This American Life - 848: The Official Unofficial Record
Episode Date: November 24, 2024How do you count almost 12 million votes if you’re not the government? This week, we bring you the extraordinary story of hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans who created the only verifiable public ...record of votes in their presidential election — and other stories of people trying to correct the official record with their own versions. Visit thisamericanlife.org/lifepartners to sign up for our premium subscription.Prologue: Host Ira Glass sets us up for Nancy Updike’s insider account of the recent presidential election in Venezuela. The story is an incredible national drama that plays out in thousands of polling stations across the country, with regular people trying to ensure a fair vote count that everyone can agree on. (2 minutes)Act One: Producer Nancy Updike tells the story of the people of Venezuela trying to prove who won their recent presidential election beyond a shadow of a doubt. (22 minutes)Act Two: Host Ira Glass spent America’s presidential election in the swing state of Michigan, where he found very little dispute over the ballot count from Republican poll challengers in Detroit now that they are doing the counting themselves. (8 minutes)Act Three: This story is about a creepy and dangerous creature that does all kinds of terrible things. It’s also about someone trying to set the record straight on those exact assumptions about this notorious creature. (9 minutes)Transcripts are available at thisamericanlife.orgThis American Life privacy policy.Learn more about sponsor message choices.
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There was another presidential election that happened recently
in another country, and it was an astonishing one.
And it has an aftermath that is ongoing.
I don't know if you followed this very closely. I did not. President Nicolas Maduro was up for
re-election in Venezuela in July. A lot was on the line in this election. Their economy is in ruins,
partly because of Maduro's policies, but made worse by U.S. sanctions.
Millions of people have left the country. One in five people have emigrated. Also, during Maduro's time as president, there's been an increase in
government surveillance and government repression, arbitrary detentions of
government opponents or perceived opponents, security forces arresting
people or killing people during protests, according to the United Nations and
human rights groups. But every six years in Venezuela, there's a presidential election.
And the country does have a real political opposition.
And the way they conduct their elections in Venezuela has all kinds of safeguards against
election fraud.
It's a system put in place by the socialist president, Hugo Chavez, because he didn't
want there to be a shadow of a doubt.
He wanted to prove to the world and to his opponents that he really had gotten the most votes every time.
Jimmy Carter, whose Carter Center observes elections all around the globe,
once said that out of dozens of elections that they'd monitored,
Venezuelans' election system was, quote, the best in the world.
And this year,
that got put to the test.
When this brutal government went to the polls with the very real possibility that they might get voted out of office.
And the way it played out on the ground was this vast national drama in thousands of polling
stations.
Really, when you hear the details, it is remarkable what people did, hoping for a fair election.
Today on our show, we have that story and also a couple of other stories of people trying
to set the record straight against very great odds.
From WBEZ Chicago, it's This American Life, I'm Ira Glass.
And let's just get to it.
Like one of our shows called Best Acta in a Dramatic Role, Nancy Uptight has a story
about Venezuela.
Here she is.
The night of the election, the results were announced a little after midnight on television.
One of the people watching was Ana Vanessa Herrero, a reporter for the Washington Post.
She'd been out covering the election all day.
On election night, she was alone in a hotel room watching the results.
The electoral council proclaimed Maduro as the winner with only the percentages of the
voting, not the actual numbers of how many votes Maduro got.
This is very irregular. We have never seen this before.
It was weird.
I was absolutely shocked. As a reporter covering Venezuela, I prepared for the worst,
the most crazy things that you imagine. I prepared for that. But I've never, ever could have prepared
for them not giving the specific number for each candidate. That was the first time.
LESLIE KENDRICK Did you say anything out loud, just alone in this hotel room?
NADINE ZYLVAN I said, I don't understand.
LESLIE KENDRICK You said, I don't understand out loud.
NADINE ZYLVAN In Spanish, it's, okay, no entiendo. No entiendo. Because I didn't. I don't understand out loud. In Spanish it's okay, no entiendo.
No entiendo.
Because I didn't.
I didn't understand.
Like I didn't.
I didn't understand.
The electoral council said they'd been hacked, but presented no credible evidence of the
hack.
All they would say is that President Nicolas Maduro had won with just over 51% of the vote.
No vote totals, just the percentage. And the
opposition, one hour after the electoral council's announcement, made their own
live announcement on X. They said, actually we won and we can prove it.
Turned out tens of thousands of volunteers in the opposition had managed
to collect paper copies of the vote totals from most of the voting centers in the
country, down to the level of each voting machine. The opposition began
publishing those results on a website that anyone, anywhere, would be able to
access. And overnight, the world became different. Ana has been reporting in
Venezuela for 15 years. She's lived there all her life. And
this election was not like others she's covered.
The very next day, early in the morning, I opened my eyes to a country out in the streets,
asking the government to count the votes, asking the government to give the country
the numbers and show the numbers that they had.
Here in Caracas where I was,
I interviewed so many people who were,
who started walking for hours, just,
I spoke to this person just there standing,
and I asked him where he was coming from,
and he was coming from a neighborhood near La Guaira,
40 minutes by car.
He started walking with his people, just, and I asked him, where are you going?
And he said, I don't know, and I could not stop reading about it.
This was a plan to document the country's entire voting record.
It was extraordinary.
The plan was called Secientos K, 600K.
For the network of 600,000 people around the country, the opposition estimated they would
need to be in place on election day.
I wanted to see inside this election, inside the opposition's plan.
I wanted to know how the opposition did what it did and how they did it so fast.
In an era of chronic, virulent misinformation and mistrust. They pulled off a giant convincing.
