Today, Explained - Art of the (Iran) deal
Episode Date: April 15, 2025Iran allegedly plotted to assassinate President Donald Trump late last year. But that’s not stopping the Trump administration from trying to strike a nuclear deal with Iran. This episode was produc...ed by Gabrielle Berbey and Travis Larchuk, edited by Amina Al-Sadi, fact-checked by Laura Bullard, engineered by Andrea Kristinsdottir and Patrick Boyd, and hosted by Noel King. Transcript at vox.com/today-explained-podcast Support Today, Explained by becoming a Vox Member today: http://www.vox.com/members Further reading: Revenge by Alex Isenstadt. Newspaper front pages at a kiosk in Tehran as talks with the US begin. Photo by ATTA KENARE/AFP via Getty Images. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
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Representatives from the US and Iran sat down last weekend to try to strike a deal on Iran's
nuclear program.
These were the highest level talks between the two countries since 2018.
And the big surprise is that they're going to meet again this coming Saturday.
President Trump in the Oval Office yesterday was asked about Iran and he said this.
Iran has to get rid of the concept of a nuclear weapon.
They cannot have a nuclear weapon.
He can't have a nuclear weapon.
Then he said this.
I want them to be a rich, great nation.
Circling back, he said this.
They're not going to have one.
And if we have to do something very harsh, we'll do it.
Maybe it's the weave, but President Trump seems to have profoundly mixed feelings about
Iran.
He believes that Iran tried to kill him last fall and the Department
of Justice agreed and filed charges. But Trump is also reaching out to Iran in some ways
that have Iran watchers thinking he might be very serious about making a deal. That's
coming up on Today Explained.
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Hey everybody, Megan Rapinoe here.
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Check out the latest episode of A Touch More wherever you get your podcasts and on YouTube.
You are listening to Today Explained.
My name is Alex Eisenstadt.
I'm a senior political reporter at Axios, and I'm the author of Revenge, the Inside Story
of Trump's Return to Power, which is an inside look at Trump's 2024 campaign.
Let's go back to the first Trump administration and to two moments that appeared at the time
to be really definitive on Iran.
The US and Iran did have a nuclear deal and then President Trump pulled out of it.
Why did he do that?
So the nuclear deal that President Obama signed on to was something that was a huge priority
for Obama and his administration.
Today, after two years of negotiations, the United States, together with our international partners,
has achieved something that decades of animosity has not.
A comprehensive long-term deal with Iran that will prevent it from obtaining a nuclear weapon.
It basically decreased economic sanctions on Iran in exchange for having more oversight
of Iran's nuclear capabilities.
Iran must complete key nuclear steps before it begins to receive new sanctions relief.
And over the course of the next decade, Iran must abide by the deal before additional sanctions
are lifted.
What Trump decided to do was do away with that. I am announcing today that the United States will withdraw from the Iran nuclear deal.
And basically Trump increased economic sanctions on Iran as a means of putting maximum pressure
on the country.
The deal allowed Iran to continue enriching uranium and over time, reach the brink of a
nuclear breakout.
The deal lifted crippling economic sanctions on Iran in exchange for very weak limits on
the regime's nuclear activity.
There was a sense that Trump's move wasn't necessarily needed and that he was guided by
Iran hawks within his administration, people like Mike Pompeo and John Bolton, both of
whom were advocates of a much stricter approach towards Iran.
Okay, so tensions in 2018 go higher after Trump pulls out of the Iran deal.
And then in early 2020, there was kind of a shocker of an assassination.
Breaking news.
In a major escalation in tensions between the U.S. and Iran, the top Iranian general
has been killed in an airstrike while leaving the Baghdad airport.
In the heart of Iran, a public outpouring of grief overwhelming the streets of its capital.
Trump made a big mistake.
Tell us what happened with Qasem Soleimani.
So Trump ordered the assassination of Qasem Soleimani, who basically is the second most
important leader in Iran next to the Ayatollah.
And what it did was it highlighted Trump's desire to take a very aggressive posture towards
Iran.
And if you remember in the immediate aftermath, there was actually concern in the United States
that there might be some retaliatory action that Iran could take.
In fact, it did.
It launched a strike on U.S. interests in Iraq. Good evening, we're coming on the air with breaking news.
The Pentagon confirming that Iran has launched a series of ballistic missiles
targeting American forces in Iraq.
But at the time, it was something that was really surprising to people.
Well, Iran has confirmed that it has launched what is a conventional strike firing.
It says more than a dozen ballistic missiles from inside Iranian territory at bases that
house American personnel.
Me and my partner, we hit the floor and we felt the big, the big boom.
Okay, so now let's move into the present day.
