate.
Kamala, excuse me, was an empty slate.
She's pronounced it both ways herself, so it's okay.
I want to respect people and give them.
Yes.
So I reached out to her, and I reached out through a number of people, including some relatives of mine who are very, very close to her personally and to the Democratic Party, and they just said, that's an onslaught.
There's no way in the world that she's going to talk to you. And they said, we can get you a meeting with a
low-level campaign official. And I said, okay, I'm not interested in that.
Why wouldn't, it's interesting, why wouldn't Kamala Harris meet with you?
Maybe the same reason that she hasn't given an interview. You know, I think it seems to me
that there's a lot of handlers involved and that, and, you know, even when you talk to Democrats
about, you know, do you really think it's a good idea to be electing somebody who cannot give an
interview? They say, well, you're not electing her, you're electing the people around her,
you're electing the apparatus, and the apparatus, but the apparatus, an apparatus I don't have any
faith in, it's an apparatus running, that are neocons, like, you know, like Anthony Blinken,
and who are, you know, running us right up into a World War III. And there are people who, you know,
who masterminded the censorship from inside the White House. That's the apparatus that they want
to reelect. And to me, that's an apparatus that has no, these are the people who are censoring me.
These are the people who try to throw me out of the party, who canceled the primaries.
That's the apparatus. You know, if it was a Democrat who said, I can think on my own,
I understand what this country is supposed to look like.
I understand what democracy is supposed to look like.
Then I, you know, then I think that's great.
Let's do that.
But it's just, it's strange from her perspective.
First of all, electing an apparatus
is not how democracy works.
That's an oligarchy, just in point of fact. But as a political calculation, your presence in the race running third party hurt Trump. No one disputes that. The polling's really clear on that. So if you're the Harris campaign, kind of a would compel her to want to meet with you.
Like, take a meeting.
Like, why do you care?
But she wouldn't even talk to you.
I think that's, I think it's very weird.
It's weird, but not, I mean, I can't stress this enough, not being able to give an interview.
I mean, your whole life is in public life.
That's what you do.
That is the currency.
Right. in public life, that's what you do. That is the currency. I give,
you know, this day is a really slow day because I'm doing one interview with you.
On a typical
day, I do about seven or eight
interviews. Some days, ten or twelve.
And I do that
every day, and I've done that for 16
months. If anybody
wants to, I mean, we have, Liz now,
4,000 people want to interview me, but
I'm interviewing as many people
as possible.
I want to get my voice out, my vision
out, my concerns out.
And I,
it's incomprehensible
to me that
you would be in
public life. And President
Trump does the same thing.
He's not scared of an interview.
No, he likes it.
It's the of on.
Yeah.
He's on you.
He does anybody.
He does people who don't agree with him.
He's not censoring you.
He's doing, you know,
he's talking to reporters who write
crappy articles about him all the time.
You know, from New York Magazine.
Maggie Haberman at the New York Times.
New York, Maggie Haberman has never written a nice word about Donald Trump, and he talks
to her how often?
A lot.
Yeah, a lot. You know, my Uncle Teddy, who was exactly opposite of Ronald Reagan ideologically, and he ran against Carter.
Yeah.
Teddy did.
And Carter and he had an antipathy toward each other that was almost, you know, like nothing I'd ever seen.
Teddy really didn't hate people, but he really, I would say, loathed Carter.
He had complete disdain for him.
And he then liked Reagan
because I was more ideologically aligned at that point.
I'd say to him, why do you like Reagan?
And he said, because even though I don't agree with anything he said, he was able to invigorate our country.
He was able to inspire people.
He got people excited about his vision and proud to be Americans.
And that is one of the functions of a president.
It's to explain to us why we should be proud of each other
and why we're part of a community
and why our country is great
and what our future's going to look like
and inspire all of us with that vision.
And that is what a real leader does.
How in the world can you do that
if you cannot give an interview
to a news organ?
To a friendly news organ.
To a friendly news organ.
They can't even do a set-up interview in 40 days.
I saw the only interview she did that was unscripted was when she got off a plane.
I think it was at Andrews Air Force Base.
And there was a reporter waiting there with one question.
When are you going to do an interview?
