The Young Turks - Cruel Conservatives
Episode Date: April 13, 2023Episode summary: Driven to debt: Too-low interest rates caused. GOP eyes new work requirements for millions on Medicaid, food stamps. Rutgers academic workers strike for the first time in their school...’s 250+ years of existence. Popular handgun fires without anyone pulling the trigger, victims say. HOSTS: Ana Kasparian (@AnaKasparian) SUBSCRIBE on YOUTUBE: ☞ https://www.youtube.com/user/theyoungturks FACEBOOK: ☞ https://www.facebook.com/theyoungturks TWITTER: ☞ https://www.twitter.com/theyoungturks INSTAGRAM: ☞ https://www.instagram.com/theyoungturks TIKTOK: ☞ https://www.tiktok.com/@theyoungturks 👕 Merch: https://shoptyt.com Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
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Woo! It's up!
Welcome to TYT. I'm your host, Anna Kasperian, and we have a massive and fantastic show ahead for you today.
I'm super excited for an interview we're going to have later in the first hour.
My good friend, Ben Burgess, will be joining to talk about a strike currently taking place at Rutgers University.
He is an adjunct professor there, and so he has a lot to share with us about why the workers there are striking and why it's important to show some solidarity with them.
So that'll be later in the first hour.
We're going to talk about the price of financing a car and how much of an economic burden that has become for ordinary Americans.
That's also later in the first hour of the show.
And in the second hour, oh my God, there's a lot to get to, including the latest revelations from Gabriel Sherman in regard to Rupert Murdoch and how he is panicking over potentially losing this defamation lawsuit that has been filed against Fox News by Dominion.
voting systems. There's also some hot goss in regard to how he treats his wives and people
that he wants to divorce. We'll get to all of that second hour of the show with John Iderolo,
of course. But as always, if you're watching us live, you can always help support the show
by liking and sharing the stream. You can also become a member by going to t.yt.com
slash join. With that said, let's get to the first story, which involves a little bit of egg
on my face.
Last week, several of our viewers had tagged me, along with other TYT network hosts, on a
Twitter thread about Rebecca Jones.
Now, Rebecca Jones tweeted that thread, and for those of you who are unfamiliar with her,
or maybe forgot about who she is, she was the woman who claimed that Florida Governor Ron DeSantis
had retaliated against her for refusing to manipulate data about the number of COVID cases
and deaths in the state.
We reported on that story at the time, and we have some major corrections to make.
But before I get to that, I want to talk about her Twitter thread from last week,
and also, more importantly, address why I refuse to talk about her claims on the show.
Last week, Jones tweeted this.
My family is not safe.
My son has been taken on the governor's orders, and I've had to send my husband and daughter
out of state for their safety.
This is the reality of living in DeSantis's Florida.
There is no freedom here, only retaliatory rule by a fascist who wishes to be king.
In a subsequent tweet, she writes,
A week after we filed our lawsuit against the state,
a kid claiming to be the cousin of one of my son's classmates joined their Snapchat group.
They recorded their conversations and anonymously reported my son,
police for sharing a popular internet meme. Wow, I mean, that sounds pretty serious.
What was the popular internet meme? Well, Jones shared it in her next tweet. It's a man
sleeping in a chair in a messy room with text reading, cops in their car waiting for the school
shooter to kill himself so they can go in. Now Jones also says that the authorities
said they had to complete a threat assessment since they received an anonymous complaint.
which both the local cops and the school signed off on as not being a threat.
Finally, Jones says that the state had essentially kidnapped her son and that Ron DeSantis
was engaging in political retaliation once again.
She tweeted that an officer told me the state issued a warrant for my son's arrest for
digital threats of terrorism. I asked on whose orders. The officer said it was the state.
They aren't letting him come home tonight.
They kidnapped my son.
These are obviously serious claims, and even though we had covered stories involving Jones on
TYT that casted her in a positive light, I had recently come across some information that made
me pause on taking her claims at face value.
And I'm really happy that I did.
Jones, unfortunately, has a pretty tumultuous history, especially on domestic matters.
In July of 2019, prior to the pandemic, Jones had been charged with stalking a former boyfriend
who happened to be a student of hers at Florida State University.
WUFT, which is an NPR PBS affiliate in Florida, reported at the time that police said
she published a 68 page document online discussing private details of her relationship with her
former boyfriend, including explicit texts and nude photographs and shared the link with him.
The two had sex in a classroom in 2017 when Jones was his married professor at Florida State University, the man told police.
She was fired from the university after threatening to give a failing grade to his roommate as revenge, she said.
Jones said the two had a six-month affair until October of 2017, and the man is the father of her daughter born in July of 2018.