Your book, Revenge, contains some really shocking information about what was happening in 2024
while Donald Trump was running for office.
There were concerns that Iran was trying to kill him.
What happened?
This was something that was picked up within the confines of US intelligence and the Secret
Service that they were aware of that they wanted to kill Trump in retaliation for Sole
Mani.
And this is something that was an issue as soon as Trump left the White House, went back
to his home in Palm Beach, Florida, basically.
And so as the campaign continued into 2024, the threat of Iran was something that became
really intense.
And Trump's campaign was attacked by Iranian hackers.
And at the same time, there was an increasing threat that Iran would try to kill him.
And in the summer of 2024,
Secret Service agents sat down with Trump
and they warned him that Iran had teams of agents
within the United States
that had access to surface-to-air missiles.
That those surface-to-air missiles
could be used to conceivably down his plane,
either upon takeoff or upon landing.
— Do we know how Trump responded to this?
His campaign devised at one point a plan, which was to have Trump fly in a plane of a donor
by the name of Steve Witkoff, who of course is now ironically playing an incredibly important role
in terms of U.S. foreign policy overseas, including overseeing negotiations with Iran.
I was appointed by President Trump
to be the special envoy for peace in the Middle East.
And so Steve Witkoff has a G6 Gulfstream jet.
And so Trump and his top aides devised a plan
where Trump would be on the plane of Steve Witkoff and then other aides would be
on Trump Force One, which the so-called Trump Force One, which is the plane that Trump typically
used.
And the idea was to essentially turn Trump Force One into a decoy plane.
Well, this is something that did not sit well, as you can imagine, among Trump aides who
were on the plane that day.
And so they got on the plane.
They got on the plane that day and all of them were wondering where is Trump, right?
And then a senior member of leadership tells them, look, the boss isn't going to be flying
with us today.
He's on another plane.
And this is just a practice dry run for how things are going to go in the future.
This did not go over well with the aides.
They felt like they were being treated as bait.
And at the time, they were really concerned
about the threat of Iran,
that they could be attacked as well.
In fact, there was one aide who was told
by a Secret Service agent at one point
that upon getting on the plane, that they should duck.
They should duck their heads down out of fear
that there might be an assassin somewhere pointing a rifle at them.
President Trump and the people surrounding him were legitimately terrified that he could
be killed.
Do we know ultimately how far this went?
I mean, if at the time there were people in the United States with access to surface to
air missiles, we would have to assume that they're still here?
What we do know is that there was someone connected to the Iranian regime who was arrested
in connection for having us being a part of a plot to kill President Trump, and so, who was then candidate Trump at the time.
And so, we do know that Iran was very interested in this,
and we also know that Iran did succeed in hacking
into the campaign's computer system.
And so, in a lot of ways, Iran was very aggressive during the 2024 campaign season.
Does the Trump administration today as we speak, do they still worry about Iran and
a threat to the president's life?
You know, it's not something that they've talked about as much recently.
Trump was in greater danger as a former president when you had less security protection.
It was the threat to Trump and the vulnerabilities he faced really reached a kind of a climax
in the summer of 2024 after the two assassination attempts.
Trump was so afraid of Iran that on the campaign trail, he used to boast about his killing
of Soleimani.
He actually started talking about it less and less over the course of the campaign.
The second thing that happened was he started to ask about the staging of events.
And that was another thing he was thinking about.
Suzy Wiles, who was Trump's co-campaign manager at the time, now is chief of staff, was reaching
out to the White House, then the Biden White House, asking for greater Secret Service assets.
That's how great the concern was about Trump's safety at the time.
Now that Trump's president and he has much more security assets behind him, there's a
lot less concern about where
he is from a safety standpoint. But that doesn't mean that they're not concerned
about his safety at all points. That's always the concern about a president. But
in the summer of 2024, it really reached its heights.
Alex Eisenstadt, this was great. Thank you so much for your time and your insights.
We really appreciate this. Thank you so much for your time and your insights. We really appreciate this.
Thank you.
Alex's book is called Revenge. Now, we should note that in January, a week before inauguration day,
Iran's president, Massoud Pesachkian, gave an interview to NBC's Lester Holt in
which he denied that Iran had ever tried to assassinate Donald Trump. Support for the show today comes from 3Day Blinds.
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I'm Noelle King.
So the big news from this first round of Iran Talks is that there will be a second round
of talks this coming weekend.
Treta Parsi, who joins us now, was not as surprised as many analysts.
Treta is executive vice president of the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft.
He's also the author of several books about US foreign policy in Iran.
And Treta has been writing that there are real reasons to be optimistic about these talks.