She said, I've told my team to try to get one done before September.
This was the 3rd of August.
And I'm doing seven or eight interviews a day.
Tells you a lot.
And I'm not, you know,
blowing my own horn or anything.
I'm just saying that's what you do
if you're in public life.
And what's the point of being in public life
if you don't want to promote your vision?
Well, to have power over people.
Well, that, I mean, so,
I'm sure this is a sense of subject,
but I can't help but notice that
you ran for 15 months with no
Secret Service protection at all. You were denied that by the Biden administration. Trump, during
the convention in Milwaukee last month, noted that in public. They immediately under pressure
responded and gave you Secret Service protection. Yes. Now they've withdrawn it. You're without it
again. Yeah. Is that true? Yes.
Meanwhile, Tony Fauci has it.
He's not a federal employee anymore.
I think Mike Pompeo has Secret Service protection, former CIA director.
But you don't.
How is that?
I think the, you know, I'm technically still running for president.
I'm running for president in 40 states.
So I'm not, you know, I did not terminate my campaign.
Did you know this?
No, I didn't.
Yeah, so, you know, I'm running in the,
there's 10 states where I heard President Trump,
and they're battleground states. Oh, I've taken my name off the ballot in's 10 states where I heard President Trump and their battleground states.
Oh, I've taken my name off the ballot in those 10 states.
But in the blue states, all blue states, all red states, I'm on the ballot.
And I could technically win a contingency election if the other two vote, you know, and they, if the other two get 269 ap, and then Congress cannot work out a compromise, which is entirely possible, they have to go to the third vote getter, which would be me.
And that's why I left my name on the ballot in those states.
And so, you know, that's highly unlikely to happen, but it has happened twice before in American history.
And actually, our polling now shows them at exactly 269 to 269.
It is possible that it would happen in this campaign.
And, you know, we worked this out with the Trump campaign.
They only wanted us off in 10 states because that's the states where you hurt them.
In the other states, people can vote for me, and they're not going to hurt their candidate.
They can vote for me even if they like Vice President Harris without hurting her,
and they can vote for me if they like President Trump without hurting him
because we already know what's going to happen in those states.
Yes.
So all the more reason that you should have what Tony Fauci has and what Mike Pompeo has and a lot of other, by the way, non-current federal employees have, which is government bodyguards.
But they withdrew them immediately from you.
So what's the message of that? Well, the message I think is a bad message,
which is that our federal enforcement agencies have been weaponized against the American people.
I mean, again, politically, weaponized politically, not against the American people,
politically. When my father took office in the Justice Department, and my father was appointed U.S. Attorney General in 1961 by my uncle, his brother,
and my father, the first week in office, he had run my uncle's campaign,
so he was a political guy.
He called together all the division chairs, all the branch chiefs in the DOJ,
and he made it into his big cavernous office, and he said to them,
we're going to make one rule here, which is there is no politics.
We never ask whether a potential defendant is a Democrat or Republican.
The people of this country have to know that their enforcement institutions, the Department
of Justice, the justice is blind here.
We are free of any kind of political prejudice or bias or favoritism.
And they started putting in jail.
He prosecuted my uncle on my mother's side for antitrust violation.
He prosecuted friends of his, friends of his father's, who father did not want him to prosecute. And they just said,
it doesn't matter. We've got to apply it even handily because the American people need to
understand that their institutions are free. We need to respect them and know that they're not biased in one way.
And we're losing that now in our country.
And the Biden administration has really accelerated that.
The most shocking thing to me, and Democrats can't even hear this story
because it touches so many sort of culture war buttons,
but it's a true story.
People need to understand it and appreciate it.
In the 2020 election,
when Hunter Biden's laptop a week before the,
and we only know this whole story recently
because of a release of documents but the when president biden's the
100 biden's laptop suddenly became an issue about a week before the debate and anthony blinken who
is now the secretary of state and who is then the director of President Biden's campaign,
went to Gina Haspel, who is the head of this director of the CIA,
and said to her, we need help with this.