Now, according to police, Jones wrote in emails to the man, quote,
You're going to be famous, we're going to destroy each other.
This is never going to end.
Jones was also charged with sexual cyber harassment and cyber stalking in the same incident.
But prosecutors dropped those charges weeks later.
There were other issues too.
Jones was also previously charged in March of 2018 with felony robbery trespass and contempt of court for violates.
a domestic violence injunction in cases involving the same ex-boyfriend.
But prosecutors also dropped those charges.
She was separately accused of kicking the door of the man's SUV in October of 2017,
but prosecutors decided to drop that case as well.
Now look, her past criminal charges do not necessarily mean that her claims on Twitter were
false or made up.
But given the chaos in her private life, I felt there was a possibility that we weren't
getting the whole story. I just didn't know for sure and I didn't feel comfortable simply
regurgitating her claims on this show until I had some form of corroborating evidence.
But that evidence never came. In fact, now it's become increasingly clear that her version
of events is not necessarily based in reality.
multiple students contacted school resource officers law enforcement and said they saw social media posts by her son stating that he wanted to shoot up a school or do something like that and at least two images allegedly from his snapchat have come out this one i'm feeling so silly i might shoot up a building full of people and reaching for the officer's gun me every time i see school security
And it's more than just that.
These are at least allegedly statements that he had made over social media or in chats with people.
Been like three or four weeks since I got my new antidepressants.
They're not really working.
I had no hope in getting better.
So why not kill the losers at school?
A teenager told one of the friends that he planned to shoot up to school on Thursday after spring break.
There were too many things going on.
So he postponed it until March 31st.
I just want to stop and give Tizzy a lot of credit for correcting the story after he had originally taking Jones claims at face value.
Now, the Miami Herald also corrected their original reporting of the story, sort of.
An updated article contained the headline, son of Rebecca Jones, Florida whistleblower, arrested in probe of threatening internet posts.
Why am I saying that the Miami Herald only partly corrected their inaccurate reporting?
Because believe it or not, I think we really need to call into question whether Rebecca Jones
should be considered a whistleblower in the first place. Turns out that the narrative she
pushed about being a brave data scientist who just wanted to get people accurate COVID
numbers is not an open and shut case after all. Let's back up and kind of remember what
transpired in 2020. So in 2020, Jones was working as a data scientist for the Florida Department of
health. Her role was to update the coronavirus dashboard, which indicated how many new
COVID cases and deaths the state was dealing with.
she was fired for what she claimed was her unwillingness to manipulate the state's
raw COVID data so it would look like DeSantis urging the state to reopen was actually
safe and reasonable.
We bought this, I bought this, we reported exactly what she said, and now I have some
degree of regret for doing that, I'll explain why.
DeSantis denies this version of events and said that she was actually fired for repeated,
insubordination. Here's how democracy now covered the story at the time.
When armed police raided the home of data scientist Rebecca Jones, who was forced to resign in May
as the lead software developer for Florida's coronavirus data portal after she refused to censor
information about Florida's COVID-19 outbreak, police seized her computers, pointed guns at her
children. Jones posted video of the raid on Twitter.
Come down now to our green house down my children.
My children.
Rebecca Jones accused Florida's Governor DeSantis of sending the Gestapo after her.
She wrote on Twitter, quote, this is what happens to scientists who do their job honestly.
This is what happens to people who speak truth to power.
Now, I don't want anyone to be too hard or harsh toward democracy now because our reporting
was very similar to Democracy Now's reporting. Every major publication repeated the same claims.
So the reality of the situation is actually far more complex. In a tweet that she had posted
and immediately deleted, Jones admitted that deleting deaths was never something I was asked
to do. I never claimed it was. But that's a lie. It absolutely was what she had claimed.
In yet another tweet that has since been deleted, Joan said that, quote, the woman who told me to delete cases and deaths is now blaming doctors for the death backlog.
The woman that she was referring to was Florida's Deputy Secretary of Health, Dr. Shamariel Robertson.
In fact, her claims about Robertson is at the center of her case against the state of Florida.
She repeated the claim again in February of 2021, tweeting that on the day Secretary Robertson
asked me to change numbers and delete records to present a rosier picture of Florida's pandemic
than reality. My Department of Health dashboard hit 100 million views. I didn't think my new
dashboard would ever reach that, just hit 150 million. So what really happened? Apparently Jones had
decided to use the state's emergency alert system to send out a political message that read,
quote, it's time to speak up before another 17,000 people are dead. You know this is wrong.
You don't have to be part of this. Be a hero. Speak up before it's too late.