So I talked to an organizer of 600K.
You won't hear his voice.
Police have been stopping people on the street,
looking in their phones to see if they've been to protests
or have expressed doubt about the official election results.
The organizer told me he went into hiding
after the election.
Now he's left the
country. He said, Seicentos Ca was created because we knew winning the election was not
enough. We need the capacity to prove and demonstrate that we won the election. Some
of the plan was carried out in secret. Other parts were done in plain sight. 600K was set
up to work essentially like a giant relay race.
And instead of a baton, people would hand off a piece of paper.
Every voting machine in Venezuela
prints out a long, narrow sheet of paper
at the end of the voting day.
Looks like one of those epic receipts from CVS or Rite Aid,
but on special paper.
And the receipt shows a tally of all the votes
made on that specific machine
for each candidate on election day.
Those receipts, the voting tallies, are called in Spanish actas,
A-C-T-A, acta,
and the first runners in the relay race to get the acta in hand
would be the witnesses.
In Venezuela, each candidate is allowed by law to have
an accredited witness at each voting machine in the country. Not just in each
voting center, at each voting machine, over 30,000 machines. Some voting centers
have only one machine, some have more. The witnesses can't see people's votes,
they just keep an eye on the process. And then at the end of the voting day, each witness is legally entitled to get a printed
copy of the Okta, the voting tally, from their voting machine.
The 600k plan was, each opposition witness would get their Okta and hand it off to someone
else, the next person in the relay.
That person opens an app the opposition created, and then scans a QR code that's on the ACTA.
The QR code contains all the results from that voting machine,
and the app would send those results to the opposition's national command.
Then another person in the relay would take the ACTA, the physical sheet,
to a secret location. There were over a hundred in the country.
Once the runner got to that place,
they would hand the Okta off to the person there, who had a whole setup. A laptop, a scanner, Starlink
internet access, and a little generator. Like for camping, the organizer said. He said we needed
electricity the campy turned off and internet access that can't be blocked. The person with the scanner would run the ACTA through the scanner, and the image of
the ACTA would be uploaded to the website the opposition had set up where anyone could
see it along with the boat totals from that ACTA.
Then the ACTA itself, the long piece of paper, would go into a box.
The box, when it was full, would be kept at
another secret location. There were layers of support for each part of this
relay all around the country organized by state, city, parish, and voting center.
The organizer said every process had a person responsible for it with defined
work and the tools to make it work. The organizer said even inside the plan, no more than 10 people knew all the parts of
it.
He said they mapped this out, 600K, based on lessons learned from counting votes in
previous elections.
And this time around, one thing that made a big difference was that for the first time
in a national election, the ACTAs had this QR code, which meant if the opposition witnesses
could just get the actas, the full election results could go up on an
opposition website right away. The whole operation depended on tens of
thousands of witnesses each getting their acta no matter what. A process that
seems to have required a combination of stamina, quick thinking, and strategic
belligerence. Maria was a witness. Maria is not her real name and this is not her
real voice. We recorded someone else copying what Maria said as closely as
possible so we wouldn't put her at risk of being identified. Maria and her husband Pedro, also not his real name,
both volunteered for 600k. I'm so worried I wasn't worried before but I'm so
worried now that I'm not giving you my real name. I'm not giving you Pedro's
real name. I was worried enough to not want my kids to participate in the
election or in any of these
movements.
In the end, they did participate.
But now I'm very worried.
And it's not my style to not give you my name, but here we are.
Maria's in her 50s.
She was a social worker, worked for the government for years.
She said she grew up without money.
Maria was the first in her family to go to university.
That's when she
met Pedro, who was into politics. She and Pedro went all in on getting Hugo Chavez elected
the first time he ran, because he promised changes that Maria and Pedro believed in.
Poor people getting access to university and health care and opportunities for a better
life. They saw those changes happen, then over time saw them unraveling.
Maduro, Chavez's successor, Maria said she never liked and never voted for him. In this election,
she said she volunteered as a witness because she wants a different country for her kids
and she believes in the opposition. So Maria trained to be a witness with a bunch of mostly other women, she said,
some retired like her, some lawyers, meeting in someone's living room. As an overall plan,
600K had so many technological aspects, but the witnesses training focused on the most
analog, lo-fi part, talking to other people inside a voting center.
The training was about how to negotiate and how to really communicate and create harmony
with people that were going to be there representing the regime and that were going to have a certain
disposition and just how to tighten and where to stretch, like how to be flexible in the negotiation,
being kind of in harmony with communication,
but not being pulled into submission.
How to negotiate and how are we gonna get
what we need to get, which is the actas.
That was my sole role.
I was a witness at the table trained
in how to get what we needed to get, which is the actas.
Actas, this center of evocation.
If something else happened, they wouldn't give me the acta.
So if they don't give you the acta...
So what happens if you don't get the acta?
So all these scenarios would be played out
in the first four hours of that training,
of like, okay, if you don't get the acta,
this is what you put into place.
First of all, what are they telling you?
You know, oh, the machine wasn't working,
or I can't get you the ACTA because of X reason.
And at that moment, you would be like,
okay, I can be friendly and have a communication,
but if I'm not getting the ACTAs, I would tell the Pedro's,
quote-unquote, or someone like Pedro,
who's monitoring outside, I would say,
hey, they don't want to bring us the ACTAs.
At that moment, they had their own strategy and training on how to mobilize,
which would involve either bringing lawyers or journalists or very courageous people
to be like, this is the law. We need to put pressure on getting the actas.
