The Weekly Show with Jon Stewart - Left Behind: Why Democrats Lost the Working Class

Episode Date: November 14, 2024

As Democrats try to understand their eroding support among working-class voters, we're joined by Sarah Smarsh, author of "Bone of the Bone: Essays on America by a Daughter of the Working Class.” Together, we delve into the intersection of class and identity, discuss why the Democrats' appeals to working people have fallen short, and consider how progressive politics might rebuild its relationship with working-class communities. Follow The Weekly Show with Jon Stewart on social media for more:  > YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@weeklyshowpodcast > Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/weeklyshowpodcast > TikTok: https://tiktok.com/@weeklyshowpodcast  > X: https://x.com/weeklyshowpod Host/Executive Producer – Jon Stewart Executive Producer – James Dixon Executive Producer – Chris McShane Executive Producer – Caity Gray Lead Producer – Lauren Walker Producer – Brittany Mehmedovic Video Editor & Engineer – Sam Reid Audio Editor & Engineer – Nicole Boyce Researcher & Associate Producer – Gillian Spear Music by Hansdle Hsu — This podcast is brought to you by: ZipRecruiter Try it for free at this exclusive web address: ziprecruiter.com/ZipWeekly Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

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See app for details. Hello everybody. Welcome once again to another episode of The Weekly Show. My name is John Stewart and we are, how many days in are we to the new era of America? Do I have to say it now always with a question mark? We are now, oh God, it's only been a fucking week. That cannot be possible. You know, and I hesitate to say it because it's been a week where like the faint taste of like a shit taco has been in my mouth for like a week. And I don't think that that's, by the way, it probably should taste like that. You should feel this discomfort. I just wish the discomfort wasn't always present.

I feel like I have tried this week very much to just go about my normal Nick's box score obsessing or those types of things. But there is this faint discomfort that is always in the background of my mind of like this moment slipping away from us and the country. I'm hoping that that dull home slightly goes away because I find it very distracting that I'm constantly checking Twitter to be like, oh my God, he nominated Brian Kilmeade to run commerce, like what are we doing here people? But I don't want to also lose the discomfort

because the discomfort is, it is an incentive. It is incentive to think about how to reverse, how to change this, how to improve upon outcomes that I would prefer if it didn't taste like a shit, it should taste bad. It shouldn't be something that leaves our collective souls immediately that we wear so lightly like perhaps a windbreaker. I didn't really know where I was going with the metaphor. So I'm going to go with a light jacket

because it's fall and because I lack imagination. And so I'm unable to come up with metaphors other than literally what I was wearing this morning. That's how sad I am. I'm an old man who no longer has the imagination to get the taste of a shit taco out of his mouth. Folks, action is the antidote to anxiety. And action is creating forward momentum, whether it be through discussion or action about what it is you would rather see in this country. And to that end, I think we have a great guest for that today. I'm so excited to speak with her. I'm going to get to that now. So we're going to bring out our guest. Her name is Sarah Smarsh.

She's a journalist. She's the author of Bone of the Bone, Essays on America by a Daughter of the Working Class. And I would imagine, Sarah, first of all, thank you so much for joining us. I would imagine in this election in particular, as Democrats struggle to understand the alien creature that is the white working class voter, that you are seen as the Rosetta Stone. Do you find right now that

people are looking to you for answers in this confusing world of the rural voter? Dr. Kirsten Bader, Ph.D. First, thanks for having me, John. And yes, I do find I'm getting a lot of calls right now. That's been true to some extent for some time through the current political era. That's been true to some extent for some time through the current political era. But this really feels like a moment when maybe my message about class and the way that we need to center it and discuss it as an identity unto itself is really critical right now. So yeah, I'm happy to be here to talk about it. Well, I'm delighted that you could join us. You know, I have happy to be here to talk about it. Well, I'm delighted that you could join us. I have my theories about the election.

It's interesting, you mentioned just now class as an identity, which is, I always view the world as we have, everything is sort of at some level intersecting between class, race, gender, and religion. You know, you sort of have these, the four horsemen of the shitopolis. So yeah, that creates all those things. But at its core,

my kind of feeling about the election is, there is a broad swath across gender, race, class, religion that believe that government is no longer particularly responsive to the needs of the people. And if your message is this election is about saving this system, but even amongst these wide variety of groups, people feel that the system is not particularly has any efficacy. Does that cut across all of those different identities and how does it impact the class identity, maybe even the most strongly? Well, I think we've been in a burn it down moment for some time, several election cycles. 2020 might have been somewhat of an anomaly. Biden, of course, won that general. And here we are again with Trump. I will say going back to 2016, I felt it