She then got 51 CIA current and former CIA officers to sign a public letter,
which they published, I think, in the New York Times,
but they published it somewhere, that said that Hunter Biden's laptop was a Russian hoax
that was part of a Russian disinformation effort to tamper with the presidential election
campaign. So you had the CIA, which is forbidden by its charter
from involving itself in any American politics,
and you had 51 top officers, former and current,
who now do a disinformation campaign against the American public
to tamper with the election,
while accusing the Russians of tamper with the election while accusing
the Russians of tampering with the election. And then a week later, President Biden, when he's
asked about the laptop on the debate, he says that has been debunked by the CIA, by the CIA officers.
And that was the end of the issue because it was debunked. All the newspapers picked
that up. And it's highly likely that that had an impact on the election. So, you know, that was
the entree of President Biden getting into office. And again, you know, Democrats who hear me say
this story are going to say, oh, he's just saying that because, you know, he's a Republican now, right?
Which I'm not, but that's what they're going to say.
But it's not that.
It's just that this was wrong.
The big tech companies censor our content.
I hate to tell you that it's still going on in 2024, but you know what they can't censor?
Live events.
And that's why we are hitting the road on a fall tour for the entire month of September,
coast to coast.
We will be in cities across the United States.
We'll be in Phoenix with Russell Brand, Anaheim, California with Vivek Ramaswamy, Colorado
Springs with Tulsi Gabbard, Salt Lake City with Glenn Beck, Tulsa, Oklahoma with Dan
Bongino, Kansas City with Megyn Kelly, Wichita with Charlie Kirk, Milwaukee with Dan Bongino Kansas City with Megyn Kelly Wichita with Charlie Kirk
Milwaukee with Larry Elder
Rosenberg, Texas with Jesse Kelly
Grand Rapids with Kid Rock
Hershey, Pennsylvania with J.D. Vance
Redding, Pennsylvania with Alex Jones
Fort Worth, Texas with Roseanne Barr
Greenville, South Carolina with Marjorie Taylor Greene
Sunrise, Florida with John Rich
Jacksonville, Florida with Donald Trump Jr.
You can get tickets at TuckerCarlson.com. Hope to see you there.
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The country's getting sicker.
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So the CIA, I mean, a lot of roads lead back, unfortunately,
to our most powerful intelligence agency.
If you were asked, would you run it?
Would you become CIA director if you were asked? I would never get, yes, I would, but powerful committees in the Senate and in the House
that are already into the project.
And the people who serve on those committees are people who wouldn't, you know, they would
not, they're just safeguarding that directorship.
And I would be very, very dangerous for those committees.
So I don't think that...
And yet in his, you know, in your joint appearance on Friday,
President Trump introduced you by saying that he plans to, if elected,
establish a commission to declassify the remaining documents
around your uncle's murder in 1963.
Yeah.
And I think everyone at this point knows the truth,
which is the CIA is implicated in that.
Those documents protect CIA, maybe among others.
Well, whether they do
or not, it's odd that they've
not allowed him to be released.
What could possibly be the explanation?
More than 60 years after my uncle's death,
almost 65 years.
Oh, 62 years after his death.
And none of the people
who were
implicated in that crime are alive now.
The last ones have died
off in the last year or two.
And so
it clearly is
to protect the institution.
And that's wrong.
It's just wrong. And it's wrong
for a Democrat and it's wrong for a Republican.
It's just interesting, though, that a bipartisan list of presidents, lo, these six decades have kept those files classified.
Well, you and I have both.
I was astonished that Trump didn't declassify them because he promised to during the campaign.
That was Mike Pompeo who did that.
Yeah, and I talked to President Trump for the first time about that this week.
What did he say?
He said that Mike Pompeo begged him to,
and I don't think I'm telling tales out of school here.
No, I think you told the same thing to you.
That's true.
But he said Mike Pompeo called him and said,
this wouldn't be a catastrophe to release.
You need to not do it.
I want to say again, I think Mike Pompeo is a criminal.
So that's my view.
He's threatened to sue me for saying that.
But I hope he will because it's true.
But that kind of tells the whole story right there, right?
That the CIA is –
Why would the CIA be trying to keep these files classified
if they had nothing to do with the murder i don't really get that yeah and but the subject we were
talking about was the weaponization of the federal agency and that's just one of them and then
then they get you know then they open up these censorship portals the 37 hours after president
biden takes office where now you have have the FBI involved in American politics,
which we ran them out in the 60s because we were outraged
that they were even, they were bugging Martin Luther King
and the Black Panther Party, and Americans were indignant about that.