Maria and other witnesses were being trained for, essentially, a mass act of civil obedience,
following and insisting on the law.
At the training, they got a pamphlet outlining election law and procedures that they
would take with them on voting day and be prepared to wield as needed.
For instance, in Venezuela, there are military personnel at every voting center on
election day. And Maria's training got into that specifically.
And Maria's training got into that specifically. And then we would act out different scenarios where like we had to face the military, in
this case the army, how to be on the one hand very jocosa, very charming and very, you know,
like friendly and you know, we're in this for the right reasons, we're all citizens
and we're voting together and kind of be on the same page
as citizens shoulder to shoulder.
But with the brochure in our hand, knowing the law,
we're not here to negotiate the law.
We're here to be in this process together,
but making sure that we are following the law.
So at first, you know, you're very friendly and you're moving toward this.
But they would train us if there's any deviation from what's stated in the brochure, then at that moment
you would take out your brochure and say, hey, amigo, we're not following the law in
this particular case.
Look here.
There are videos of witnesses in other parts of the country on election day who were locked
out of their voting centers, reading the law out loud, saying, let us in.
Some never got in.
But Maria got in without problems.
This is her account of her experiences on voting day.
We've corroborated as much as we can without exposing her.
Polls opened at 6 a.m.
She and Pedro got to the voting center around 415 a.m.
Pedro would stay outside the voting center all day, rallying voters,
keeping the peace, and being Maria's liaison to the rest of the 600k network. Inside there were
two tables with voting machines. Maria was the opposition witness at one table and she had an
ally, the woman who was the opposition witness at the other table.
From Maria's description, the two of them spent the day at their voting center playing
tag team chess, a co-obstacle course.
Hurdle number one.
Maria's first argument with the other side was about how many witnesses would be allowed
inside the voting center.
Every accredited witness has
two backup witnesses.
By law, they have to wait outside. Only the active witnesses are allowed inside. But one
point the government side wanted their backup witnesses inside, but they weren't allowed.
So it was like a little bit of a bickering fight because the woman who was kind of running things,
she was a Chavista.
LESLIE KENDRICK-KLEINFELD, INTERPRETER FOR INTERPRETERS
Chavista meaning here a supporter of Maduro.
Maduro is the successor to Hugo Chavez, so Chavista.
A very older woman who was very arbitrary, very kind of not
following the law. And this woman, me
and my co-witness from the other table did a strategy where she was good cop and I was
bad cop. And the reason we did that was because my co-witness knew this woman from their neighborhood
and from their life. So she couldn't be overtly mean or just overtly bad cop.
So my co-witness would be talking to her and be very friendly.
And then I was the complainer, and I was actively
complaining to the point that they were like, well,
you're really complaining a lot.
And she was like, I complain.
I'm not complaining.
I'm following the law.
That was the whole point, to fully understand the law
and to be able to bring in the law in the moments
where I saw that there was deviation from that election law.
Hurdle number two.
On this election day,
Maria's voting center had only two tables,
even though in past elections it's had more.
Not only that,
tables, even though in past elections it's had more. Not only that. The way they distribute amongst the two tables is by age. So this I had never seen before
that suddenly on one table they have everyone over 57. So why that matters is because suddenly
if you don't have people that are of mixed ages, suddenly one table, if everyone is over 57, the voting time goes from one minute to like five minutes or more.
So it was just like the slow poke table.
Each vote requires a person's government issued ID, their fingerprint, a choice on the voting
machine, and a paper copy generated by the machine that the voter has to put in a box.
So there are many points in the process where a person moving slowly can really gum things up.
Maria suspected that putting all the old people in one line was a deliberate attempt to slow the process
and discourage people from voting.
You know, I could not actually intervene as a strategy in any way because my role was
to be a witness, but what I could do and what I was doing, I was complaining and complaining
and complaining and, you know, saying, apurale, apurale, hurry up, hurry up, oh my God.
These people, they put all the older adults here, we need to hurry up.
But the strategy was to then tell all the pedros, all the monitors,
or tell my pedro on the outside, this is what's happening. They put all the older people in
one line. Please tell them to be patient.
Looking into this, I think it's likely this was just random chance that more older voters
were concentrated at one voting machine. Voters are pre-assigned to specific voting machines
long before election
day. But Maria still believes it was a deliberate attempt to slow down and discourage voting.
Everyone in Maria's account of this day, she just refers to by their title, like they're
in a play. First, the Chavista. Next up, the soldier. There were actually three soldiers
at the voting center. The soldiers are in voting centers, supposedly to guard the voting process.
Maria focused on the one in charge, prodding him if she saw anything that went
against what was outlined in the election law pamphlet she was holding.
All day she was on him, any small deviation from the official process.
And she said in the middle of the day, she really got on his case,
because the line for the other voting machine
stopped altogether.
And she said it stayed stopped for more than two hours.
And, you know, telling him, I need you to pay attention
and I need you to be on top of things,
he directs himself toward me and says,
senora, please stop talking to me that way.
You can't talk to me that way.
And then there was one point that it got so tense that he turned around and said, what
you're going to cause with all your complaining is that we close down the voting center.
And then I turned around and looked at him and said, then close it.
You need it.
You need for big issues, you need big remedies.
You need to close it.
And you know what?
You will know that you close it, it's on you,
because you were not able to control the situation.
You didn't know how to control the situation?
Close it.
Maria, is it hard for you to be vocal like that, to stand up?
Or is that how you usually are?
So when you asked her, when you asked me,
when you asked Maria, is this normal for you, she said,
Pedro laughs because this is purely a part of who I am.