profoundly on the ground, even in places like rural Kansas, that a democratic socialist from Vermont was sure getting a lot of traction and actually built an incredible coalition, almost got the nomination more than once, in fact. So that sort of anger, rage, you know, that's just been kind of on broil at ground level across, as you say, all sorts of identity markers. I do believe has a lot to do with class and the way that, as you say, it intersects with race, it intersects with gender, but it is an experience that every one of us has and contains. And if you're on the losing end of that power structure, that continuum,

and four more people are on the losing end than not, of course, then then to your point, indeed saying we're now defending these structures that have had you and your family hurting for some generations is maybe a losing, a losing messaging strategy. So let's talk about that. That's a great place to start, because it's this idea that we're defending these structures. So what in these structures isn't delivering? What part of these structures? What is, you know, let's look at the chasm between need and servicing those needs.

What isn't being delivered? Yeah. Well, I think a way to kind of look at this in very specific terms would be the gulf between the message that the economy is actually great, dummy. You must not have seen the statistics. Are you saying that doesn't work? All right. You must not have read the latest report about the GDP. Are you saying that doesn't work? All right. You must not have read the latest report about the GDP. Most Americans don't own stocks. Sure, you can say inflation has slowed down and there have been economic gains in all

sorts of ways. But for the average underpaid American, it's not even just about prices. It's also about – or spending. That's a measure that economists love to trot out. You might be buying all your groceries and your consumer goods with a credit card. I didn't hear a lot of talk about debt. Most of the working class and working poor Americans I know hold profoundly disturbing amounts of debt, be it credit card, medical. I will say the Biden administration did talk about medical debt a little bit. Maybe they could have led with that. I think that might have helped. Rather than GDP, you really don't think GDP was-

Right. Yeah. So yeah, people are hurting. And if you're looking in the face and saying, actually, you're not, in whether that's a move to kind of defend your own administration that, of course, the Democratic candidate was part of. And that's a very difficult to thread that needle, you know, the task she was handed to kind of propose how we'll change, but also still be riding with the last administration. You were about to say riding with Biden. I think you were about to go for a rhyme there, Sarah. But most people are hurting. And here's the thing, because I know that a lot of liberals and Democrats and progressives alike might be saying, but you're saying all that and the Democrats have

the better policies. They address all of those needs better, even if imperfectly in the end. Ain't the Republicans worse? And while I happen to agree with that, here's the trick. The Republicans, meanwhile, are the ones validating the pain. And politics is an emotional business before it's a rational one, and that's why they win. That is incredibly interesting to me. You know, it's this side, because I'll agree with you, you know, I have sort of a disconnect, and actually not even necessarily,

oh, the Democrats are better, because I do think Democrats have bought into, I guess what they would call neoliberalism to a large extent. And you know, as you were talking, I was thinking this is a much larger conversation about since Reagan probably, we've kind of moved into this investment economy, that investment and capital money means more than work.

Labor is devalued and investment is king and administration's Republican and Democratic. You know, you mentioned Bernie Sanders. I think he was one of the few that kind of bucked that trend, but it does feel as though since Reagan, we have devalued labor and both parties, policy or otherwise, seem to agree that this idea of capital and investment being having primacy is a winning one economically. Would that ring true to you?

It does. And, um, you know, just to, to go back to neoliberalism in the way that it crosses those party lines, uh, NAFTA, I think kind of originated with the first Bush administration, but was of course signed into law and, and celebrated as a, as a major victory for the Clinton administration. Um, and, uh, the, the person who held that pin, by the way, I think, there's been a bitter taste in a lot of workers' mouths around specifically the Democratic Party, even though both were complicit in NAFTA. But these moves toward globalization, which, depending on who you are, means very different things.

which depending on who you are means very different things. And yeah, the, the, the devaluing of the American worker without a real plan, other than like, how about this coding program for people in Appalachia? That would be, you know, that was my favorite. My favorite thing that they ever said was, you know, yeah, we are going to be pivoting from the coal industry and you're all going to be losing your jobs, but we are going to send you to computer science school. So it's really a wash. Come on. So there were big money and corporate interests involved in all of those shifts, but ultimately

part of that perfect storm of really pissing off the working class was that meanwhile you've got the party who used to be on their side, at least seemingly, who now just flat out apparently don't get it. Right. But you talk about it as identity. So I want to tease that out a little bit because to my mind, even with both parties kind of embracing maybe a larger structure of neoliberalism and globalization and capital being king and all those different things. The Democrats really do like Republican states have right to work states.

