Today, Explained - Is the US ghosting Ukraine?
Episode Date: January 9, 2024Last yearβs counteroffensive failed and Ukraine needs American aid to win. Republicans in Congress wonβt give it up without a fight. This episode was produced by Victoria Chamberlin and Isabel Ang...ell, edited by Amina Al-Sadi, fact-checked by Laura Bullard, engineered by Patrick Boyd, and hosted by Sean Rameswaram. Transcript at vox.com/todayexplained Support Today, Explained by making a financial contribution to Vox! bit.ly/givepodcasts Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
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I am feeling that I have to be here. War with Russia is my war also.
It's been almost two years since Russia escalated its war with Ukraine.
And two years in, Ukraine is desperate for military aid from the United States. Your money is not charity.
It's an investment in the global security and democracy
that we handle in the most responsible way.
And it's not just Zelensky begging for money, it's Biden.
Putin is banking on the United States
failing to deliver for Ukraine.
We must, we must, we must prove him wrong. But there are no signs
that Congress is gonna budge and at present they're not gonna budge because
of the US-Mexico border, believe it or not. It's a big old mess and we're gonna
try and make sense of it on Today Explained.
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I was ready to go to the army because I have to do it.
We got in touch with a Ukrainian soldier on the eastern front of this war this week. He wanted to remain anonymous to protect his safety if he were to get captured, but we verified his identity.
Every day we laugh at each other, different jokes.
It's also because without jokes it's so, it's not
so good. Without jokes it's so like gray day, dark day, you know, and a lot of brother in
arms, our brother in arms were killed also, and civilian peoples were killed, but we need
to support each other and jokes is a good way.
A good way, maybe coffee, maybe some sandwiches, maybe something sweet,
also supports our blood and our soul.
And we have to have this optimism, I mean, inside of us to do our tasks.
And I try, I talk to myself that, okay, I have to be in good condition and my brain has to be cold and my heart has to be warm, hot, hot heart, you know.
It's so difficult because now we don't have enough weapons, enough needed things, you know. MΔs nav vajadzΔjuΕ‘as vΔ«pons, vajadzΔjuΕ‘as lietas,
ka mΔs varam savu citu, savu cilvΔku.
ArΔ« ar ΔrmΔs, ar artaisku, ar ΔrmΔs un ΔrmΔs. like armed machines also, like artillery things and others.
So we have optimism inside of us, you know,
but we need more, more, more military things to cope with this Russian army.
We wanted to hear what this war looks like as it approaches its two-year anniversary,
so we got in touch with Luke Harding at The Guardian, who spends a lot of time on the
ground in Ukraine.
The situation on the ground is the Russians are slowly but surely moving forward.
Now, last year, 2023, there were high hopes that the Ukrainians might be able to take are slowly but surely moving forward.
Now, last year, 2023, there were high hopes that the Ukrainians might be able to take back more territory,
particularly in the south of the summer counteroffensive.
Ukraine is finally on the march.
Spring has become summer,
and defensive operations switched to offensive ones.
Slava! Slava! Slava!
I was there when it started,
and basically they ran into massive entrenched Russian fortifications,
minefields, air defense and so on.
And that didn't work.
And really, I would say since kind of late autumn and winter, the Russians have been
pushing, pushing, pushing with a series of assaults across the front line, which, by
the way, is more than 600 miles long, but particularly in the east.
So the whole idea is an attempt to cut off the land bridge between Russian-held territory
and the Russian-held Crimean Peninsula.
And what we're seeing is massive attacks involving infantry, tanks, armoured vehicles, aviation,
and with tens of thousands of Russian soldiers being killed.
I mean, I was on the front line recently near a town called Avdiivka,
which the Russians have been trying to seize since last October,
and I talked to one Ukrainian soldier who said,
they come, we kill them, then more of them come.
Close up, you see trenches.
There are booms from outgoing artillery, whistles from incoming projectiles.
There is mud, rats, now frost.
It's very cold in Ukraine with glassy looking trees and treacherous conditions everywhere in these kind of bare frozen fields.
But with the addition of drones so it's this mash-up between first world war early 20th century and 21st war
where both sides have got complete reconnaissance of the battlefield and it's impossible to do
anything but by stealth or by surprise um and you would have thought that these sort of tactics
where where hundreds of r Russian soldiers die every day,
that they would change up, but they're not.
And the sort of Putin strategy is to overwhelm Ukraine,
to smother Ukraine, to use Russia's superior volumes of everything,
whether it's artillery or ballistic missiles or warplanes,
and to grind out some kind of victory.