I come from a very humble place and a place where like,
if you don't have a voice and you don't speak up,
you don't move ahead.
But I will say that my compañera,
the other witness from the other table, she was scared for me. She was trying to tell
me to calm down. She's like, Oh my God, they're going to close the central because you're
speaking up too much. And you know, I had to be very vocal and be like, que lo cierren,
they should close it. So speaking that way to a soldier is no small thing. But I felt
like I had to that it was my job.
It was also good that I had my Pedro outside and that he was, you know, that
allowed me to feel a certain confidence that I'm sure not, not every witness felt.
There's a fervor in the way Maria describes her own vigilance that day that
might sound familiar to Americans.
Like in other countries, Stop the Steal movement, which also mobilized voters
around the country to go to their voting center on election day with a copy of local election
laws and their suspicion and their willingness to speak up.
Venezuela's election was like that.
And it wasn't.
At all.
The politics in Venezuela don't really map onto a sort of, well, who are the Republicans and
who are the Democrats grid. The political party in power has the word socialist in its name,
but mainly it's an authoritarian government. The opposition is a coalition that ranges in economic
ideas from center left to Margaret Thatcher.
And it hasn't been in power for 25 years.
Venezuela's voting system is very different from ours.
In the United States, each state has different rules
and procedures for voting, different days and hours
people are allowed to vote, different timelines
for counting votes, different officials who certify results. In Venezuela, it's one system across the whole country. And one of the most
important things they have is that for every vote, the voting machine produces
a paper copy of the vote that the voter takes in hand and puts in a box at the
voting center. And at the end of the day, about 30% of those boxes
are randomly opened for a hand count of the paper ballots
as a cross-check on the machines count.
Witnesses watch this hand count,
often not just the accredited witnesses.
By law, anyone is allowed to watch the hand count
in their voting center, as long as there's enough room.
And then at the end of the day, there's the ACTA, a summary of
vote totals from the entire day.
ACTAs look the same all over the country.
They are a recognizable and agreed upon measure of voting results in Venezuela,
each one with a unique identifier tying it to a specific voting
center and voting machine.
So Maria was at the voting center to keep an eye on the process, to complain, to make
a fuss if she thought something was unfair or if the process was stalling out.
But at the end of the voting day, if the law was followed, she would walk out not just
with a bunch of stories about what looked fishy, but with the actual results in her
hand, the acta.
The acta isn't about suspicions and observations and complaints.
It doesn't raise questions about who won.
It answers them.
The last hurdle of the day, and it's a big one.
After the break, stay with us.
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This is American Life from Ira Glass.
We are in the middle of Nancy Uptake's story about the Venezuelan election and
the opposition's very elaborate attempt to get a real vote count.
Nancy picks up where she left off.
The last hurdle of the day came after voting closed.
Maria calls the character in this part the bureaucrat, a woman from the electoral council,
who stepped in to deal with the voting machines.
The machines finalize the numbers and transmit them to the electoral council.
The data are encrypted and sent through a dedicated wireless phone line that is just
for the voting data and is only accessible through the voting machines.
And only this bureaucrat person can handle the machine.
So the one assigned to our voting booth was very, you know, she was very professional,
very technical.
She didn't have opinions doing her job.
So from six to seven p.m., basically the bureaucrat is in charge of the machine, right?
So what that means is that everyone's tired. No one is fighting anymore. The tension is like it's like a release.
There's nothing to do. There's nothing to fight about. It's just the bureaucrat and the machine.
So that takes, let's say, an hour or two. And then the aberration begins. Now is the aberration of this government.
The bureaucrat is sitting there and it's like, oh, we can't transmit the data.
The signal that the machine can't process and transmit the data, it's the signal, it's the signal.
And then it's clear that the data isn't transmitting in many, many voting centers, and there are
people outside of her voting center and others pressuring the members of the voting center.
The electoral council later blamed the interrupted transmission of voting results on a hack,
the one they never provided credible evidence for.
Maria, in her voting center, was watching the transmission problems in real time,
standing next to the bureaucrat at the voting machine.
I'm standing next to her and she's trying and she's trying and she's trying and she can't get it to work.
And then the soldier that I was fighting with, he starts to get tensed up.
And then the Chavista, other person who's my compañeras neighbor, she
starts to get fired up after being tired. And then the people outside start to demand
a hand couch. And then the tension starts to rise all over again with this bureaucrat
person basically saying, I can't transmit the result. I don't know what's happening,
but I can't do it. Maria said she couldn't get her copy of the ACTA until the machine transmitted the results.
So this problem with the machine, this breakdown in transmission, led to a sort of slapstick
routine inside her voting center.
The moment that the data is not transmitting, we all start to help the bureaucrat to find
signals.
So we move the table from one side, we move the table to the other side,
we try to kind of not touch the machine, but help her move the table to find the signal there.
We're all trying to help the bureaucrat find some kind of signal
so that the machine can transmit the data.
She was trying to get signal like one would on their cell phone
when there's no cell phone coverage helping her find a solution to this issue.
Oh my God.
Only living it can you fully understand it because it's just too loco, it's too crazy. Versions of this happened at other voting centers, including people moving the machines
outside to see if they could get a signal there.
Maria could only spend so much time on this table moving craziness though.
I went into robot mode because my role was to get the acta, the voting tally, the acta,
the voting tally.
So all I could think of was acta, acta, acta.
I'm not leaving this place without an acta.
And then even at one point I went up to the bureaucrat and I said, hey, you know, she's
like playing dumb a little.
Sometimes I get a little bit lost.