If you're upset about globalization, if you're upset about factories moving to Mexico to avoid having to pay workers a decent wage or doing any of those things. You know, South Carolina is kind of Mexico to maybe some of the northeastern states that have more worker protections. Why doesn't that resonate for for workers? Well, I think there was a very successful kind of messaging campaign some decades ago to not only get those laws through that the so-called right to work laws that were basically union busting, but also to kind of poison the water to really shift the culture around a worker's relationship to the concept

of a union. As a child in the 80s, who a lot of my family worked in the airplane factories in Wichita that used to be a major center of that industry, still is to some extent. Also in wheat fields and the agricultural industry, that would not be a sector that's traditionally so tied up in unions. But I have folks in the trades in my family and communities who didn't want anything to do with unions. And I think it might've been that not just the laws changed, but somehow cleverly the culture also did.

Those are imperfect systems themselves, of course. Labor and unions have historically also been rife with their own problems and been power structures of sorts. Right. But- Yeah, they have their own corruption as well. Sure. Yes. And that's fair. And nobody knows that better than a worker. But they remain, to my mind, the greatest perhaps tool that laborers have and it has been stripped away from people in a lot of states, as you say. You know, that actually gets, I think, an interesting point, which is whenever we discuss economics with people,

and they always say, like, we've got to strengthen these unions, and we've got to get in there. And isn't that, in some ways, maybe an antiquated way of looking, you know, why is it incumbent always upon workers to just, in some respects, get better lobbyists. If we're going to be sticking with this idea that investment is a more powerful tool than labor, how do we not plug labor into that investment current? Sometimes they'll be offered stock portfolio or sharing or things like that, but that's

not normal. And so how do we get it to the point where you don't need a union to come in there and go, because generally unions are still like, hey, stop making them work 60 hours and you have to pay them over time. And you really do need to give them health insurance. It's all those basics.

Why don't they participate in the gravy? Yeah, I get you. Yeah. I think this might go back to culture, actually, and the way that that relates to class as an identity. So here's the thing. Even if you got in on that gravy, that gravy itself is unto a class and a mode of thinking and a relationship to economy that actually threatens your way of life and your place in your community and your skills. What I'm getting at here is the folks who I know who do manual labor or would identify as members of the working class, even in the service industry and all sorts of jobs,

they're very proud of their work. They aren't actually trying to get out of work. Some of them like to work. Their identity has to do with that steel or their identity has to do with that wheat field or with that hammer or even with that relationship they have with customers, waiting tables and so on.

So it's like trying to say to a bunch of folks that are looking at everything in a macro way, here on the ground, we're talking about the dignity of our work. We're also defending our rights and we're trying to get more money and we're trying to get you to back off, working us into the ground.

But that's not the same thing as saying, we actually don't like our gig and feel very proud of the skills that we have. And by God, don't you, we could talk about AI all you want, but for the time being, we need people who have those skills and they know it. So while I don't think it's a bad idea what you're talking about, I think it's just two different

realities in terms of a relationship to capital, how you build it, and how you value yourself. If a worker hands over just like the inherent value of her ability to fix a sink. And now she's swimming with the real sharks, trying to get ahead, swimming in the gravy, if you will. That's maybe a really precarious way to be because they've already got you beaten every other way. At least they don't know how to fix their sink. All right, let's take a quick break. We'll be right back.

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Yes, we deliver those. Goltenders, no. But chicken tenders, yes. Because those are groceries, and we deliver those too. Along with your favorite restaurant food, alcohol, and other everyday essentials. Order Uber Eats now. For alcohol, you must be legal drinking age. Please enjoy responsibly. Product availability varies by region. See app for details. And we are back. I was almost thinking about it as it's adding another revenue stream for that work more than redefining that work. It's like almost trying to come up with, in the ways

that they're very creative about padding their bottom line. And you have this with a lot of corporations. They'll pay a certain wage that's not a living wage. And so you're forcing people who are still having, as you say, that work that they're proud of, that dignity that they're proud of, but it's not bringing them enough that they don't still have to reach out

to some government programs to help them even to just get by. I mean, I don't know if people realize how much people who work still rely on programs from the government to benefit that. Oh, yeah. Like a scandalous percentage of, let's say Walmart employees are on food stamps. The scandal, by the way, to be clear, is that Walmart is underpaying its workers, not that anyone needs to seek out assistance, it was my meaning. Exactly, and that's the point.

And it's so interesting, you know, you talked about it as this is an identity. And what goes along with that identity? It's sort of, because you're saying it cuts it across different lines of class and gender and religion and those different things. In that identity, is it just about the government not recognizing their struggle? Or is it about a government also not being able to ease it?