Florida authorities say that the message can be traced to Jones's IP address. She denies
sending it, but I think one can totally understand how much of an issue it is for anyone
to send out a message like that in the middle of a pandemic. I mean, it's an emergency alert
system in Florida, it could lead to mass panic. And it turns out her home was also rated
for that reason. It was not rated due to the COVID data dispute at all. Now let's go to May of
2022. In May of 2022, Florida's Office of Inspector General exonerated the state health officials,
finding her claims against the Department of Health to be unsubstantiated. In December of 2022,
she signed a deferred prosecution agreement admitting guilt to unauthorized use of the state's
emergency alert system on November 10th of 2020, which again had resulted in her home being searched
under warrant by state police in December of 2020.
Now, after the raid, which Jones deceived everyone into thinking was carried out over COVID
reporting, she started a GoFundMe page for her legal defense, and she raised hundreds of
thousands of dollars. Finally, right before Jones was fired in May of 2020, there was an internal
complaint by her supervisor because she was publishing data from the dashboard and talking to
the press without permission.
Jones's bad behavior was first formally reported May 6th of 2020 when the IT director
at the Florida Department of Health, Craig Curry, emailed the department's labor relations
consultant Tiffany Hicks looking for guidance on properly documenting actions of one of my employees
and to get guidance on proper preparation in case action needs to be taken.
Oh, what's the insubordination? What did she do?
Is it the accurate COVID reporting? No, actually not.
Among the actions that Curry sought to document were that the employee, Rebecca Jones,
had written posts on websites and social media regarding data and web product owned by the department
that she works on without permission of management or communications,
that she had released infographics that should have been identical to data published
by our communication department, but were not, and most seriously that she had possibly
exposed personal or personnel data in the process.
Now, as to clarify the problem by Hicks, Curry confirmed that between April 9th and
April 30th of 2020, he had verbally told Jones to stop talking to the press without permission,
and more specifically, that he had told her to stop releasing health department data or
representing her employer without consent. I mean, look, as a state employee, you can't just
go speak to the press when you are not authorized to do so. And then you can't get surprised
when you're reprimanded for doing so. But she wasn't even fired for that. She was told,
hey, you know what, this is becoming a problem. You're misrepresenting some stuff here. You're
talking to the press without authorization. You can no longer work on the COVID dashboard. Now, the next day,
She explicitly violated the instruction and locked out other DOH officials from having any access to it.
She was the only person who had access to the coronavirus dashboard.
Without telling a single person what she was doing, Jones created a new account within the GIS system and moved a tranche of data into it.
This both broke the setup and sincerely confuse the department's IT staff.
By 1.35 p.m. on the same day, Jones had been instructed to restore Duck Lowe's,
that's one of the Department of Health's employees, full administrative access.
Six and a half hours later, at 808, she responded by saying that she would, and then at 828,
added that she intended to leave Florida to spend some time with her family in Mississippi,
except she didn't.
Turns out that Jones decided to stay working at the Florida Department of Health.
Mind you, she hasn't even been fired yet or anything like that.
And started playing nice.
Encouraged by her improved behavior, Curry reported on May 15th of 2020
that the entire team seemed to be getting along and moving forward.
But that didn't last long.
At 146 p.m., Jones sent a mass email to everyone who used the dashboard,
many of whom were external to the department, explaining that she was no longer assigned to the dashboard and suggesting that she had been removed because she had refused to manipulate data.
Within minutes, the press began crawling all over the story. Three days later, Jones was fired.
Now look, she has decided to sue the state of Florida over this, and maybe through that lawsuit, we will learn more details that vindicate Rebecca Jones.
and her version of events.
But considering the documentation of her conduct within the Florida Department of Health,
it's very detailed, we just shared it with you.
There are a lot of details that she was deceptive about toward the public.
A lot of details that she withheld or omitted in her retelling of the story.
She made it seem as though Ron DeSantis ordered her home to be raided over her refusal to manipulate
COVID data when the fact of the matter was it had everything to do with her abuse of the state's
emergency alert system. And so I want to correct all of those errors that we had previously
reported. And I want to be clear that out of everyone who works on the main show, the only person
who should be held responsible for that is me. I'm the executive producer of the show and I
screwed up royally. And part of the reason why I screwed up is because I had all these biases,
of course, against Ron DeSantis. And I don't really feel bad about that because I think
Ron DeSantis has done some pretty terrible things in the state of Florida. But it becomes a
problem when that bias blinds you to what the facts of various stories happen to be. And I should
have done my due diligence, I fail to do so. And by failing to do so, I feel like I've misled
the audience into thinking that Rebecca Jones is some sort of hero. Now, to be fair to myself
and to be fair to other independent media sources, if you're not doing your own original
reporting, you're relying on the mainstream media narrative a lot of the time. And if they're not
doing their due diligence, if they're allowing their personal biases to stand in the way of
actual factual reporting, well, that's unfortunately going to trickle into the way independent
news sources cover these types of stories as well.