Why do they think this?
I mean, why have we gotten to the point where it's so normalized and now we're OK with the FBI running a portal to censor political speech in our country and then inviting in the CIA and the IRS?
I don't know what they were doing in there. And NIH and CDC and all these other agencies, DHS, which all had a hand in censoring American speech.
So that was another thing.
And then the use, which we saw for the first time in American history,
of the judiciary to get rid of candidates.
What they tried to do to me, they're suing me now in a dozen states.
I've been in trials for the past three weeks.
You know, I've spent most of my time not campaigning,
but being, sitting in court
in cases that are trying to get me off the ballot.
So, like, I had a million people,
a million American citizens,
sign petitions, more than any candidate in history.
Everybody said, I'd never do this.
It would be impossible to be in the ballot in 50 states.
Well, guess what?
We got on the ballot in 50 states.
And we did it by getting a million citizens to sign petitions saying that they wanted to vote for me. And the Democratic Party now is suing me in all those states to make sure that those people cannot vote for the person they want to.
When I was growing up, the Democratic Party of RFK and JFK
was the party that was fighting for voting rights.
It was fighting to make sure that every American
could vote for the candidate of their choice,
no matter whether they're black or white or where they lived or Democrat or Republican.
Now the Democratic Party, today's Democratic Party,
feels so unconfident about the candidates that it's putting forward.
And it feels the only way it can win the election is by getting rid of the opponents.
And, you know, either using the courts against President Trump
to lock him in jail
and to embarrass and humiliate and discredit him
or using the courts against me
just to throw me off the ballot
even though the voters,
in New York's aid,
I had to get 45,000 ballot signatures in 13 congressional districts.
I got 137,000 in all 26 congressional districts.
I did twice when anybody wanted.
And we did it easily because people wanted to see me on the ballot.
New Yorkers wanted to see me on the ballot.
Why is the Democratic Party suing me in frivolous cases?
On what grounds?
I spent a whole week in trial for that case.
For two cases, they brought another week in another trial
for another case.
And you had to pay for this?
It's causing me $10 million to defend myself.
But on what grounds are they suing you?
Like they don't like you, so you don't have a right to be on the ballot?
In New York State, they're suing me by, they can't challenge our signatures because we
got five times as many signatures as we required.
So normally what they were doing in the first stage, they're taking our signatures and they
were calling everybody.
They can get their numbers,
and they can get their cell phones, et cetera.
We're contacting everybody who's signaled
and trying to talk them out of it,
trying to get them to say,
you're hurting democracy,
and weren't you fooled when you did this?
They never succeeded.
In New York State, they're suing me because they say that I don't live in New York State.
So I have three residences.
One is in New York.
One is in my home in Massachusetts, which, you know, is part of my family compound that we've owned for, you know, 100 years.
And then in California, where I live with Cheryl.
So I moved with Cheryl to California in 2014, so 10 years ago.
And I lived in New York all of my life.
I lived there since I was 10.
My father ran for Senate there and was the senator. I lived there since I was 10. My father ran for Senate there and was the senator.
I moved there when I was 10.
I've only voted in New York.
I've always considered myself a New York resident.
I've lived in the same town for 40 years in Bedford.
I've lived in 13 different residents in that town at various times.
But I always wanted to stay there. And when I
moved out west with Cheryl, I made an agreement with her that, you know, when she retires, we're
going to come back to New York because I feel like I'm a New Yorker. I didn't want to vote in
California because I don't know anything about the politics out there. I was raised in New York. I
know all the politics, all the politicians.
And so I wanted to vote.
So I kept an address there.
I voted that address.
That's my only place I've ever voted.
My car is registered there.
My driver's license is there.
My law office is there.
I pay income tax, almost all my income tax is from New York State. My law license is there. I don't have a law license in California. And my hunting license is there. My fishing
license is there. Most importantly. My falconry license is there. So I have all my birds there.