And he says this past weekend proves his point.
be optimistic about these talks. And he says this past weekend proves his point. I think what went really right is that both sides recognize that they need a deal and
that to get a deal, they need to have reasonable demands and not go for this type of maximalist
approach that oftentimes has been the case. Both sides have politics in their countries that is very unforgiving
of any type of a compromise with Iran or with the United States. But Trump is very different
in that sense. He doesn't really care what the political establishment in Washington
thinks about these things. I think he's very eager to get some sort of a deal because it's
kind of part of his persona to be a dealmaker.
And the Iranians recognize this.
So the opportunity for the Iranians to actually strike a deal is frankly greater now than
it was ever during the Biden administration because Biden, according to his own envoy,
Rob Malley, was at best lukewarm towards getting a deal.
And if you're lukewarm towards getting a deal, you're not going to get the deal. How far away are the US and Iran on an agreement? Like, what is a
sticking point here? Or these sticking points here? Do we know? Well, a primary sticking point
would be if Trump had adopted the position that the Israelis had pressed on him and pro-Israeli
voices in Washington press switches, they want
to see the complete dismantlement of the Iranian nuclear program. The reason why that is a problematic
demand is because it will never be accepted by the Iranians. The United States essentially would
have to go to war to achieve that objective, which incidentally is exactly what the Israelis want.
They are deliberately pushing a line that they know will be rejected
in order to pave the way for Trump having to then escalate matters towards a military conflict.
But Trump seems to have rejected that demand and instead is focusing on how he can limit
the Iranian program with restrictions, inspections, and verification, and by that ensure that Iran can
never build a nuclear weapon, which incidentally is
Exactly what Obama did. Yes Obama struck a deal with Iran in 2015
President Trump in his first term pulled out of it since Trump exited that deal in 2018
How much progress has Iran made on its nuclear program? The Iranians have made
much progress has Iran made on its nuclear program?
The Iranians have made significant progress, which is part of the challenge that Trump now has to deal with, but it's also frankly out of his own making.
Had he not pulled out of the deal, the situation would have been very,
very different right now.
When Obama started serious negotiations with the Iranians, if the Iranians had
made a decision to build a bomb, it would take them 8 to 12 weeks to have the
material for a bomb, the fissile material. It doesn't mean that they would have a bomb. It
probably would take them another two years to build a bomb, test the bomb, et cetera. But to
have the material, they were 8 to 12 weeks away. As a result of the JCPOA, they would always be a
minimum of 12 months away from having the material for a
bomb. So he pushed the breakout time from 8 to 12 weeks to 12 months. Today, Ivan's
breakout time is somewhere between 3 and 7 days because of the dramatic progress they've
made in their program because Trump walked out of the deal and the Ivanians then stopped
respecting the restrictions of the deal since the US no longer was in the deal.
You recently wrote a very good piece for Time magazine in which you said you are optimistic
that a deal is possible here for three reasons.
Walk through those three reasons for me, beginning with your first.
Both sides, as you said, have strong incentives to reach a deal.
What are the incentives you're talking about?
Well, from the Iranian side, they need sanctions relief. Their economy is in a terrible shape.
The country's official inflation rate hovers at around 35 percent, and the local currency,
the real, is on a nosedive.
There were at least 216 demonstrations across Iran in February.
The protests are largely focused on economic hardships, including low wages and months
of unpaid salaries.
I don't think we're in a situation in which the regime is fearing regime collapse necessarily
because Iran's economy has been in a bad shape for quite some time.
It's a tremendously unpopular regime.
But those are not sufficient ingredients
in order to get a revolution.
There needs to be a credible opposition.
There needs to be political organization, leadership.
None of those things exist.
But nevertheless, the Iranians cannot thrive.
They can just survive, and surviving is not enough.
If they really want to be able to modernize their country,
they need to get sanctions relief from the United States.
The rest of the region is advancing way ahead of Iran in that regard.
And from the American side, Trump really does not want to get into another war in the Middle
East.
And if this issue isn't resolved, mindful of how far the Iranians advanced their program,
this is going to lead to some sort of a military confrontation.
And Trump also wants to leave the Middle East militarily.
He doesn't want to have 50,000 troops there.
And a key factor that has kept the U.S. in the region
is the enmity between the United States and Iran.
If that can be pacified, it also paves the way
for American troops to be able to come back home.
Reason number two you cited, you say that Donald Trump appears to not be following Israel's
lead here.
What do you mean by that?
Why does that make you optimistic?
Well, when Trump summoned Netanyahu to the White House, Netanyahu pushed for what he called
the Libya-style solution, which means that the entire nuclear program would be destroyed
and dismantled.