It sounds like this counteroffensive has failed.
Yeah, I mean, that's right.
I mean, these things are always, Sean,
they're always sort of perspectival.
So if we were sitting here, let's say,
two years ago, early 2022,
before the full-scale invasion,
and I said, well, at that point, the Pentagon, the US basically assumed that the Russians
would overrule Ukraine, topple
the government of Vladimir Zelensky, set up a puppet
administration in Kiev, and fold
Ukraine back into Russia.
And that didn't happen.
I mean, the Russians tried to take Kiev,
but they failed. And actually,
Ukraine's taken back
quite a lot of territory.
But the problem now is that their capacity to take more depends on the supply of weapons from the West
and from the United States in particular.
And what we know perfectly well
is that this is being held up by Congress.
It's become the subject of a bitter partisan debate.
And this has a direct effect on the battlefield.
You know, I talked to Ukrainian
servicemen who say that they noticed a dip in the amount of munitions they were getting
in about late summer of last year. And they're now just completely outgunned. And they say the
problem isn't infantry. They don't mind that the Russians have got more people. It's a country of
140 million. What the problem is, it was Stalin who called artillery the god of war. And there's
more God on the Russian side than on the Ukrainian side. Artillery is the god of war. And there's more god on the Russian side than on the Ukrainian side.
Artillery is the god of war. What about manpower? Because Russia's got an advantage there too,
right? There's the numerical advantage, of course, that they've got more people. They've got about 300,000 plus soldiers in the Ukrainian theater, which is a huge army. Look, this is the biggest
war in Europe, my content, since 1945.
And actually, it quite looks like the Second World War for much of the time.
These tank assaults we keep on seeing.
I've rarely listened to Stalingrad or the Soviet push for Berlin.
So they've got more, but it's not just that.
It's also the fact that the Russians are prepared to squander lives
in the way the Ukrainians are not.
And their commanders, Ukrainian commanders,
they don't send them in on impossible missions,
whereas Russian officers will send 15 guys
to their certain deaths across an icy field
just to try and expose the Ukrainian firing position,
knowing that they won't come back,
knowing that they won't break through, just fodder.
And there's a word in Russian, they call them meat assaults.
Meat assaults.
And we've seen meat assaults throughout, and they continue.
They continue.
It's as if there is no level of pain and loss,
which is too high for the Russian state.
Meat war, you know, when they push a lot of people to kill, that we kill them. But it's their tactic,
it's their strategy, and sometimes it works for Russian army, you know.
How does the Ukrainian public feel about this conflict at this point?
I mean, everybody's exhausted. I mean, I'm in Kiev every month. I'll do a long stint there, then take a break,
and then go back again.
And last year, my Ukrainian friends,
they all knew someone who was fighting.
Now they all know someone who's been killed.
I was sitting in a restaurant in December
and got chatting to a guy,
and he said, 10 of my friends have been killed.
10 of my friends have been killed.
And that's the problem.
I mean, Kiev superficially
looks like any successful European city.
I mean, it's, Sean, it's rather beautiful.
There are Art Deco buildings.
There are golden couplers.
There are cobbled streets that twist up and down.
There's great coffee, by the way, and good pizza.
You know, it's not some dreary Soviet bag water.
I mean, it's a lively European city.
It's a Berlin or a Prague.
But under the surface, everybody is hurting
because a brother or a husband or a cousin
or a guy you played football with, you know, have been killed.
And meanwhile, Kiev is being hit by...
It's being bombarded.
There's a massive Russian air assault most nights.
We just saw one in the last 24 hours
with six cities being hit by ballistic missiles,
hypersonic missiles, by everything missiles.
Part of the problem is people are just very tired.
I mean, I've been there.
When this happens, your phone vibrates,
you get an air alarm signal,
and then nothing happens for a bit.
And then you hear Ukrainian air defense engaging, and then nothing happens for a bit. And
then you hear Ukrainian air defense engaging, there are flashes in the sky, booms. It's all
very apocalyptic. And then when finally you get the all clear at about 4, 4.30 in the morning,
you're so wired, you're buzzing, you can't sleep. Because how can you sleep after that? Your body
just won't switch off. And then repeat, repeat, repeat.
But there is a degree of bewilderment
along the lines of what happened to the party of Ronald Reagan.
Right?
The party that in the 1980s
faced down the mighty Soviet empire
and basically, you could argue, won the Cold War.