Fact of the matter is I want to make sure that I correct my errors, I get you guys accurate
information, and I avoid helping someone who might be a grifter from fundraising off of our
own audience members. But I wanted to give you guys those corrections. I do apologize for
those mistakes and I will do better moving forward. For now, we're going to take a quick
break. When we come back, we'll talk about the insanely astronomical price associated
with financing auto loans.
What's up, guys, welcome back to the show.
Wow, my hair's really messy right now.
We've got a lot more news to get to.
The next story is something that I've been wanting to talk about on the show for a while now.
And I think we're starting to see the impact of just how expensive it is to finance a car.
And a lot of people need a car to get to and from work, so let's talk about it.
The Federal Reserve is continuing to put their foot on...
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The gas pedal when it comes to raising interest rates.
And that means more Americans are dealing with the financial headaches associated with the
high cost of borrowing.
Look, that's terrible enough for those who need to finance basic necessities like housing,
food, or transportation.
And consumer debt is already at an all-time high, which is a testament to just how little
Trump's $2 trillion tax cuts for the rich trickled down on us. But there are growing concerns
regarding subprime loans in the auto industry, which could translate to borrowers finding
themselves unable to cover their monthly car payments. In order to fully understand the gravity
of this issue, we need to dive into the numbers and see just how much car debt Americans have
racked up over the years. When the Federal Reserve lowered interest rates in response to the economic
collapse of 2008, which made it far cheaper to borrow, Americans took on greater amounts of
debt in order to buy cars. In 2000, Americans had less than $600 billion in motor vehicle
loans outstanding, according to the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. By the third quarter
of 2022, Americans owed just shy of $1.4 trillion on car and SUV debt, a full doubling in barely
a decade. Soon Americans started taking out pricier car loans that could be paid off in a longer
period of time, which is not a good thing. For example, according to Edmonds, in 2010, the average
auto loan was around $26,000. But that figure jumped to $32,000 by 2019. And while it was far more
common to finance cars with five-year terms back in the day, Americans started signing up for six-year
terms even before the pandemic. Some loans today have terms as long as nine years, believe it
or not. And I know what you're all thinking. Obviously, Americans started borrowing more for
their cars due to inflationary pressures. The price of vehicles likely rose over the years, right?
But believe it or not, that wasn't the case until the pandemic squeezed the supply of available
vehicles. From the mid-1990s until 2010, the price of a new vehicle remained flat. After 2010,
the price rose by about 8% in total until 2020. So as with many facets of society, the pandemic
disrupted and changed things. The shortage of car parts and semiconductors severely limited
the supply of cars. And the Fed's ongoing fiscal policy of low interest rates, meaning cheap money,
drove car prices way up. The price of new cars rose 20% between 2020 and November of 2022,
the sharpest increase on record. The average price is now pushing $50,000. The price of used cars
rose by an even steeper 56% through early mid-2020. Another record. Things started to change,
but not necessarily for the better.
Since the beginning of 2022, the central bank reversed course on easy money and began
raising interest rates to tamp down on inflation.
That means that the cost of borrowing for a car has gone up significantly.
The average auto loan interest rate was 5.66% in March of 2022.
But by March of this year, the average cost of borrowing rose to nearly 9%.
at this data which we received from Edmonds.
We asked them to crunch the numbers in terms of how many people, what they're buying, what they're financing.
Now, here's the average in the third quarter, financing a little over 41 grand, average rate, just under 6%.
And the average, average new car monthly payment on a loan was $703.
Well, look what's happened in the last year and a half.
The percentage of new vehicle buyers who are financing their auto loan,
with a payment of at least $1,000 a month, it's gone from 6% all the way up to 14% in September,
14.3% to be exact.
But for some, a $700 monthly car payment is actually a bargain.
Get a load of what the owner of Scott Adams, Toyota, which is located just outside of Kansas
City, says about what he's personally experiencing at his own dealership.
What we've noticed, especially here in the last 45 days with the Federal Reserve raising rates,
that at least 50% of our customers are having payments over $1,000 a month.
When you include sales tax and sometimes property tax, it's even more than that.
So it's at least 50% of the cars and trucks that we are selling.
And these astronomical car payments are causing some pretty serious issues.
We're already starting to see the impact of these unaffordable loans.
According to CNBC's reporting, while borrowers who are behind on their payments by more than 60 days represent a tiny portion of all outstanding auto loans at 1.84%.
Their ranks are growing, according to a recent report from Cox Automotive.