You know, I keep them there. And so, you know, but they're suing me saying I'm not a real New Yorker. I'm, you know,
I contrive the address out of fraud and it's a sham. And here's the thing, is that I consulted
a lawyer when we declared independent and began getting ballot signatures. I consulted the best
ballot access attorney in the country, Paul Rossi. And I said, I got these three different residences.
Which one do I put on the ballot?
You have to put the same residence in all 50 states.
So you can't choose another resident.
You know, you can't, I can't put California in one state
and Massachusetts in another state, New York.
I have to tell the people,
otherwise I'm lying to somebody, right?
Right.
So in a couple of states, for example, Maine, where we are right now, and in New Hampshire,
those states say the only place you can put down as your domicile is the place where you vote.
And in New Hampshire, I actually had to take an oath in front of a notary that I voted in New York, because otherwise they couldn't have put
it down, so I had to put New York in every state, because I had to put it in Maine and New Hampshire
and a bunch of others, because you have to put the place you vote, anyway, the DNC is suing me,
saying I defrauded the public, because I really live in California, and they got a, you know,
they got a judge who was right out of the Democratic machine
and who violated the Constitution and every precedent
to say, yeah, they're right.
So I lost in the lower court, which is what happens.
We're doing that.
We're losing in these lower courts.
And then we win in the appeals.
There's a 100% chance I'll win in the appeal.
But they don't care.
Because it's going to take me a while and they get the headlines saying he was thrown off for fraud.
So these, I mean, I saw Kamala Harris just the other night
at her convention speech talk about how voting access is like a...
I know.
While she was doing that, I was in court in New York.
You know, trying to get on that ballot.
While she, while that, you know, trying to get on that ballot while she, while that, you
know, the entire.
The John Lewis Voting Access Act we're going to get through.
Everybody has a right to vote.
Yeah, it's not.
Except for their opponents.
So does this, it feels to me like this is, you know, obviously it's a big political story.
You're endorsing Trump.
It's a big, big change in your life as a lifelong Democrat, still a Democrat.
But it also feels like, as you said at the outset—
Well, I'm an independent out, so I registered as an independent when I ran.
And when I talk with President Trump, the thing that we talked about is that we were going to do a unity government with the independent,
not the kind of endorsements that a lot of people make, an endorsement like Abraham Lincoln's
team of rivals, where we would be able to continue to differ publicly on issues, but
that we would, on the issues that we agree on, that we were going to
strive to get into government together in order to make sure that those issues are, you know,
are the priority for our country. And, you know, he was really good about that and about, you know,
me being able to continue on there's some issues. There's a lot of issues like the border where we agree and, you know, censorship, the wars, the neocons, the, you know, forever wars,
child health epidemics. Those are the most important issues. There's other issues that I'm
going to disagree on with President Trump, but he was happy with that. And that's how our country
ought to be. We ought to be able to. So what is this realignment that you mentioned at the outset?
Because this does feel like it's bigger than just this November.
Yeah.
I mean, there's been a series of these realignments throughout American history.
And, you know, there's history books that are written about, you know, the realignments.
I think there's about five of them. And one of those is clearly happening now because you see on so many issues, you know, you've had an inversion.
The Democratic Party has become the party of the elites.
It used to be the party of the poor and the working class. In fact, there was a study that came out just recently that I saw that showed that 70% that
the people who voted for Biden own 70% of the wealth in this country.
The people who voted for Trump own 30%.
And so-
I believe that.
Right.
So you're seeing this realignment happen where the elites, where Wall Street, where the big tech, big pharma, the big banking houses are all now Democratic.
And that the working class, the middle class, the cops, the firefighters, Sean O'Brien, head of the team, you know, spoke.
Great guy.
Great guy. Great, great guy.
Really love him.
But he spoke at the Democratic Convention.
I mean, the Republican Convention
rather than Democratic Convention.
So you're seeing this,
just this big alignment.
And even on environmental issues,
it's so weird to me
because the Democrats have become subsumed
in this carbon orthodox and you and
i have talked about this that the only issue is carbon and what that's done is it's forced them
to do something that you should never do if you're an environmentalist which is to commoditize and
quantify everything so everything is measured by its carbon footprint, how many tons of carbon it produces. And, you know, you're basically, you're putting everything in that kind of box of being able to quantify it and explain its value by, you know, by a numerically.
