Today, Explained - America the extreme
Episode Date: June 16, 2025This weekend saw a shocking act of political violence, a military parade in DC, and political protests across the US. What's going on? This episode was produced by Victoria Chamberlin, edited by Mira...nda Kennedy with help from Jolie Myers, fact checked by Laura Bullard, engineered by Patrick Boyd and Matthew Billy, and hosted by Noel King. Listen to Today, Explained ad-free by becoming a Vox Member: vox.com/members. Transcript at vox.com/today-explained-podcast. Protestors forming the words "No King" gathered in San Francisco. Photo by Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
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The U.S. entered into the weekend bracing for conflict. President Trump was
celebrating his birthday with a military parade that had people on edge. No Kings
protests were scheduled in hundreds of cities had people on edge. LA, unresolved
with Marines still on the ground, had people on edge. The shocker was so much
of what was feared didn't come to pass except in Minnesota. A moment in this country where we watched violence erupt,
this cannot be the norm.
It cannot be the way that we deal with our political differences.
A gunman dressed as a police officer shot four people, killing two of them,
in what the governor called a targeted assassination of Minnesota state lawmakers.
Vance Bolter was caught last night.
These were 72 hours that had Americans asking, what the hell is going on?
And we're going to do our best to answer that on Today Explained.
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It's Today Explained. I'm Noelle King. John Lewis is a research fellow at the Program
on Extremism at George Washington University. John focuses on Americans who commit violence
in the name of ideology. John, what happened in Minnesota is still developing, but Governor
Tim Walz called it an assassination. Would you say we know enough at this point to call
what happened there political violence?
It certainly fits the description of the events, yes.
Again, based on the reporting, based on the official comments so far from law enforcement,
from Governor Walz, this certainly appears to have been a targeted act, an individual
who was motivated by, again, some ideology, some grievance,
whether it's personal or political,
who chose these individuals in particular to target,
which I think certainly speaks to
the potential deeper motivations here.
There's been what feels like a lot of this lately.
We have the killings of the two Israeli embassy workers
in Washington, DC.
We have the attack on the hostage demonstration in Boulder, Colorado.
We have Governor Josh Shapiro in Pennsylvania, his home being set on fire.
So it feels like political violence is on the rise.
What do the numbers say, though?
The numbers absolutely support that.
When we look at the data, we've seen a marked increase in recent years,
not only in actual successful plots and attacks, but in the number of arrests and investigations
the FBI are involved in when it comes to threats to public officials. I think when we look at the
broader societal effects of social media, of COVID, of the normalization of this violent rhetoric
into our political mainstream.
I think that's really a caustic, perfect storm there to really, again, just inspire your
average Americans who are lost, are confused, are dissatisfied, who are looking for answers. And I think in a lot of cases, this
rhetoric, this very aggressive, very us versus them kind of rhetoric can really be the the trigger
for a lot of people who are angry, who are lost, who are confused. How do we know, other than
headlines, how do we know that violence is increasing? You're an analyst, how do we measure this?
how do we know that violence is increasing? You're an analyst, how do we measure this?
Yeah, so there's some excellent research
that's being done in this space.
You can look at work that's being done by
this organization called Nsight
over at the University of Omaha.
It's a DHS-funded center of excellence.
They've been studying the drastic spike in cases,
in federal cases brought charging people
who have been threatening public officials, whether it's calling their office, whether
it's stalking, harassing, doxxing, swatting, things like that.
And then look, you know, you look at the anecdotal cases that we're talking about here, it's
very clear that in recent years, we have seen the normalization of this violence,
and that is leading these lone actors.
And again, barely even ideological in a lot of these cases.
We look at the Trump assassination attempt.
You look at some of these other cases where the individual clearly
barely has a coherent grasp on the ideology
and is really just looking for justification.
I think that when you really peel that back,
you see how prevalent these cases are becoming.
Who is doing the violence?
Is there a pattern to who's committing these acts?
I would say by and large, the offline violence here
is coming from the far right.
-♪
It's obviously, it's always important to say
that conspiracy theories don't fit neatly into
the political spectrum, but when we look at the individuals who are committing this violence,
it certainly fits a far right mobilization. There are of course left wing, leftist attacks,
there are lone actor violence on both sides here, but predominantly the dead bodies here when they stack up
is not really a close comparison.
What should we make of that?
I think look, it's this is the years-long
consequence of this this campaign to
really convince Americans that
anyone who is not part of your tribe, your specific in-group,
is somehow un-American, is somehow less than you, and is somehow a worthy target for political violence.
And I think that should be extraordinarily concerning for average Americans everywhere.
concerning for average Americans everywhere. I think that many Americans feel, whether they like President Trump or not, that something
in the rhetoric began to change when he was elected the first time.
Is that just a feeling or is that grounded in reality?
No, it's absolutely grounded in reality.
I think when you look at the messaging that comes out
from President Trump's office,
it certainly aligns with the most incendiary,
most aggressive rhetoric that we see coming out
of the right-wing media ecosystem.
And look, this trickles down, right?
When you have the President of the United States using language about radical left democratic
politicians calling migrants, you know, people who are poisoning the blood of this country,
that sends a powerful message.