Which do you think is bigger? Well, I think that we can maybe answer the question by just pinpointing or teasing out who is that government, who's there. It's mostly pretty well-off folks, affluent folks. A lot of them went to the same Ivy League schools. There has been modest but somewhat heartening and hopeful diversification of Congress and the ranks of government along gender and racial lines. If you look at class though, very rare is the the lawmaker who has a background with direct experience of poverty or the

working class or throw in rural America and you're down to like people you can count on one hand. Right. But then you get a guy like John Tester in Montana and they just voted him out. Yeah. I mean that's a dude who's literally like yeah lost part of his hand in a threshing accident. out. I mean, that's a dude who's literally like lost part of his hand in a threshing accident. Yeah, I think it was a meat grinder. Meat grinder. But yeah, and God bless him, he had a good run. So what I'm getting at here is I'm not so sure

that it's that the structures themselves are unresponsive by definition, but rather the folks who are driving, who are behind the wheel have enormous class blind spots, and often racial blind spots and gender blind spots as well. But across the board, there is just a gross inability to truly understand the day-to-day lives of the average American. And that's true in both parties,

of course. I talked about the little trick that the Republicans pull off meanwhile earlier. But the Democrats also have that problem, and then they're telling you you're wrong, that the economy sucks, recipe for disaster. Right. And you look at, I mean, JD Vance is supposed to be the avatar for the politician who comes from, you know, Appalachia, comes from a white working class background. But I think you're right, then you tie it into, but there's a dude who like his story is I worked my ass off and went to Yale and got out of that place.

And maybe the thing that you're saying is what if we recognize a pride of place that not everybody necessarily wants to leave has great pride in not just the work that they do, but the culture that surrounds them. They don't want a way out. They want a way to live where they live, how they live with dignity and some economic security. Yes, 100%. So when I moved to New York in my 20s,

a question I often got was, how did you get out? And I think the idea was it was a compliment and I actually love the place I'm from. I live there again now in rural Kansas, happily, but I had no choice in terms of my career path and my goals and my aspirations professionally and academically, but to leave. I'm kind of a homecomer, if you will,

who returned on the Odyssean journey. That's how I ended up back in Jersey. Same thing. Yeah, you get it. But yes, home and place. I believe those things often kind of relate to class, And I believe those things often kind of relate to class. But the capitalist and industrialized and globalized and urbanized way of looking at reality often leaves place out of the equation and place, boy, does that, is that still a tie that binds, I find when I talk to people about my work, all colors and ethnicities and political stripes even. You know, where I'm from, you just, you say, where are you from?

And so your daddy was down at, oh, you worked at that grain elevator. And there's different versions of that all over this beautiful country, of course. And if all of the policy and the aspiration that you're talking about, you know, something we haven't mentioned yet is how the Democrats, throughout that campaign. John, I don't think I heard him say the word working class once, the term. Maybe I missed it. It wasn't in an important economic policy speech. It wasn't mentioned in 82 pages of

a policy book that I read about their economic plan. But the reason I point that out is because it's always about the middle class. We're talking about how do we get you in the middle class? We know you want to be in the middle class. We're jerking off the middle class with every overture we make with our messaging, exalting the notion that, and meanwhile, we're defining the demarcation line as a college degree. Oh, that's interesting. So the notion is, so if we know you want to make it and you want to get into the middle class, I know people that are perfectly happy with their modest lives in a rural landscape and they're proud to be doing the work of tending and protecting a piece of land. And maybe they're

extremely well self-educated, read a bunch of books. But if the current pathways are like, and now you've got to leave your home and go take this coding class and now enter this completely different world that you don't even want. I mean, you know, like another thing, of course, what's the saying about New York, if you can make it there, you can make it anywhere. And what I would say is, well, there are people who could make it there, but they just don't want to. And that's like being completely left out of the conversation about what sorts of aspirations or goals someone would have for a good and fulfilling life.

That, Sarah, I think you've hit on, I don't wanna call it sort of the mother load of the, but what you have just said has struck me in a way that maybe had before, but you're right. As I'm looking at the breakdowns of the electorate, you know, people with a college degree is now the biggest separator between there, but inherent in that is a certain prejudice about what that means. The idea being a college degree is your passport and you cannot go anywhere without the college degree. Oh, and by the way, the ante for a college degree is now at minimum $75,000 all the way up to $500,000 for four years or some crazy fucking piece of money that's gonna put you in debt.