And the reason that we protect the environment is just the opposite of that.
The reason that we protect the environment is just the opposite of that. The reason that we protect the environment is because there's a spiritual connection.
There's a, you know, there's a love that we have.
We, you know, I got into the environment because I wanted, you know, this connection to the fishes and the birds and the wildlife and the whales.
And the Purple Mountain's majesty.
And that, you know, I understood that the way, you know,
God talks to human beings through many vectors, through each other,
through organized religion, through the great prophets,
through the wise people, the great books of those religions.
But nowhere was the kind of detail and texture and grace and joy as through creation.
And when we destroy nature, we diminish our capacity to sense the divine, to understand who God is and what our own potential is and duties are as human beings.
And that...
I hope what you just said, by the way, is chopped up and put all over every social media
platform in the world.
When we destroy nature,
we degrade our own ability to experience the divine.
Yeah, and that, you know, it's not about quantifying stuff.
That's what the devil does.
He quantifies everything, right?
And that is, you know, what he wants us doing.
Put a number on it.
And the reason we're preserving these things
is because we love our children.
And it's because we get – nature enriches us.
It enriches us economically and spiritually and culturally and historically.
It connects us to those 10,000 generations of human beings that were here before there were laptops. And it connects us to the most important spiritual lesson.
Every, all of the organized religions that we know of today,
the central revelation of every one of those religions
always occurred in the wilderness.
You know, Moses had to go into the wilderness
to listen, to hear God's voice and see the burning bush.
He had to go to the wilderness at Mount Sinai
to get the commandments.
Muhammad, who was a city boy from Mecca,
had to go to the wilderness at Mount Hara
on a camping trip with his kids
and wrestle the angel Gabriel in the middle of the night
to have the first stances of the surahs of the Koran squeezed from him.
Buddha had to go into the wilderness to sit under the, you know,
and wander for years and then sit under the Bodh Gaya tree
to get his first revelation of nirvana.
And Christ had to spend 40 days in the wilderness
to discover his divinity for the first time.
And his mentor was John the Baptist,
who lived in a cave in the Jordan Valley
and ate honey of wild bees and locusts.
And then all of Christ's parables come from nature.
I'm the vine, you are the branches,
the mustard seed, the little swallows,
the scattering of seeds on the fallow ground.
Because that is where we sense the divine.
God talks to us through the fishes, the birds, the leaves.
They're all, you know, words from our creator.
And that is why we preserve nature.
It's not because of the, you know, it's not because of the, you know, the quantity of carbon.
And by the way, I feel what you said so deeply, I can hardly even express not because the, you know, the quantity of carbon. And by the way...
I feel what you said so deeply, I can hardly even
express it, and thank you for saying that.
And by the way, we
um, the best thing
that you can do for climate is to
restore the soils.
The soils are
the solution to everything. The soil
will absorb all that carbon.
If, you know, if, and it'll absorb the water.
It'll stop the flooding.
It'll give us healthy food.
And that's what our national policy has to be.
It has to be restoring the soil.
And that is, you know, everybody, listen,
if you talk, if you want to unite America
and talk about these things,
talk about the fishes, the birds, the wildlife, and just talk about ending mountaintop removal
mining.
Talk about ending the mountain cutting.
Talk about getting rid of, you know, the Democrats are putting these offshore wind farms that
are exterminating the whales.
I know.
Most of us got into this because of the whales.
And they're about to extinguish the right whales, the last ones on earth, with these monstrosities that are, you
know, that are costing us three times the amount. We don't need them. It costs 33 cents a kilowatt
hour when you can get onshore wind for 10 cents a kilowatt hour. And who's making the money?
Goldman Sachs, BlackRock, foreign governments. And the other thing that they're funding,
hundreds of billions of dollars. This is what climate has turned into, is these climate capture
pipelines and are wreaking havoc with the agricultural lands across the Midwest,
stealing people's property rights with eminent domain. And who's making the money? BlackRock. And it's a useless technology that
does not work. It's just all a boondoggle. And that's what's become the environmental movement
in this country. And if you depart from that orthodoxy, you're expelled from it.