And it's something that average Americans will pick up and engage with.
Does the atmosphere in which we're living now, does it contribute to the reality of
political violence?
Like everybody is on edge.
I was at the Army's birthday parade this weekend and nothing happened.
I mean, it was actually really rather dull, but the sense was that something could pop
off at any time, in part because law enforcement had been,
you know, urging people to be cautious, in part because the president had said,
if you protest, you're going to be met with violence. Do those kinds of warnings translate
into reality? These vibes don't happen in a vacuum, right? We feel less safe because of
We feel less safe because of the spike in domestic terrorism. We feel less safe because of massive counter protests,
violence at protests, a general fear that this inherently random type of violence can happen to us.
Again, it's a very normal, very human reaction. President Trump is fairly unrestrained in the way he talks about protesters, immigrants,
universities, even the military.
How should we think about the message coming from the top and what it may lead to?
Well, yeah, look, I mean, I think very simply here, when language used by President Trump,
by Stephen Miller, by DHS employees, when that mirrors the exact language used by white
supremacist mass shooters in their manifestos, that bodes poorly, right? And again, when that mainstream message
is being amplified by every neo-Nazi out there,
again, because it mirrors the language used by their peers,
that just floods the zone with the worst,
most abhorrent, most dehumanizing content you can see.
And again, you really can't overstate the role of these social media echo chambers.
I mean, when it's just day after day after day of these conspiracies from the top
getting amplified from the bottom, conspiracies from the bottom amplified by the top,
you just get this bi-directional flow of, I mean, it's brain rot really is what it comes down to.
Is this unprecedented or has the US been here before?
So look, we've certainly seen spikes in political violence.
It's nothing new. We look at the weather underground.
We look at other spikes in domestic extremist activity.
I think what makes today unique in some cases is the role of social media, right?
We are more interconnected than ever as humans.
That's great for research.
That's great.
But that also facilitates a lot of our worst qualities as people. And I think it allows, in many
instances, these conspiracies, these again, very racist, xenophobic, Islamophobic, anti-Semitic,
hateful narratives, grievances to spread, to fester, and to just become just stuck in
these social media echo chambers.
What do we do about this, John?
This has to start with our elected officials, right?
It's very easy to talk about this and to, you know, to kind of provide the top level analysis that terrorism is bad,
political violence is bad.
But we know that and we've been having these conversations for again, I mean we're you know, what nine years now
I mean it's gonna be the same answers which is that it has to come from politicians has to come from our elected officials
on both sides
right left top bottom
to again quite simply
tamp down on political violence
tamp down on political violence. But instead what we see day after day after day is this really caustic fanning of the
flames predominantly from the right around every single culture war issue.
And so I think until we're able to really reckon with that, to call it what it is, and
to start beginning to address it, we're going to keep having these conversations, unfortunately.
John Lewis of the Program on Extremism at George Washington University.
Coming up, we went to the parade so you didn't have to. Support for Today Explained comes from Mint Mobile.
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You are listening to Today Explained.
We're back, I'm Noelle King.
You might have seen the video circulating from this weekend of a very bored-looking
President Trump grimacing through the military parade celebrating the 250th birthday of the
US Army. It was also Trump's birthday. I was at the parade and Trump was not wrong.
Attendance was sparse at best. It was a thousand degrees and it was pretty boring. Chris's
wife made him come.
Well, my wife's from China,
and so they have parades like that there,
but she's never seen one here before,
so she wanted to see a military parade here.
Franco from Argentina was like, eh, I'm in D.C., why not?
I don't get a chance to see a military parade every day.
Tim was protesting.
I am 60 years old.
I've never protested anything in my life.
And when I saw the military being turned against our own citizens,
I had already planned to come down here because I thought a military parade,
especially on a city president's birthday, was not American.
But no one seemed to really care about his protest.
At least Professor Meredith Lair was excited to be there. Meredith is at George Mason University where she studies American culture and the military.
What do you think this event tells us about how President Trump sees the military?
I think he sees the military as lethal.
I think he sees it as an extension of himself. He
has said that this is his military. And I think that the army's choice to emphasize technology
is probably something that the White House and the army came to collectively, that they really
wanted to showcase hardware and showcase power. You said President Trump has said the military is my military.
The American president is the commander in chief.
What about the way President Trump talks about the military
is different from a historian's perspective?
I don't think that any other president has ever said anything like that.
I think that other presidents have been more mindful of custom.
There's a lot of conversation around President Trump that he breaks norms, that he has violated
norms.
And I think that his presidencies have forced Americans to come to terms with the fact that
a lot of how the White House and the presidency operates are not actually enshrined in the
Constitution, they're enshrined in custom. And so he is in that in stating that this is his military,
and in giving a very politicized speech
at which MAGA merchandise was for sale at Fort Bragg.
In Los Angeles, the governor of California,
the mayor of Los Angeles.
Ooh! They're incompetent, and they paid troublemakers, agitators and insurrectionists.
They're engaged in this willful attempt to nullify federal law and aid the occupation
of the city by criminal invaders.