The share was 26.7% higher in December than the year earlier, and is largely concentrated among borrowers.
with low credit scores.
And look, this is what I'm worried about.
This might just be the tip of the iceberg,
because some percentage of these outstanding loans are subprime
and have rates that adjust along with the Federal Reserve's benchmark interest rate.
Eight years ago, eight years ago,
the New York Times reported on how banks and private equity firms
fueled a boom in subprime auto loans to the most vulnerable car.
buyers. They wrote at the time that the New York Times had examined more than 100 bankruptcy
court cases, dozens of civil lawsuits against lenders, and hundreds of loan documents, and found
that subprime auto loans can come with interest rates that can exceed 23%. And they profiled
some people like Rodney Durham. Rodney Durham stopped working in 1991, declared bankruptcy,
and lives on social security.
Nonetheless, Wells Fargo lent him $15,197 to buy a used Mitsubishi sedan.
Durham's application said that he made $35,000 as a technician at Lorde's Hospital in New York,
according to a copy of the loan document.
But he says he told the dealer he didn't, he hadn't worked at the hospital for more than three
decades. Now after months of Wells Fargo pressing him over missed payments, the bank has repossessed
his car. Durham is one of millions of Americans with unfortunately bad credit. And these are the
people who were easily obtaining auto loans from used car dealers, including some who fabricate
or ignore borrow borrowers' abilities to pay. And the real question is how many of these subprime
car loans exist? And how are these Americans making ends meet with rising interest rates that
are making their loans way more expensive and difficult to pay on time? The problem is state and
federal lawmakers allow banks and private equity firms to prey on working Americans. But once there's
an economic hiccup like pandemic induced inflation, these Americans are on their own. That's what
happened with Americans who lost their homes, who were foreclosed on as a result of predatory subprime
mortgages during the 2008 collapse. And it's likely the same will happen again, only this time
with cars. And keep in mind that cars lose value the second the driver, second the buyer,
drives it off the lot. So even if the borrower tries to sell the car, it's very likely that
they're underwater and owe more than what the car is worth. It's just one economic calamity
after the next, after the other. And it's so incredibly frustrating because all of these pressures
add up. We're all in this pressure cooker. And I think that explains a lot of the political violence
we see in the country. A lot of the anger that Americans feel gets redirected or misguided
toward whatever imaginary scapegoats politicians want to direct them toward. And my heart breaks
for these people. I mean, again, the New York Times reported on these subprime auto loans
eight years ago. And nothing's really changed. And we're starting to see people default on
their car loans. And I got to be honest, if people have $1,000 to pay every month just for their
cars, I think the numbers that we're currently experiencing with auto loan defaults is only
going to increase. And when these banks need help, because a huge portion of, you know,
of their clientele is now defaulting on loans
that they have signed off on.
Are they gonna ask for help from the federal government?
We'll see how it plays out.
But this is a story that I think will explode
in coming months.
For now, we're gonna move on to one more story
before we go to break and bring on our guest.
I wanted to talk about, or more importantly,
update you all on what Republicans are up to
with these debt ceiling negotiations.
The message from House Republicans to President Biden is clear.
There will be no increase in the debt limit in the absence of significant and meaningful spending cuts.
Republican lawmakers are still planning to hold the debt ceiling hostage unless
Democrats agree to cutting popular social safety net programs, which would be a bad idea.
Luckily, the White House seems to reject this notion, we'll see how it actually plays out.
But just to back up for a second, we all know this, right? Lawmakers absolutely need to raise the
debt ceiling and they need to do so as early as June or risk for
federal default. Federal default could basically just be a giant economic disaster.
It would be an economic disaster of epic proportions, and it could even tank the global economy.
Now, their latest pitch is to require work requirements for the poorest Americans who rely on
things like Medicaid and food stamps. So the House Budget Committee, according to the Washington
in Post, last week specifically called attention to what it described as a culture of government
dependency, citing an uptick in spending in Medicaid and other federal programs, including
food stamps, unemployment insurance, disability benefits, and tax credits for low income parents
with children.
Gee, I wonder what that could be about.
I mean, did Americans really get a lot of assistance during the coronavirus pandemic?
Isn't it weird that there's an increase in the number of Americans who might need a little
bit of help, might need to tap into our social safety net to make ends meet?
I mean, have wages kept up with inflation?
You hear Republicans talk about inflation all day, every day.
Oh, it's all Biden's fault, inflation, inflation, inflation.
So it's so weird to me that on one hand, they talk about how the cost of living has gone
up rapidly.
Wages have certainly not kept up with inflation.
And then they turn around and say, government dependency, we got to cut spending everybody.
Matt Gates is one of those Republicans.