And like here, I took out, here's the pamphlet and the brochure
we were given with the law.
Here are the instructions.
And then here it says that you're going to give me the voting tally, correct?
You're going to give me the acta?
And she said, of course, si, si, si, claro.
Of course I am.
And then I could relax.
But there were other people where they closed the voting center and even my Pedro went to another voting center where they completely
closed it down at this point and refused to give people actas and people had to go mobilize
and protest outside of the voting centers. Luckily, that was not the case in my voting
center because I was like a robotic soldier next to this bureaucrat.
Finally, the data were transmitted and the results at Maria's voting center were official.
It was a blowout.
And we all looked at each other.
The soldier, the bureaucrat, the chavistas, all of us just looked at each other knowingly
that the opposition had won.
I finally get my act that really it's a long paper
like a chorizo, like a sausage.
You see all the numbers and all the data.
But to be honest, I didn't even really have time
to look at it closely because I handed it over
like kind of like a relay race.
It really felt like being part of a movie.
And so I give it to my compañera
and my compañera rushes out of the door with it.
I didn't even take a moment to process so much
because I was just so rushed to get the act out
into the public view.
We didn't really know why we had to hand it over so quickly at the moment.
We just did.
That's a wonderful thing.
Really wonderful.
Maria's euphoria was short-lived.
The electoral council, known as the CNAE, made their announcement just after midnight,
saying Maduro had won.
And then as I was leaving, my sister called,
the one who I told you worries about me.
And she said, look, I'm watching TV,
and the CNES says that the results are different,
that they're in.
I immediately hung up on her.
Oh, wow.
I immediately hung up on her.
I had done my job, and I was on such a high,
and it was such a victorious moment for me,
that I just didn't
want to feel like hearing that. I didn't want to feel defeated at that moment.
On election night, Venezuelans uploaded videos recorded outside different voting centers
all around the country. A similar scene repeated over and over. One person in front of a crowd at night, reading the voting center's results out loud.
Sometimes holding the ACTA and using a cell phone light to read the tiny print straight
from that, announcing totals for President Maduro and for the opposition candidate, Edmundo
Gonzalez-Arrutia.
This is a video from La Huayra.
There's a woman reading results from a piece of paper, shouting to the crowd.
Table 2, Edmundo 342, Maduro 162.
Nesta 4, Edmundo 342, Maduro 162.
Hundreds of these videos.
The opposition website had actas from 83% of the voting machines in the country. The numbers
showed the opposition had won 7.3 million votes. Maduro got 3.3 million. According to these numbers,
it was 2 to 1 in favor of the opposition. Even if Maduro got every vote in the remaining 17%
of the actas, he still couldn't win.
And, since the actas showed data down to the voting machine, they also showed that Maduro lost in lots of places he had won in the past.
There was a frenzy of people after the election combing through the website with the actas and the vote totals.
Were the numbers real? Were the ACTAs real? The Washington Post looked into the website's data and concluded,
yes, the ACTAs were genuine and accurate.
The Associated Press also concluded the ACTAs information was accurate.
Another website collected the videos people had uploaded reading the results
on election night, geolocated them and matched them to the ACTAs
from the voting center where they were from.
Academics in Venezuela, Brazil, and the United States analyzed the website's actas and totals
and concluded, yes, they're real. As for the Electoral Council in Venezuela, the Seinay,
the website has been down almost continuously since the election.
We reached someone there by phone when we asked for an email address to send questions.
The person who answered the phone said, we don't do email.
When we asked for a spokesperson we could contact to ask our questions, they said there isn't one at the moment.
Maduro has called the opposition effort to create their own vote tally, quote, a coup. The Electoral Council still hasn't published voting machine totals to back up their claim
that Maduro won.
It's as if what 600K did was so decisive that government's not even bothering to argue
the case and propose an alternate set of facts.
Instead, in the absence of evidence, they're relying on force.
After the election, there were mass detentions, over 1,500 people, according to the Venezuelan
human rights group 4O Pino.
The UN put out a report last month about the post-election detentions and violence.
The report said people charged with terrorism and incitement to hatred after the election
included, quote, opposition political leaders, individuals who simply participated in the
protests, persons who sympathized with the opposition or criticized the government, journalists
who covered the protests, lawyers for those
detained, human rights defenders, and members of the
academic community." End quote.
A member of the UN fact-finding mission said in a statement that
out of the people detained after the election, quote, many were
subjected to torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading
treatment, as well as sexual violence, which
was perpetrated against women and girls, but also against men.
The opposition candidate for president, Edmundo Gonzalez Urrutia, fled Venezuela and got asylum
in Spain.
The leader of the opposition, Maria Corina Machado, is in hiding.
I sent an email asking about the UN report to multiple email
addresses for the permanent mission of Venezuela to the UN and got no response.
An email we sent to the Ministry for Communication and Information came back
with a reply saying our email had been blocked.
Nicolas Maduro is still the president, and in January, if nothing changes, he will take office for a third six-year term.
To state the obvious, elections aren't democracy.
They're not enough.
Venezuela's great voting system was created under Hugo Chavez after he was elected.
And over the course of successive elections, Chávez ended presidential term limits.
He consolidated control over the Supreme Court and the military.
The legislature is no longer a check on presidential power.
And now Maduro has all of that at his disposal as he tries to put the results of this election
behind him.
I asked people I talked to for this story, what is the value of this huge effort by the
opposition to document the outcome of the election if it doesn't lead to political
change?
What does it mean to try and create the conditions for certainty about an electoral result and
have that not carry the day?
For some Venezuelans I talked to, it was simple.