I urge you to beware the temptation of pride,
the temptation of blithely
declaring yourselves above it all and label both sides equally at fault.
To ignore the facts of history and the aggressive impulses of an evil empire.
To simply call the arms race a giant misunderstanding.
And thereby remove yourself from the struggle between right and wrong and good and evil.
Is now seems to think that Putin is a good guy when it's clear to everybody, pretty much
everyone of sane mind that he is a murderous psychopath whose armies plunder, rape, destroy,
kill, enslave, abduct children, actually, and take them back to Russia to be made into
good Russians.
The Kremlin wants to basically exhaust the Ukrainian civilian population
to kill them where it can, to destroy energy infrastructure,
to make people freeze and immiserate them,
to basically break Ukrainian will.
And Putin thinks he's got time on his side.
And meanwhile, he's looking eagerly to the US,
to possible political developments there, which he thinks could well turn out to be favorable to him.
Luke Harding, he's The Guardian's senior international correspondent and the author of Invasion, the Inside Story of Russia's Bloody War
and Ukraine's Fight for Survival. When we're back on Today Explained,
how and why Congress might be ghosting Ukraine right now. Thank you. their digital picture frames. They were named the number one digital photo frame by Wirecutter.
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It's Ukraine Explained.
My name is Andrew Desiderio.
I'm a senior congressional reporter for Punchbowl News.
And you know a little bit about this funding battle for the Ukraine war in Congress?
A little bit, yeah.
It's been my whole life for the past few months.
Will Ukraine get the money?
And if not, why not? Well, look, it's an open
question at this point. Congress has tried many times over the last, I don't know, 12 months or so
to get more money to Ukraine, more funding authorities for the president to transfer
weapons from U.S. stockpiles. And at least three times they have failed to do so. And what's basically happened
is each time they have been thwarted by the House Republicans. But right now, the big sort of hang
up is that Republicans are demanding that any future aid for Ukraine be attached to legislation
that imposes policy changes for the U.S.-Mexico border, which members of both parties agree is a problem
that should be addressed for sure. Where Democrats differ from Republicans on this is they don't
believe that it should be tied to what is viewed as emergency spending for Ukraine, for Israel,
and for Taiwan. Okay, a lot to process there. You got Ukraine funding, you've got border funding,
you've got Taiwan, you've got Israel. Let's just focus on
how it is that funding for the war in Ukraine got tied to the southern border. Can you help us wrap
our heads around that? Yeah, so, you know, a lot of progressives are frustrated with the White House
right now because back in August, they actually included additional funding resources to help
manage the crisis at the border as part of their
request for money for Ukraine, Israel, and the Indo-Pacific. And the thinking at the time was
that this would be a way to sort of sweeten the deal for Republicans. It ended up backfiring and
doing the exact opposite. Republicans saw that the White House asked for it and said, well,
you're asking for it, so let's negotiate.
And what they did was they made a series of demands surrounding border security, policy changes, restrictions on the ability to seek asylum, restrictions on the ability of the administration to parole migrants who are processed into the United States from the southern border. We delivered common sense legislation that will secure our border,
but it's been sitting on Chuck Schumer's desk for seven months. House Resolution 2 was our bill,
and the time to act on it is yesterday. And that is the standoff we're currently in right now,
because this is really the third rail of American politics. And the thinking is,
if you're tying Ukraine aid to one of the most contentious, difficult issues Congress has ever had to address, then that doesn't fare well for Ukraine aid.
And that has unfortunately borne out to be true.
Which is to say that the Biden administration, whom we spoke with when they made this decision, miscalculated by tying border funding to the war in Ukraine.
That is what a lot of progressives think.
They think it gave Republicans an opening to demand these border policy changes
as part of this supplemental funding request because, well, in their view,
the White House put it on the table, so we're going to negotiate around that, right?
So, you know, you have Democrats and the White House kind of throwing
shade at Republicans for tying these two issues together. Extreme Republicans are playing chicken
with our national security. Holding Ukraine's funding hostages are extreme partisan border
policies. But then Republicans are coming back at them and saying, whoa, whoa, whoa, we didn't tie
them together. You tied them together. And they're technically correct when they say that. Putting all the politics aside and, you know, the gamesmanship, what do Republicans actually
think about this war in Ukraine? Are there Republicans who wouldn't support it even if
it hadn't been tied to border funding? That's exactly the case. So you have Republicans like
Mitch McConnell, who are the more traditional neoconservative hawkish Republicans who are going to support Ukraine no matter what.
They're going to be tied to the hip with Democrats, with President Biden on that issue, as they have been.