If you want to make Americans fight each other, talk from it. If you want to make Americans fight each other,
talk about carbon.
If you want to bring Americans
together, talk about habitat protection.
Yeah, nature.
It's a little weird. I mean, you've
literally spent your life with river keepers
as an environmentalist and environmental lawyer
in the environmental movement.
That's your life
work product. Have you been expelled from the movement uh pretty much yeah you know the weird thing is i
think of you as a radical environmentalist well i definitely am yeah you are i haven't showered
inside in 10 years yeah yeah no i feel it so strongly also you know you love nature you're
against these big projects that are are destroying it and you know you you love nature. You're against these big projects that are destroying it.
And, you know, you talk about toxics.
And the environmental movement no longer talks about toxics anymore.
They don't care about it.
They don't care that we're mass poisoning our children.
It's so weird to me. I saw you for 40 years.
I've been fighting against endocrine disruptors.
Endocrine disruptors are a class of chemicals that change.
They alter us hormonally, and they can change sexual conduct.
They can change sexual conduct. They can change sexual development.
They can affect fertility, and we've already lost 50% of our sperm count.
We're having girls in this country that are achieving puberty on average between 10 and 13 years old.
That's six years less younger than they were, you know, 80 years ago.
We have the lowest puberty levels on any continent in the world here because we're just bombarding our children with endocrine disruptors. PCBs, polychlorinated biphenyl atrazine, which can turn male frogs into females and produce fertile eggs.
That's how potent they are as an endocrine disruptor.
And it's in 63% of our water supply.
PCBs, which I've been fighting since the day I became an environmental lawyer and getting them out of the Hudson.
And for 40 years,
I've been trying to get Republicans to talk about it.
I talk, Roger Ailes all the time,
who both of us know,
who would let me occasionally onto Fox News to talk about it,
but there was so much hostility from the Republican Party
because it was like you're attacking
corporate profit-taking
and that these are chemicals,
they're molecules,
who cares?
You know,
they can't hurt you.
And there was just,
and then you do this
incredible show
on endocrine disruptors.
And I'm like,
oh my God,
Tucker Carlson
has just done the best show
that's ever been done
showing, you know, what's happening with endocrine disruptors and how they're just destroying us.
And the Democrats went after you and the environmental movement.
And I'm like, what?
You know, this is what we've been trying to get for 40 years, the Republicans to care about these issues.
And they said, oh, he's saying that chemicals turn people gay and he's
anti-gay and all this stuff. And that wasn't what you said at all. And that's not what anybody said.
And what we're saying is we're destroying our children. That's what we're saying.
Yeah. And God's creation, which is not ours to destroy. Your description of why we protect nature
and its role in our lives and what happens when you're cut off from nature and animals, but being part of nature, is the best I've ever heard, ever.
Oh, thank you.
I mean it.
And when that, you know, when it becomes a matter of quantifying things for profit, then that kind of corrupts the whole enterprise.
So where do you, my last question, what happens now?
You had this kind of amazing announcement with Donald Trump on Friday.
It's now Monday, I think, which is three days ago.
How do you spend from here until election day?
I'm going to work to get him elected.
And, you know, I'm working with the campaign.
We're working on policy issues together.
I will, I've been asked to go on to the transition team. working on policy issues together.
I've been asked to go on to the transition team to help pick the people who will be running the government.
And I'm looking forward to that.
And I'm going to fight.
I don't know what would happen to me if we lose.
Well, that's kind of it. I mean't know what would happen to me if we lose.
Well, that's kind of it.
I mean, a lot of people I know personally and I'm friends with have gone to prison.
One of them is in prison right now, Pavel Durov.
There are others.
Like, what happens if he loses to you?
If Trump loses and Kamala Harris becomes president? Oh, I don't know.
But, I mean, listen, I know.
I don't – I never really think about that.
What I think is, okay, here's what I got to do today.
And, you know, get up every day and say reporting for duty, sir, and then go do that.
And, you know, nothing's a crisis.
Everything's a task, right?
And so that's what I'm going to be, kind of a happy warrior.
You know, I know what I have to do, so I'm going to do it.
Robert F. Kennedy Jr., thank you. That was really, that was a blessing. I appreciate it.
Thank you.
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