This effort showed that a majority of voters in this country want a change in government.
And it showed the government pretending that's not true.
What the opposition effort led to is a record.
And from that record, a broad consensus about the election, even among Venezuelans who may
have very different ideas about the country's problems and solutions, its history, and its future.
There is value in knowing whether the person who holds the most power in your
country is there because a majority voted for him or in spite of the fact
that a majority voted against him.
Nancy Updeich.
Her story was produced by Anayansi Dias-Cortez.
Anayansi was also the interpreter for Maria's interview.
The story was edited by Gloria Sturczewski.
Just this week, for the first time, President Biden started referring to the candidate whose 600k showed got the most votes,
opposition leader Edmundo Gonzalez-Urutia, as the president-elect of Venezuela.
Coming up, an entire class of animals calls for a recount. They want an end to the lies about them.
I mean, okay, I guess it's human beings who want to recount, not the animals themselves, but you get the idea.
Anyway, that's in a minute. Chicago Public Radio, when our program continues.
This is American Life from Ira Glass.
Today's program, the official unofficial record, stories about people trying to set
the record straight against great odds, real and perceived.
We have arrived at Act 2 of our show, Act 2, meanwhile in America.
I thought this was an interesting sign of the times. It started out in a very familiar scene and then went into a direction I did not expect. It happened on election night.
My coworker Zoe Chase and I were in Michigan in separate locations. It was late,
but nobody knew yet who was going to win. And Zoe was at what would later become the Trump
Victory Party in Michigan. And she ambled up would later become the Trump victory party in Michigan.
And she ambled up to some people she's talked to in the past, Republican
activists, including Todd Gilman.
Now we're just talking about when the cheat's going to happen in Detroit.
Are you serious?
She's going to happen at two in the morning.
Already we're reporting of a truck with California plates showing up in the TCF Center.
I don't know if you can catch that.
He said the cheat is going to happen at 2 in the morning and that a truck with California
plates showed up at the convention center where they were at that very moment counting
absentee ballots for Detroit.
Online there was a video of three supposed culprits carrying suspicious packages into
some building at 11 p.m.
It's posted on Twitter. I gotta tell Ira because he's down there. He's watching for the steel to
come in. Well yeah tell him that the word has it a truck with California plates showed up.
But why is a truck showing up this time of night? All the ballots should be there already. All right, let's do a quick camera cut
to the convention center.
Nice.
Wow, good music too.
Okay, so I'm there in the convention center that night
with hundreds of other very tired looking people,
not exactly watching the steal come in,
but with someone who was on high alert
for any possible vote stealing shenanigans,
one of the lead Republican poll challengers at the Convention Center, a guy named Jeff
Schaper. So Zoe told me what she just heard about mysterious ballots arriving
at the Convention Center at 11 p.m. on a truck with California plates and this
next moment, the one where I told Jeff about it, is the moment that I thought
was so interesting. And to get its significance, I should tell you first
that Jeff Schaper is a serious election skeptic.
Back in 2020, he was one of hundreds of people who rushed to this very spot, the Detroit Convention Center,
certain that Democrats were here stealing the election for Joe Biden.
Maybe you remember the crowds in Detroit chanting, stop the count.
Stop the count! Stop the count!
Okay, so that's where Jeff was back then.
A Republican-led investigation in the state Senate later found no fraud, no harm to the
vote count in Detroit.
But Jeff is still convinced to this day the Democrats were in there throwing illegal ballots
into the system.
Now, you've got to understand that in 2020, a lot of ballots were put out into the public.
So they had a store of ballots, progressives,
that they could use.
Used for fraud, he means.
That is what I understand, and that is what I believe.
Just started to work on election stuff full-time after that.
Became the number two person in an activist group
called Michigan Fair Elections.
That does all sorts of lawsuits,
and election monitoring, and public education. That's all sorts of lawsuits and election monitoring and public education.
That's how he ended up on election night 2024
as one of the lead Republican election challengers
in Detroit.
The location in Michigan, I think it is fair to say
that Republicans were most suspicious about.
Before he retired, Jeff was a systems guy
in the auto industry.
He's got the air of a very sincere dad
patiently helping you with your homework.
He also likes a good tagline.
Educate, investigate, litigate.
That one came up in a bunch of stories he told me.
My goal again, remember, investigate, educate, and if need be litigate.
So that's Jeff.
And here's the moment that I thought was interesting.
When I told Jeff this breaking news about the trucks with California plates at 11 p.m.
this election skeptic was not having it.
How to say this, if you don't know the process, you see something and yell, you know, what
that is and looking at it, that looks like it's an election board.
He tells me that 11 p.m. is when you would expect ballots to show up at the convention
center.
And there's three supposed vote stealers in the video posted on X.
They're carrying a white box, a red bag, and another box.
You see these white boxes?
Okay, that's a tabulator inside.
Okay, you see those gray metal boxes?
Those have the ballots in them.
And then they have the poll book, which is in a red sealed bag.
And that's normal process.
It's interesting that you activists have become such experts that you're correcting misinformation that other people are putting out now.
Well, back in 2021, we didn't know squat. And we was a process of learning. We learned.
I should say for all the factual information that I saw Jeff give out on election night,
he and his group do also spread information that does not seem as credible.
Like, for example, the idea that Michigan's voter rolls, which like other states, have
a lot of inactive voters on them, are a real problem and might be used for widespread fraud.
Michigan's secretary of state disputes that.
He and I talked about it.
Neither convinced the other.