Continuing our support for Ukraine is morally right. But it's not only that. It's also a direct investment in cold, hard American interests. And then you have a very
significant contingent, especially in the House, and a growing group at that, that will not support
Ukraine aid no matter what it's tied to. I mean, you could tie, you know, every border restriction
under the sun that Stephen Miller and Donald Trump would love to have as part of this to Ukraine aid,
and they still would not
vote for it because of the Ukraine aid portion. They want to add a $100 billion supplemental,
of which $60 billion will go to Ukraine. So that is the way.
Why is it that some Republicans are so staunchly against funding this war?
Well, that's a very complicated question. I would say that the influence of Donald
Trump is definitely the biggest thing here. Donald Trump, his whole foreign policy ethos was America
first. This idea that we shouldn't be involved in foreign wars that don't have a direct bearing
on the lives of Americans. It's more sort of non-interventionist, isolationist, if you want to call it. And the issue of Ukraine has become so politically charged in the United States ever since Donald Trump was impeached the first time for his phone call with Ukrainian President Zelensky, in which he threatened to basically cut off U.S. aid to Ukraine unless they started an investigation into Joe Biden and his son Hunter. The White House has just released a transcript of President Trump's July 25th phone call
with Ukraine's president.
So after that exchange about U.S. help to Ukraine,
Trump then says, I would like you to do us a favor.
A whistleblower report related to that phone call led House Speaker Nancy Pelosi
to open a formal impeachment inquiry.
And at the time, that got a lot of Republicans angry at the idea that, led House Speaker Nancy Pelosi to open a formal impeachment inquiry.
And at the time, that got a lot of Republicans angry at the idea that,
oh, Donald Trump is being targeted for this stuff, right? And it made Ukraine a political issue and an issue that the Republican base in particular
latched onto and said, hey, well, look at all this corruption in Ukraine.
Donald Trump was right to do this.
And so when this
issue comes up where they're, you know, basically under full scale assault by the Russian army,
you have Republicans who are thinking back to that episode and saying, huh,
is it really worth us giving, you know, billions of dollars and a lot of our weapons to Ukraine
to help them fight the Russians? Infrastructure minister arrested for stealing $400,000.
Deputy head of Zelensky's office can't explain where the sports cars came from so he had to resign
but i think the main sort of reason why this has become so difficult for the republican party is
is politics and you know i talked to a republican senator a few weeks ago who is in the mcconnell
crowd a very supportive of ukraine and i asked him said, what do you think it is that, you know,
ever since the war started, there's been this steep decline of support for Ukraine
among members of your party?
And the senator said to me, you know,
I have tried to get an intellectually honest answer out of the anti-Ukraine crowd
as to why they don't support sending more money to Ukraine.
I have not found one apart from domestic politics.
And that is really what it boils down to, is that Ukraine has become almost a domestic political
issue in the United States, especially for people who are aligned with Donald Trump and people who
have been the staunchest apologists for him, really, ever since he first came into office.
Which is to say, in, what is it, 10 months, 11 months, when there is an election,
if Joe Biden loses to the former president, that might be the end of Ukraine funding forever.
Yeah, I think it's fair to say that. And a lot of Democrats at the last midterm elections were warning that if Republicans took the House, which they did, that could be the end of Ukraine funding forever.
And of course, Congress has not passed new Ukraine funding ever since the lame duck period right after that election.
Even when it's been led by someone like Mitch McConnell, it's been a failure of an effort.
You know, frankly, one of the arguments that Mitch McConnell makes, which I think is one of the strongest arguments in favor of Ukraine aid, is that America is not sending any troops,
we're not spilling any blood to help the Ukrainians, and we are helping them
degrade the Russian army. I mean, that is on its own a serious investment, a worthwhile investment
in our national security. So, you know, to people like Mitch McConnell, this is a no-brainer of an
issue. But in the Republican Party today, with Donald Trump's influence the way it is,
that is no longer the case. Andrew Desiderio reports on Congress for Punchbowl.
Find his work at punchbowl.news.
Our program today was produced by Victoria Chamberlain and Isabel Angel.
We were edited by Amina Alsadi, fact-checked by Laura Bullard, and mixed by Patrick Boyd.
It's Today Explained.
I don't know what will will do when this is over.
I really hope that I can continue my own business.
I hope, I really hope that I am alive.
I will be alive. I really hope.
And I talk to God, talk to God to support me
in different way and I really want to be alive. ΒΆΒΆ Thank you.