And you're gonna have to climb out of that for the whole thing. Without this idea that there is that sense of place and lifestyle and culture that should be economically and socially viable for people. And that they shouldn't have to choose that one path of debt and whatever that passport would cost them. I think that is a really important point that I have not heard spoken very often. Yeah, I think it's an important one.

And I want to point out, by the way, that that choice that someone might make or that kind of rearrangement of traditional capitalist value sets in deciding where to hang their hat and how to live their lives. It's important for all of us, including urban and formally educated folks, that people are, you know, something I would like to point out, having grown up in a rural space and living in one again now,

yes, we are a majority urban population now, but 98% of the land of the United States is rural space. As someone who sees firsthand what's going on out there in terms of corporations and who's buying that land, what they're doing to it and extracting to it, it's good for all of us. We've got a little bit more of a sprinkle going on. Somebody reasonable and sane who has that pride of place that you mentioned, who wants to protect that place, that actually affects all of us. If you eat, if you put gas in your car,

if you care about the earth and the land that we share, people who are trying to keep the agrarian lifestyle that is days gone by for a lot of families, but it's still alive and well in some. It's the fabric of our country. And I'm glad that some people are prioritizing being in those places. Right.

And by the way, I'm not, I don't wanna give the idea that I'm fetishizing that or that idea of like, yup, those are the good hardworking people like working in a city, living in a city, getting through there, surviving there. That's fucking hard to like it is. I think the whole idea of it is not viewing things as in such a hierarchy, but viewing them now.

The counter to that might be the rural areas of this country do hold a larger portion of the political power just based on how the Constitution has apportioned how we vote. Does that part of it, you know, look, we talk about, you know, the rural parts are much more decidedly read and they do hold within our Senate, certainly, a much larger portion of the political power in terms of the amount of people they represent. So before we go too far down the rabbit hole of

nobody sees these folks, how is that, does that part resonate in rural areas? Did they, how do they view that? And I have a follow-up to that, but I'm just curious. Yeah, well, what's wild is, for all the electoral college privileging those rural states, as you point out, most folks I know in those parts of the country

don't feel represented by their government see there. I'm part of that is due to just not really resonating with either side in this two party system and again the largely rich people that run both of those parties. when you strip an issue away from those labels R and D and have a ballot measure for progressive ideas like legal weed or reproductive rights, defending those Medicaid expansion all down the list, they often pass in so-called red states. So there's something going on there about the identity has now become the red state and that's our majority politics here. And sometimes that becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy in terms of now a heightened sense of desire to belong to your place. But that's not necessarily the same thing as reflecting precisely what you believe and want in the world. And that dissonance between political behavior and

what people actually believe, you know, that's for sociologists and psychologists to parse, but I know it firsthand. I've seen it. Another thing about that kind of wobbly way that we get representation and how the rural folks have more, that red and blue map and that winner take all politics that it reflects is so toxic, I think, to our understanding of ourselves, whether you're rural or urban or somewhere in between. In most, you've probably seen before when someone takes the 50 states and instead gives them a gradient of purple rather than just showing who actually won the state in the way that we run

our elections, but rather to actually reflect the sizable political minorities that exist in every state. And they're there in red states too, even a place like my Kansas, I think in most general elections, there's about 40% of people vote for the Democratic presidential candidate. And two out of five people ain't nothing. But so here, so here's where again, that the, the electoral college and, and, and the way we do our elections is, is damaging even in those spaces that are disproportionately represented, whether in the Senate or elsewhere, is that if you are one of those two out of five people in that place, my God is that demoralizing and it is so hard to keep hanging. And then meanwhile, if you're being sort of lumped in as though there's this stereotype or

homogenization of your place and the cultural idea of it. You're like a kid holding a Black Lives Matter sign in small town Kansas and I've seen it. That's very brave work. That might be braver work than what's going down in Brooklyn. You know what I mean? Because it's like you're against the grain. No question. You're against the grain of the culture. Then meanwhile, you keep seeing this red and blue map and then meanwhile, where is your vote going? My God, does it even matter? And so, and that's what I was alluding

to about a self-fulfilling prophecy because then those people might long to leave. And I'm sure that it works vice versa too with folks in so-called blue states choosing to hang their hats. Yeah, there's a sorting of it. It's a soft sorting. Yep. It makes perfect sense. All right. Well, let's take a quick break coffee and a $2 small latte. Available now until November 24th in Ontario only.