On election day, Jeff and the other Republican poll challengers that I talked to,
they were pretty happy with what they were seeing. Throughout the day, they all said the same things to me, that Detroit had adjusted a few procedural things in handling ballots since 2020. And those
fixes were working. Ballots were counted in batches of 50 by small teams. Nobody moved on until there
was agreement about each batch. It was a good clean count. All I can say is what I've witnessed
the voting process has been orderly, organized, invalid.
And what's the mood inside between the Democratic and Republican vote watchers?
Calm and cordial.
Yeah, I mean, there's not much to argue about.
There's been very few needs for adjudication.
Adjudication to settle disputes.
Jeff is involved in those because he's one of the lead Republican challengers.
He says in eight days of counting.
I've seen adjudications maybe 15, 16, 17 times.
15 times or so out of how many votes is that?
78,000 processed.
If Harris wins, say in Michigan, would you believe the result?
Yes, I would, based on what I've seen here.
That is a really remarkable change, that in 2020 you're saying you don't believe the result,
and you're saying this time around, even if Harris wins,
you're inclined to think that you're going to believe the result.
That's right, I do. Yes.
He and other Republicans said this to me throughout the day, well before the results came in.
And I'll be honest, I am not sure I believe they all would have stuck by that if Harris
won.
After all, last time, it seems like nothing happened that could throw an election.
Many court cases and a bipartisan state Senate investigation found no evidence of a steal.
But they found all kinds of evidence and continued to believe it.
But this time Trump won and the election doubters have been pretty quiet. Late in the evening, or I guess it was the early morning, after it became clear that Michigan and the rest of the
swing states were going to go for Trump, I asked Jeff if he felt like this was partly his doing,
like his years of work on election monitoring had paid off in an election that he could trust.
Did he feel a sense of victory?
Not victory, satisfaction.
Satisfaction.
And the job is not done.
Tomorrow we go back and we start working on the voter rolls that are bloated.
Our work is not finished here.
This is a satisfying moment.
It's just like a football game or a basketball game. You have one day to
enjoy it, then you prepare for the next game. This is not going away. The doubts
about elections in our country, the scrutinizing and arguing over them.
It's interesting in the wake of Trump's very solid victory
that it was mostly the Democrats you saw on social media
wondering if the election was stolen.
It wasn't a ton of that.
It was a tiny whisper of a complaint
compared to the nonstop multimedia barrage of videos and charts
we got in 2020 from Republicans.
But if the election had been more of a real squeaker
and Harris lost,
I bet we would have heard a lot more of that.
It is easy to see the appeal of that kind of doubt.
All right.
["The Last Post"]
Act three, oh what a hanged web we weave.
Okay, quick heads up before we start this next story
that it mentions a part of the male anatomy. Take that under advisement. Pro and con. That's not what
you're gonna do. It is not what the story is about. The story is about a creepy and
dangerous creature that does all kinds of terrible things. It's also about
somebody who takes issue with every word that I just said about that creature. And
they want to recount. They want a reconsideration. They want us all to examine the facts
and stop believing the fake news about this creature.
Lily Sullivan met up with this person to hear her out.
This person is my friend Kelsey Padgett.
And if you run into her at a dinner party or a bar,
maybe you happen to be standing behind her
in the security line at the airport,
she might ask you this.
What do you know about Black Widow you this. What do you know about black widow spiders?
What do you know?
Okay, um...
I know that they're very poisonous.
Like, they have a really bad bite,
like a bite that can kill you.
Hmm.
And I know that the female, after mating,
like, kills the male and eats him.
Fantastic. That is exactly what most people know about Black Widow spiders.
And you're totally wrong.
And this is Kelsey's mission.
To expose the lies about this spider being a wanton murderess,
correct the record, and restore her good name.
Kelsey used to work as a park ranger in New York, by the way.
She also used to report science stories.
And over the years, she's amassed an absurd amount of information about these spiders.
So let me tell you, I'll start with the Black Widow name.
The idea that the Black Widow eats her husband, or the spider they just mated with that she, you know, is a murderer dressed all in black,
mourning a husband that they just killed.
Kelsey says, the female eating the male.
Okay, this has happened, but very rarely, and it's barely a noticeable trait if you look around at what the rest of spiders are doing.
Many species of baby spiders, which are called spiderlings,
often eat their siblings right after hatching.
And some species of spiderlings
even eat their own mother after hatching.
And sexual cannibalism, which is like eating your mate
after he has done the deed with you,
is very common in the spider world.
Ugh.
But you know who is not common that much for
is black widow spiders.
They only do this in captivity.
It's practically never been seen in the wild
in the Northern Hemisphere.
Meanwhile, the male spider, he's no Mr. Rogers.
Check out what he does.
So the male black widow will sometimes go around
to the female's web and sort of clip off little parts of it
so that she has no exit routes.
And then he will go up next to her and like, calmly
like sort of caress her. And then he throws a web of his own over her to then copulate
with her.
Oh.
And the scientists have called that web the bridle veil.
Which is so not what that should be called.
Are you serious?
Oh my god.
But this, it strikes me as a very weird behavior.
And if I were a person naming spiders and saw that sometimes the female ate the male
after eating, but also that the male does this crazy thing and like ties down the lady basically.
I might name the spider after that, but why didn't they?
Because they were men.
They thought it was exceptional
that the female killed the male.
Oh my gosh, can't have that.
A lot of species of spiders do this bridle veil thing.
One theory is the one Kelsey lays out,
that the male's trapping the female.
There's another newer one, too,
which is more accepted by scientists now,
that it's more seduction than a trap.
As a scientist put it when they explained it to me,
it's bondage.