He was quoted as saying, I don't think hardworking Americans should be paying for all the
social services for people who could make a broader contribution and instead are couch potatoes.
You see, that is what the so-called populist Republicans really think about ordinary Americans.
They're just couch potatoes.
They're not struggling as a result of the high cost of living.
They're not struggling with low wages.
They're just couch potatoes.
But Matt Gates isn't the only Republican who said that.
There's Kevin McCarthy too.
He published a letter in regard to the need to cut spending on these programs.
But what would that look like?
Well, in February, Matt Gates released legislation that would deny benefits to able
bodyed adults unless they work for 120 hours per month, volunteer or participate in a work
program for 80 hours, or participate in a combination of those activities.
What's really interesting is these Republicans tend to avoid looking at any data that proves
that most Americans who need to tap into social safety net programs are in fact working.
It's just that their employers don't pay them enough, and so the federal government has to
subsidize their employer by providing these benefits. So if I were Matt Gates, first place I
would look is how much Walmart pays its employees, how much these major corporations pay their
employees. And if you have employees that are working full time jobs but still are not making
enough to make ends meet, maybe you do something to, I don't know, raise the federal minimum wage,
for example. Let's get to McCarthy's letter, by the way. He also chimed in. And he says,
He called on the president to negotiate and spelled out his party's latest demands.
That included steep spending cuts.
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And new policies, strengthening work requirements for those without dependence, a reference
to children, citing that the fact that Biden supported the welfare to work approach adopted
under Clinton in the 1990s. So that is true. Biden supported a lot of really terrible policies.
And so when Republicans cite Biden's past, it's pretty cringy for Biden, but it is true.
I want to be honest about that.
Now, during the coronavirus crisis, lawmakers enacted temporary rules that essentially prevented
states from pushing people out of the Medicaid rolls.
But those prohibitions unfortunately expired on April 1st, and that opens the door for
the state health officials to begin reevaluating eligibility. And here's what is likely to happen
as a result of that. Approximately 15 million low income Americans are ultimately expected to
lose their coverage as a result, including 6.8 million who still qualify for the program
according to federal estimates in August. Look, luckily, so far, President Joe Biden,
rhetorically at least, has made it seem as though he will reject any, any negotiation having to do
with cutting social spending, cutting these programs. He is not in favor of it. I'll give you a few
examples. A spokesperson for the White House said this. The president has been clear that he will
oppose policies that push Americans into poverty or cause them to lose health care. That's why
he opposes Republican proposals that would take food assistance and Medicaid away from
millions of people by adding burdensome bureaucratic requirements. That last part's really
important because it's not just about working or it's not just about the work requirements.
It's also about the added bureaucracy that creates more obstacles in getting Americans the help
they need. And I'm sorry, especially when it comes to things like food stamps. Okay, so let's say
that the dream case that Republicans have in their minds of some lazy parent who refuses to work
is true. But that parent has children, you're really going to take food stamps away from that family
over your discomfort with a parent who refuses to work? Why should the children suffer the
consequences of that. And when we consider how much money we waste every single year on
corporate subsidies, the defense department, I mean, there's waste all around. But there's
never any discussion about cutting defense spending ever, ever. Year after year, they consistently
increased defense spending. But when it comes to feeding our own children, when it comes to
taking care of our fellow Americans, these so-called populist Republicans want to do away with it.
I mean, it's just so incredibly gross. And this is what they do. This is what they want.
And there is no reason that the Biden administration should engage in these types of negotiations.
Because there's no way that the Republican Party is going to want egg on its face by refusing to
raise the debt ceiling. Refusing to raise the debt ceiling would mean that there would be a global
economic collapse. That wouldn't just be bad for all of us. It would be bad for them too.
So, I mean, I guess it might be a game of chicken, but I think the Biden administration should
call their bluff. I think the Democratic Party should call their bluff and refuse to cut any
spending pertaining to the social safety net, whatever we have left of the social safety net.
really, the Republican Party has little to stand on here.
And if I were a member of the Democratic Party, if I were a member of the Biden administration,
I'd be talking about what Republicans want to do day in and day out.
This is who they are.
This is what they represent.
Even Donald Trump, as buffoonish as he is, was smart enough to understand that attacking Ron DeSantis over his calls
to cut Social Security and Medicare would bode well for campaigning purposes.
But where are the Democrats on this issue?
They need to be raising hell over what Republicans are threatening to do.
And I just haven't seen enough of it.
All right, we got to take a break when we come back.
Ben Burgess joins us to talk about a worker strike at Rutgers University.
See you in a few.
Welcome back to TYT and a Casparian with you, and we're about to talk about yet another strike.
Let's do it.
94% of members who voted across both full and part-time faculty unions voted yes to authorize a strike.