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Buy from DysonCanada.ca. With ANC on, performance may vary based on environmental conditions and usage accessories sold separately. ["Dyson On Track"] And we are back. What is so blowing my mind about this is, and this is the thing that you're talking about, that dissonance between how you feel and maybe what the policy might reflect or what things are in a more practical way, but it is. So if I were to look at this more broadly, this idea of like, you know, in the red states, some of this is a rejection of what they would

call identity politics. We're so tired of pandering to identity, black, gay, Jewish, you know, we don't want to pander, we don't want woke policies. On the flip side of that is see our identity, value our identity, it is a sort of bizarro world DEI identity politics. It's that there is an identity here that isn't being addressed. And that in some ways what's effective about what you're talking about about the feeling is

it seems to me that the most effective message that the Republicans have is, you work hard and you pay money into a system that doesn't deliver for you because it's too busy giving money to undocumented trans athletes who are there to destroy your work. Like they've painted this picture of a system

that you work to pay into, but undeserving people get all the benefit of it. Which is in some ways, just a different kind of identity politics, no? Well, I think it's a manipulation of the way in which we've been handling identity politics. And I don't use that term negatively. It's important that we're talking about racial inequality and gender inequality and the way

that those things affect your probable outcomes. But if you're doing that, if your DEI statement isn't also talking about socioeconomic class, if your definition of diversity is not also acknowledging wealth or, you know, I'm a first generation college student, so I often find myself in, or college graduate, I often find myself in professional spaces where I'm the only person who has a background remotely like mine, regardless of color and gender. And yet when I was kind of crossing

that bridge from one class experience or reality to another, if you will, and I contain both today, but that bridge was on that college campus. As that first generation student, they were rightly race and gender and other aspects of identity were being addressed. But there was something very specific about what I was that made a really hard hard, you know, go of it for me that was not being discussed. And if we as a culture and a country are not acknowledging that class is also an identity, then in that void, in that vacuum where deep pain of valid sense of not being seen arises. There, there, then comes in swooping, comes in writing on a demon horse, Rush Limbaugh. There comes in writing the messages about the immigrants. Don't make me conjure up images.

And the reason and the brown people. And so there is actually in my view a real, now I want to be careful here because when I talk about a grievance, you can simultaneously have white privilege and economic disadvantage. My family would be an example. I grew up on a fifth generation wheat farm and we struggled to get by and we were below the poverty line as we say, I qualified for a Pell Grant. And it's also true that we owned a little bit of land, that land was stolen from indigenous peoples.

People of color probably never could have owned it without being menaced in times gone by. And so in most, even poor white families, you can find traces of white privilege. But if you're only acknowledging the privilege of whiteness, and you're not meanwhile discussing the fact that within the 40 million people in this country living in poverty, the largest group of them are actually white, just because we're still a majority white nation, you're more likely to be poor as a person of color due to structural racism.

But if you're only talking about the privilege and you're not acknowledging the disadvantage within the white working class. And by the way, also black working class, Latino working class, like work. So when you talk about all those identify, you know, there may be more common ground amongst working class of all races, genders, religions, then there is amongst upper class of absolutely color.

Right. Yes. This this is I'm telling you, man, this is this is the hit because, you know, it's that resentment that treats our game. And you said it earlier about a zero sum election. It's also capitalism can't be a zero sum game where only investment is the thing. It's about recognizing struggle as identity. And that being like in a capitalist system, there are victims.

Anytime you're in a system that is searching for the cheapest labor and the cheapest raw materials to make goods and services, you will have people who suffer at the bottom of thatating struggle. It's gotta be about alleviating struggle. Too many fucking people in this country struggle. It's too hard. That has to be a part of it. Yeah, you know, this might sound crazy,

but affirmative actions such that it still exists, rewrite that law to also include, let's say household wealth, see what happens. And, you know. Which by the way, it's not to suggest that race or gender or any of those other things are fixed. It's to suggest that you have to include everybody in those ideas.

Yes, yeah. This is one of the reasons the conversation falls apart often is that the notion is that these ideas are in opposition to one another. But if we actually believe in an intersectional mode and march toward justice, then we can't make class secondary. And as you were alluding to, class, right now we're isolating it among discussing the white working class because that's the political moment and that demographic that has vexed so many.

But class, as you were alluding to, it's an experience for people regardless of color, regardless of origin, regardless of ethnicity. And often indeed, as you say, it's a tie that binds. And it might have to do with place or day-to-day experiences or the job that you hold side by side. But any group that's really interested in change and justice is leaving a lot on the table if they're not acknowledging that. And not only does it not threaten our progress toward racial and gender justice, it is of a piece with both of these. No question, because it's also,

if you give people a more secure foundation, gender, race, whatever, it doesn't matter what identity you are, the more that we are able to have people not feel like they are in quicksand, no matter their identity, the healthier we will be. We have created, especially over the last 50 years, a top heavy society that is listing,

rather than looking at that foundational situation. But I like this very much. The only thing I didn't like, Sarah, and I'm gonna be perfectly frank with you, we've become friends now. Late on me. Forcing me to think about Rush Limbaugh riding a horse. I did not care for that image.