Yep, spiders do bondage.
Spiders do bondage. Myth number two, that her bite is fatal.
So from 1950 to 1959, the data we have says that there were 63 deaths in the U.S. from
Black Widow spiders.
Interestingly, most of the black widow bite victims back then
seemed to be male. In an older study, they were 80% male. Here's a theory as to why.
So most of the reported black widow bites from this time happened in what were called
outdoor privies, outhouses. So black widow spiders, they enjoy dark, low to the ground sort of places. They
especially love to make their cobwebs between two objects. And so because bugs like stinky
places, you know, like imagine flies, right? There's flies in outhouses, that it makes
a great like food supply, right?
Uh-huh.
Um, and to get to the stinky stuff, you gotta go through the bowl, right?
Right, right.
So putting your web there is excellent. So imagine this. It's 1950s. You're a dude. You need to go
number two. You make your way out to the outhouse, you sit down, and your junk hangles there.
Hangles.
Yep.
That's what she said.
And as it does, it hits the cobweb.
And the usually non-aggressive Black Widow instinctually runs over and bites down on the
new creature that has landed on its web.
Oh my god.
Okay.
That is like kind of terrifying though.
It is, isn't it?
Yeah.
Yeah.
There's like not even, you can't even imagine a better situation tailored to getting bit by this like usually very non-aggressive spider.
They don't come after you.
And the statistic that you saw, how many bites were on penises?
The majority were on penises.
Oh my god.
She thinks all these penis bites happening so regularly might be one of the reasons there were so many deaths back then.
The skin there is less thick and there are lots of nerves there, right? And this is a neurotoxin venom. So perhaps being bit on the genitals sends
the venom going into your body in like a faster or stronger way than say if you
were bit on a callus on your foot. Anyway, the point is, once more people had indoor plumbing,
along with improved access to medical care,
the numbers, which weren't that high to begin with,
they've gone way down.
And in the last several decades,
there's no record of anyone dying from a black widow spider.
No one.
In fact, the black widow is usually a pretty shy spider.
Scientists have even done tests where they poke and prod her, trying to elicit a bite.
And she turns to other defenses first, tries to run away, curls up into a little ball no
bigger than a quarter.
Sometimes she throws silk at the danger to try to escape.
The bite is her last resort.
So yeah, I think that the world should know that they've been lied to.
And that this, this, this, the Black Widow Spider's not that bad.
And Kelsey has a proposal to set the record straight.
Just change the spider's name.
Easy.
Get rid of the name that mires her in all this twisted lore she doesn't deserve.
I think that's what it looks like, renaming her.
Black Widow Spiders were not always called black widow spiders.
They've had many different names.
Some of the names are the hourglass spider,
the tea bar spider, the Miwok people indigenous
to California called the spider Pocomu.
The one she likes best though.
The shoe button spider.
So cute.
The shoe button spider, yeah.
She looks like a button after all.
A little round one.
So I decided to test out this new name on the people I thought were the best suited
to judge.
It was like my whole chest was in a vice grip.
I spoke with eight people who'd been bitten.
Talked to 11 others over email.
Here are some of them.
I imagined like the worst cramp that you've ever had in your life.
Like a charley horse in your leg, but that being my whole back.
Like a really bad charley horse that doesn't stop and envelops your whole chest, right?
I was like twisting up my body and I was like holding on to the side panels of the vehicle
and bracing myself when it was happening. And so weirdly enough, I
kind of wondered, like, is this like what it feels like to go into labor?
Not everyone whose bit has a bad reaction like this. And again, bites are very rare.
And a lot of the time they're mild. But when it's bad, it's bad. So I ran Kelsey's idea
by them. Do you think we should rename the Black Widow spider the Shoe Button Spider?
13 people weighed in.
No one was into it.
Oh my god.
I do not.
I do not like that at all.
No offense to the people who named that the Shoe Button Spider back in the old days, but
that is a very lame name.
This is Jenna. She got bit eight years ago that is a very lame name. This is Jenna.
She got bit eight years ago in a porta potty at Coachella.
Have you ever seen a black widow spider?
Like, they look cool.
You know, they are sort of like,
sort of a spider you shouldn't mess with.
And they probably have a bad rap,
but I do like black widow.
Like, it gives it some power.
And I think those spiders definitely have power.
Someone else who'd been bit told me,
honestly, I think Black Widow is an excellent name.
And were I a spider, I would feel really cool
with a name like that.
["Black Widow"]
Lily Sullivan is one of the producers of our program. Kelsey Padgett is co-host of the podcast, Fierce Rivalries, about big rivalries in history,
but also gossipy, petty feuds of all sorts.
It is available wherever you get your podcasts.
Baby, write this down, take a little note To remind you in case you didn't know
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Write this down Raymond Anthony Roman, Ryan Rumory, Alyssa Ship, Lily Sullivan, Christopher Sotala, and Matt Tierney, our managing editor Sara Abdurrahman, our senior editors David Kastnerbaum, our
executive editor is Emanuel Barry. Special thanks today to Tim Daly, Dorothy Kronick,
Annalisa Pineda, Javier Corrales, Veronica Balleta Flores, Francisco Toro, and Francisco
Rodriguez.
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Thanks to their life partners, Jahann Gibson, Priya Elizabeth Harmon, Kelly Sherry, and Sally Sloan. Thanks as always to our program's co-founder, Mr. Tori Malatya.
You know, he says that every weekend he sits there listening to his local public radio
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And then the aberration begins.
I'm Heria Glass. Back next week with more stories of This American Life. Oh, I love you and I don't want you to go.
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