You made it clear, we are strike ready.
Because we're fighting for a better Rutgers for our students, our communities, and ourselves as workers.
We are strike ready because of the organizing work of hundreds of you, our members.
We made calls, we set texts, we knocked on doors.
We've taken it to the streets to say that we are Rutgers because it's time for a fair contract now.
Academic workers at Rutgers University are on strike to fight for better wages and better benefits.
Here to talk to us about the strike is my good friend Ben Burgess, who is also the host of Give Them an Argument and the author of Give Them an Argument, Logic for the Left.
Ben, it's so good to have you on the show. I think this is the first time I've had you on TYT.
I think so. I was trying to remember there was like a no filter thing back in like 2019 or something.
Yeah, I do remember that. You're right about that. Well, Ben is someone who has, well, he's part of the strike, which is why he's on here to talk about the strike itself. So Ben, I loved your piece in Jacobin because it touched on so many different arguments that I think people need to be cognizant of. In particular, how oftentimes people think of professionals as something
from workers. But when it comes to academic workers at Rutgers, while they might be
professionals, they're still workers. And they're still dealing with a lot of the stuff that
workers in other fields complain about, low pay, you know, terrible benefits. And I think that the
higher education system is such a good example of the, as you mentioned, Uber. How do you say
Uberization of education? So talk about that a little bit.
Yeah, I mean, I think that oftentimes when people think about professionals, what we really meet is people who like need advanced degrees to have a job or there's some kind of like social prestige associated with the job.
But the problem is that you can't really eat social prestige or use it to pay the bill, the co-pay if you need to go see a doctor.
and oftentimes, especially as higher education, gets Uberized.
In other words, with an increasingly large section of the workforce that's actually teaching
undergraduate classes, increasingly resemble the labor conditions not of traditional
cab drivers with benefits and pensions, but Uber drivers have to worry about getting kicked
off of the app at any time.
Increasingly, people who are acculturated to think of them to sell us this way, that
they, you know, oh, I'm not like a worker, you know, I'm a, I'm a professional. I'm somebody who's
like navigating the world in this different way. Actually, no, what they really need is the same
kind of collective struggle for a better deal that everybody does, that Uber drivers themselves
do, that the people who, you know, who might like make coffee that, you know, if you're going
to, to, you know, walk into class at Rutgers at the New Brunswick.
campus, you're taking a class at that College Avenue campus and you stop at Starbucks.
Well, the people who are making your coffee at Starbucks, they need to stand up for a better
deal at the workplace. And the people who are teaching classes do too. And I think that a lot of
people just hear, well, somebody's a professor. And what they think of is like a tenure
track professor who has a high salary and is going to retire from that. And oftentimes that's
really disconnected from the reality of what the working conditions are like for a lot of these
people? Absolutely. I mean, I think that the tenured professor position is becoming rarer. It's
becoming more a thing of the past. Of course, there's better pay, better benefits, more academic
freedom when you're tenured. And instead of hiring tenured professors, universities are relying
more and more on adjunct professors, which I believe is your title at Rutgers.
So can you talk a little bit about what it's like?
Like, what are the differences in pay?
What are the differences in terms of workplace protections when it comes to a tenured professor
versus a lecturer or an adjunct professor?
Yeah, so adjunct professors or like part-time lectures is the job title,
which is what I've been on and off since 2016.
at Rutgers, don't have any meaningful job security at all that you could be, have taught there for 20 years.
And it's still a question on a semester by semester basis, whether you're going to continue to have a job there, which, as you say, whatever official assurances there are makes academic freedom a bit of a joke.
because, of course, you could always say, hey, you know, you're not being fired because
it's something you said.
You know, we just, you know, we just don't need as many people this semester.
We're good.
And one of the things that I really want to emphasize here is that one of the key demands in
the strike is equal pay for equal work.
So right now, yeah, I still teach a couple of classes for Rutgers.
and it's still, you know, it's still a significant portion of my income.
People think that like podcasted and freelance writing make a lot of money, you know,
that I have sad news for them, you know, but it used to be for years when I was living in New Jersey
and I was part of the, you know, elected board that ran the union, it used to be my only job.
And back then, every, every year, I would either teach two classes in the fall and three in the
spring or the other way around.
And that wasn't unique to me.
That was a very, very common setup for people who are essentially full-time adjuncts.
And the reason that it was always either three in the fall or two in the spring or the other way around is that was one class short of the line where they would be contractually obligated to reclassify me as full-time, pay me way more money and give me health insurance.
And so what we want is the phrase is fractional pay, which means that if you, okay, 10-year professors, they're expected.