I don't. Now I'm gonna have to have that in my head. My guess is I have a very crazy shitty dream coming up tonight that I will have trouble making sense of that will include hopefully closed. I'm so sorry, rush limbaugh. Sorry, on a horse. Sarah, I can't thank you enough. I think you've you've helped me clarify certain things about this conversation. That is really important.

And it's the last thing that I'll leave you with is we have to stop resenting people from pushing for their identities to be a part of this better life. There is no reason to resent white working class as they try and get their way into that. We have to be inclusive means inclusive of as many people as you can fit onto that elevated track.

And I think framing it that way and thinking about that way has helped me differentiate. Cause I was looking at it clearly from that, that side of it that you were talking about, which was that dissonance, like how do they not understand that those policies aren't better for that? And, but I think I wasn't clarifying that emotional emotionally or identity wise. And that's, I think that's such an important aspect of it. Can I add just one layer to what you just said, which is that while I'm with you about like, let's welcome that identity and its rightful points about where they've been unfairly on the losing end, that that's not the same thing as giving a pass to xenophobia

or racism or sexism, misogyny and so on in the politics. But it's instead going to the foundation, the ground level of that person's experience and saying, I see it, I validate it, and now let's build from there. And because it's in the lack of validation or being seen, that those nastier permutations of the politics are enabled and manipulated.

That's my point is if you give people a more solid foundation, and maybe this is Pollyanna, but my view is those politics of resentment that it's immigrants or trans people or but that they're the reason why you're not getting it, that that will ease. And that we will actually be easing two things at once. That when you bring people up to feel seen, hurt, but also solidify the ground that they stand on, make them feel that the working life that they've chose has a future. You will take all the air out of that resentment and xenophobia and all those other ills. Maybe that's Pollyanna.

Well, and you might even start with, speaking to the millions of white working class people who aren't Trumpers. Believe it or not, they're out there. My family are among them. Make inroads in those communities and allow that to spread out. I'm not a political strategist,

but I know you got to go there and you got to talk to that group of people and they've got some real concerns. Right. Well, Sarah, I really appreciate you being here with me talking with Sarah Smarsh. She's a journalist, she's the author of Bone of the Bone, Essays on America by a Daughter of the Working Class. And it's much appreciated, Sarah. Thanks so much for joining us.

Thank you, John. And it's much appreciated, Sarah. Thanks so much for joining us. Thank you, John. That was boy, that just that started cooking when when I felt like. I was I was in her class. She was the professor and I'd been sitting there for weeks, like a dumb fuck. Just sitting there the whole time going like, I don't get any of this.

And then like there was one class or I just woke up and went, it's an identity. Oh. Epiphany. You did the reading. Jillian, that really sums it up. I should have done the reading. We've all been told that.

And I hadn't. Had you all, was that something that seemed obvious to you guys that when it clicked for me or is it something that you also thought, oh that's different? No, it definitely was different. Yeah, it definitely differs from what I've been reading in the mainstream press about what happened. There was no, you know, reducing this down to a group of people were not even addressed. And why wouldn't class be what defines you

when it defines your entire life? Like it's your entire approach. Your entire sense of security. But it's what's so interesting about it. And Lauren, to your point, there's so many things that people are writing about. Oh, you focus too much on identity. And really what the point is that actually, you just don't have enough identities there that you haven't considered these other avenues in the

same way with the same fervor that you defend other groupings that you look at as marginalized. Disenfranchisement and marginalization happens across a much broader swath than perhaps, you know, for instance, why aren't short people talked about more? I was just gonna say that. And their grievances. We need to be hearing their grievances. That feels personal.

See, Brittany can walk away from that, not being a short person. Sorry, guys. That's okay. Hashtag blessed. Hashtag something. I was trying to, the only other thing that I thought about is that dissonance,

and Jillian, maybe you were, when she was talking about that, the dissonance between policies that actually address that, because that is the one thing, even with their identity, I am surprised that they align themselves, even identity-wise, with the Republican Party, because I don't see,

I guess I don't see the policies that would make that. Well, her election diagnosis, when she said that the Democrats may have all of these solutions, but the Republicans are the ones that are valid that? Well, her election diagnosis, when she said that the Democrats may have all of these solutions, but the Republicans are the ones that are validating their pain, that really rang true to me. So when people's daily lives are marked by debt,

unaffordable housing, unstable healthcare, the message of protecting all of these institutions that have failed you really falls flat. And the promise to disrupt that system resonates with people across all identity lines, these traditional identities who've lost faith in those institutions. So it doesn't really matter

if that force is one of authoritarianism as long as it's offering to do something. And it would happen faster through authoritarianism. Yeah. No question. Gridlock. By the way, Lauren, I think that's a very undervalued point.