This is what Libyan dictator Qaddafi did.
And of course, eight or so years later, he was disposed.
So the very idea that that would be an attractive option for the Iranians is somewhat laughable.
Netanyahu is pushing this line precisely because he knows it won't work, but it will leave Trump in a position in which he will have to escalate after he has
failed.
But Trump seems to recognize this and he has decided not to go down this path.
He keeps on saying his only red line is no nuclear weapons.
Iran has to get rid of the concept of a nuclear weapon.
They cannot have a nuclear weapon. He can't have a nuclear weapon.
Nobody can have it. We can't have anybody having a nuclear weapon.
And you can achieve that much easier actually
by having a verification program.
A deal that is based on inspections, restrictions, and verification that ensures
that the Iranians simply cannot build it.
And you don't have to go to war, and Trump doesn't want to go to war, and rightly so
in my view.
A war with Iran would be a disaster for the region, for Iran, but also for the United
States.
The third reason you cite is that Tehran has been making some interesting overtures to
the United States regarding investment.
Tell us what Iran's leaders have been saying and what you think it is they're offering
exactly.
The Iranians are saying that their economy is not closed to American companies because
of Iranian decisions, but because of sanctions.
That's up until recently not entirely true.
Hardliners in Iran could live with a nuclear deal, they could live with a deal with the United States, but they did not want to see American companies entering the Iranian market
because they feared, perhaps quite correctly, that once American companies are in Iran,
there would also be some degree of American influence in Iran. And eventually the hardliners would lose control over
power. Now they have shifted their position and I think a key reason as to
why they're shifting their position is because they recognize secondary
sanctions relief, meaning lifting the sanctions on Europeans and Chinese,
etc. Actually doesn't work. Most companies will not go into the Iranian
market unless they know that they're not doing anything differently from what American
companies are doing. Because they know that if American companies are in the
Iranian market, the likelihood that the Europeans eventually would get sanctioned
is far less. Now what's interesting with all of this is that Trump is the kind of
president that actually cares about this. He wants to expand American markets.
This would never have worked with Biden, and it didn't work with Obama.
Obama didn't want to go that far, fearing that this would have generated
an even stronger backlash from Republicans in Congress against the JCPOA.
So Donald Trump is the business man president, and Iran is saying,
we see you, we recognize
that and we want to speak your language.
And they are speaking Trump's language.
If you take a look at the op-ed that the Iranian foreign minister had in the Washington Post
a couple of days ago, it was interesting because he talked about a trillion dollar opportunity.
I have no idea whether it's a trillion dollar opportunity.
I suspect that's quite an exaggeration. However, the Iranian market is a big market and it would
be the largest market opening up to Western countries since the fall of the Soviet Union.
On Monday, President Trump gave a press conference in the Oval Office and he was asked about Iran
a couple of times. He did not have the most articulate
answers. He said, you know, Iran wants to do a deal with us, but they don't know how.
And I think they're tapping us along because they were so used to dealing with stupid people
in this country. And I had Iran perfect. You had no attacks. You would have never had October
7th in Israel, the attack by Hamas, because
Iran was broke.
It was stone cold broke when I was president, and I don't want to do it.
I want them to be a rich, great nation.
He wasn't saying this is going to get done, but he also wasn't saying this is not going
to get done.
When you look at his remarks on Monday, coming as they did off the back of successful talks
last Saturday, more talks
this coming Saturday.
Where do you predict this all might be headed?
If they continue on this track and say that the red line for Trump is only a nuclear weapon,
and the Iranians are also reasonable and agree to significant restrictions on their program,
then I think they can have a nuclear deal, at least a framework of a nuclear deal
within 60 days. It will take a little bit longer perhaps to negotiate all of
the details, but ultimately for this to work it has to be done between the US
and Iran. That will make it go faster, but that also requires that the Iranians
agree to negotiate directly. The talks that took place in Oman were for about two and a half hours indirect.
And then towards the end, they had a chat with each other.
The Iranians really need to immediately move towards direct conversations because that's
how you can get things done fast.
That's how you can build a bit of a rapport between the different negotiators, which is
crucial for a deal like this. Trump is
not known for his patience. He's pretty impatient. He wants to get this done fast
and the Iranians are gonna miss the opportunity if they don't go along with
a method and a process that can allow this to be done fast. Tretta Parsi is the executive vice president of the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft.
Tretta's written several books on US foreign policy in the Middle East and Iran.
Gabrielle Burbae and Travis Larchuk produced today's episode.
Amina El-Sadi edited.
Laura Bullard checked the facts.
Andrea Christen's daughter and Patrick Boyd engineered.
I'm Noelle King. It's Today Explained.
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