He's violating norms there about keeping the US armed forces
apolitical. And I think it's fair to remember that the US armed forces are not a monolith,
that there are a lot of progressives who've joined the military because they want to serve
or because it was a path out of poverty. I think it's worth remembering that a lot of the rank
and file in the US armed forces are not native born.
They are immigrants or they are the children of immigrants.
And I am sure that the American soldiery has complicated perspectives on this event and
on President Trump's comments about the military.
As somebody who studies this stuff, what message does it impart that today is also President
Trump's birthday?
I don't think that this event can be separated from President Trump because no president
since President George Herbert Walker Bush has elected to have a parade of this kind.
And you know, we can't, so we can't divorce it from President Trump because it's something
that he expressly stated he wanted during his first term.
And by the same token, I don't think we can divorce it from the larger conversation about
the use of the US military on American soil.
So for good or bad, this event will, I think, always be associated with these new developments in civil
military relations where the military is operating potentially against U.S. citizens. It's absolutely
operating on U.S. soil in Los Angeles right now. And so the Army is kind of trying to thread a
needle here of focusing on its history,
focusing on the equipment and its lethality, and trying to remain nonpartisan.
We've talked to a bunch of people out here at the parade today.
We had one woman whose son is in the Army.
She actually came out to see him today.
All of this that's going on and we're trying to find him and I can't find him and I just want to see my baby.
She said, I don't think Americans understand enough about service.
I don't think we treat the military well.
And then we talked to another man who is protesting today who said, I personally think that we
celebrate the military too much in this country.
There is a divide in this country between people who I think it's sometimes even called
the civilian military divide between people who, I think it's sometimes even called the civilian military divide,
between people who serve or know people who serve
or have people in the family who served
and people who just haven't
and maybe think, why is this such a big deal?
Has this always been the case?
No, we're in an interesting moment
where the US Armed Forces is the most lethal,
but it's also very small
relative to what it was, say, in World War II. And the role that veterans play in American society is really different now than it was at mid-century.
It's very unusual to know people in the military because less than 1% of Americans will serve in the military.
And whereas if you compare that to post-World War II era, it was very unusual for men not to have
served in the military. So everybody's dad and uncle and brother was off fighting overseas
or was in the service somewhere here in this country. So Vietnam is sort of in the middle
where of the 27 million Americans who could have served in the Vietnam era, only two and
a half million of them actually did go to Vietnam. So you know, so it's a rare thing now to
have been a veteran and it is not the normal thing or the normative thing for
Americans to know people in the military and I think that is profoundly
problematic because I think it has sowed mistrust where people who maybe object to aspects of US
foreign policy tend to paint people, individuals in the military with that same brush or make
assumptions about their political opinions. And by the same token, I think people in the military
who enjoy such a robust set of social welfare benefits, don't really understand the fear and the terror
that civilians have at not having health insurance
and confronting a major health crisis.
So I think that both groups have a lot to learn
from each other, and I think there is probably room
for more compassion.
And I think to the stories that you shared,
I think in the end, they're kind of both right.
My dad's expression, he's 87 years old
and a two-time Vietnam veteran
and has served 22 years in the army.
And when people thank him for his service,
he talks about what a great life he has as a result of that.
And he says, I should be thanking you.
Anytime you have an event like this,
it is a case of America telling a story
of itself about itself.
What do you think is the story
that America is telling about itself here today?
So I could speak for my students.
My students, you know,
they often will express in their essays and so forth,
like this true faith
that we are marching towards progress, that everything in the United States will get better
and better and better. And I think that the parade is in a way a sort of metaphor for that,
where we can see, you know, with the, there's going to be the soldiers in colonial uniforms and,
you know, advancing in time all the way to the 21st century. So there's a progression there in the style of clothing and in the technology and the ability to move troops and supplies from here to there.
And so the parade gives a feeling of this inexorable march towards progress.
But the reality of American history is that it will things will advance forward and things will advance back. The Army has a really rich history
and the Army can claim in celebrating its history
the liberation of Europe alongside American allies.
It can claim, you know, for individuals,
a commitment to duty and faithful service.
And as an Army Brad and a proud daughter
of a Vietnam veteran,
I embrace the good parts of that history,
but as a historian,
I also have to recognize very flawed parts
of the Army's story,
but those stories will not be represented here.
Meredith Lair of George Mason University.
The most exciting part of the parade was leaving the parade on Saturday.
You had to exit directly
into a group of protesters and you thought, surely this is going to get ugly. And then it didn't.
There were a couple shouting matches that quickly wilted. It did seem possible that Minnesota and
how easily these things can spin out was on everyone's mind. Lee Babarowska is from Minnesota.
He was there to protest.
But when I asked him about the killings in his home state,
Lee sounded an awful lot like the former cop that he is.
They'll catch him.
I guarantee they'll catch him.
There's no way they're not gonna catch him.
Victoria Chamberlain was there.
She produced today's show,
Miranda Kennedy edited with help from Jolie Myers.
We were fact-checked by Laura Bullard,
engineered by Patrick Boyd and Matthew Billy, and I'm Noelle King. It's Today Explained..