Absolutely. Well, I remember in the aftermath, I think of 2016, where they were doing surveys of young people, and there was this weird shift towards the acceptance of authoritarianism and the underlying principle was like, at least something would get done. I think that's dead on right.

I think if your message is like, we must defend democracy and everybody's like, I don't know, democracy seems to be doing a pretty shit job these days. Like I could see how they would think like, well, as long as it's an authoritarian I trust, then we'll all be okay. The problem is, doesn't always work out that way and you may find yourself on the shit end of that stick

and that's why those protections are so important. But what I really loved about that experience with Sarah on the show is, I felt like I had kind of a unifying theory of what I thought it was and I thought she yes-anded it and improved it and brought it to, I think, a much stronger place. So I really appreciated that.

It was fantastic. Brittany, I've really appreciated people's feedback most recently. Well, do you want to hear some of their questions? Oh, sure, yeah. Is there stuff that? Always. Oh, please, always.

Okay, does the left need a Joe Rogan experience? What does that mean? Like does the left need a Joe Rogan type of podcast? Or also how do they get their message out? You know, there was a whole conversation like the left needs, who's the left Joe Rogan? Oh, oh, oh. I mean, I think that's oversimplifying Joe Rogan.

I mean, as somebody who does listen to Joe Rogan, like I don't think, like I don't know what I would necessarily classify him as I think that's oversimplifying Joe Rogan. I mean, as somebody who does listen to Joe Rogan, I don't know what I would necessarily classify him as. He has some ideas that I think are wildly progressive, other ideas that are probably I would less agree with. But I think what's interesting about Joe is talks to anybody. He does it with a kind of a genuine curiosity, whether you, you know, I hate this thing

we've gotten into of how dare you platform, you know, or do the like, he's platform. He has a voice. We have a system that is a capitalistic that voices that resonate tend to be amplified. Bernie went on Joe Rogan, which I think was exactly the right thing to do. But it's all these people that have never really,

I think, listened to him going, how do we get one of those? And you're like, I don't even, I'm not even sure you know what that is. Yeah. You don't need your own, you just need to go on. Right, and also I think they always, that question is always framed in the negative.

Like that's a shit thing and we need to counter it with a good thing of equivalent value. And I think that's a mistake as well. I don't even, I wouldn't even know how to classify the things that he does and says. Because the other thing to remember is in the world that we live in right now, right or left, the only thing I object to about this idea of political correctness is that it only comes from the left. In a world of constant comment, everything is attackable and everything

will be attacked. Whether it's from the left, from the right, things you agree with, don't agree with, we are now an incessant shit talking society. So my only complaint about it is that people somehow blame the left as like, we're the ones who complain about shit, like, I don't know, man. Look in my comment section. Yeah, they have their own purity tests on their way. Thank you, Jillian.

That's all. We brought you here today to cancel you, John. I do feel like this is one of those, it's like an intervention gone wrong. Where you're like, you need to stop drinking. And I'm like, but whiskey's so good. Yeah, that was terrible. Thank you guys as always.

Very, very interesting. Brittany, how can people keep getting in touch with us? Yeah, Twitter, We Are Weekly Show pod, Instagram threads and TikTok, We Are Weekly Show podcast. And you can like and subscribe our YouTube channel, The Weekly Show with Jon Stewart. Yeah, do that. It makes us feel nice.

Thanks again, lead producer, Lauren Walker, producer, Brittany Mametovic, video editor and engineer, Sam Reed, audio editor and engineer, Nicole Boyce, researcher and associate producer, Gillian Spear, and our executive producers, Chris McShane and Katie Gray. So join us next week when once again, we will have a delightful conversation with somebody way smarter than me.

And I always appreciate that. Thanks a lot. See you next time. The weekly show with Jon Stewart is a Comedy Central podcast. It's produced by Paramount Audio and Busboy Productions. When 60 Minutes premiered in September 1968, there was nothing like it. This is 60 Minutes. It's a kind of a magazine for television. Very few have been given access to the treasures in our archives.

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