They have research requirements, they serve on committees, the administration could argue that the pay difference reflects that. Fair enough. But if you are a full-time NTT, non-tenuretrap professor, whatever you're getting paid, if an adjunct is doing five, six of the workload, it's exactly the same job. They should be getting five, six of the pay.
I think that that makes a lot of sense. Equal pay for equal work makes all the sense in the world. What has the response from the university been so far?
Yeah, so so far they have totally rejected that idea of equal pay for equal work, which of course they do because their business model right now relies on rejected that.
And by the way, we could have a whole conversation about the amount of money that Rutgers administrators regularly pay themselves and bonuses because they thought they did such a good job.
Please get into that. But after you finish this thought.
the previous the previous year but but they have they they want this more precarious workforce
they they don't want to have to pay a lot for this you know they they don't want to have to
to spend a lot of money on the people who are actually making the university run I mean if you
have no classes there's no university everything else is is built around that they certainly
don't want to give people health insurance, you know, let adjuncts buy into either the grad student
or the normal faculty health insurance plan, which means that at best people are buying
insurance off the exchanges, which I'm sure everybody watching this knows how much of a joke
that could often be in terms of what's actually covered and how much, you know, like it's,
it's like the health insurance equivalent of the kind of car insurance where you're essentially
just paying a fee for being allowed to drive.
It's not going to really, it's not going to really help you that much if you get into an accident.
And I should, but Ben, I mean, sorry to interrupt you, but, you know, I want to give the university the benefit of the doubt.
I mean, do they have the resources to provide these benefits and, you know, just provide all these, like the lavish pay, like the lavish pay, the benefits?
I mean, it's, you know, it's a university that they've got to pay other staff.
I mean, they're probably struggling, right?
I mean, that's the reason why they're unable to do this for you.
Yeah, what would think?
But if you look up, like people just do a quick Google search for the Rutgers, A-A-U-P-A-F-T,
that's the main union at Rutgers, by the way, one of the side issues in the strike is that
one of the demands is to consolidate all three of the unions that represent.
faculty members of Rutgers so they can't do the divide and conquer stuff.
They have to negotiate with everybody at the same time.
But if you look at any of the three faculty unions websites,
you can see detailed breakdowns of how much money Rutgers has the bank,
how much money Rutgers is spending on the ever increasingly spirally
administration costs because administrators all think they're essential and
they keep hiring more of themselves.
And you can see the point-by-point comparisons and the how could we pay for this.
And I guess the last point I would just make about this question of how to pay for it is that let's say that the end result of this in a few years,
that everything that happened, everything's been demanded in the strike was granted.
and that maybe over the course of the coming years,
Rutgers would end up hiring fewer adjuncts.
Okay, on one level, that would be sad.
You know, and certainly, you know, certainly it might be, you know,
might even be for me, let's say for the sake of argument, right?
Although honestly, they have more money than you'd think.
They just don't want to spend it on this.
But even if they did, I think that there's a much bigger trend in higher education
here that I think at some point somebody has to say,
say enough is enough.
And if you can't afford to pay people to teach a class for decent pay, for benefit, so they
can go to see the doctor if they get sick, then I'd say you can't really afford to pay
somebody for that class.
So even if they were broke, which I think if you look at those breakdowns, they're absolutely
not broke, then I would still say that we don't want the kind of future for Rutgers in particular,
for higher education in general that looks like this.
We want one where, you know, we want one where people have equal pay for equal work,
where people have dignity, where people have job security.
And if we get all that and then like the next fight is for allocated more money for education
in New Jersey that I'm much happier to do this than just doing the status quo,
you know, for here on out because hey, at least you have a job stop complaining.
Yeah, absolutely. So currently there are around 9,000 workers who are on strike at Rutgers
University. Ben, keep at it. I love that you guys are taking a stance and a strike is a great
way to do it. You've got union representation. I think consolidating the unions makes a lot of
sense as well. And you always look out for labor. If you guys are not familiar with Ben's
show, definitely check him out, give them an argument, is the name of his show.
You're just one of the most principled people on the left in my mind because you're always looking out for what matters the most, which is workers' rights, labor power, organizing, and hopefully you'll come on soon to tell us that you guys succeeded in getting what you wanted through the strike.
But thank you for taking the time to come on, Ben.
Absolutely. Thank you so much for having me. I cannot tell you how much I always enjoy talking to you.
Thank you, Ben. All right, have a good night. And everyone else, we're going to take a quick break.
When we come back, John Iderola will be joining us for the second hour, which is chock full of pretty crazy stories, including new reporting about Rupert Murdoch and how he's panicking about that Dominion lawsuit behind the scenes.
That and more coming up.
Thanks for listening to the full episode of the Young Turks.
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