Today, Explained - The Supreme Court is back and “even more consequential”
Episode Date: October 3, 2022According to Vox’s Ian Millhiser (and no, he hasn’t forgotten they just overturned Roe). This episode was produced by Siona Peterous, edited by Amina Al-Sadi, fact-checked by Victoria Chamberlin a...nd Laura Bullard with help from Miles Bryan, engineered by Paul Robert Mounsey and Efim Shapiro, and hosted by Sean Rameswaram. Transcript at vox.com/todayexplained Support Today, Explained by making a financial contribution to Vox! bit.ly/givepodcasts Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
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The Supreme Court is back in session.
And Vox's Supreme Court correspondent Ian Millhiser says this session has the potential to be even more consequential than the last one.
But I'm all, really Ian? Do you remember the last Supreme Court session?
Women are not free anywhere. Women are not free. This ruling was illegitimate. It must not be accepted.
And people in this country need to stand up now.
Unfortunately, it's out there.
Unfortunately, it's out there.
Unfortunately, it's out there.
The one where they overturned Roe v. Wade.
The one where they severely restricted the EPA.
The one where they said people can bring their guns almost anywhere.
This session could be more
consequential than that one?
And he was all,
yup, yeah, exactly.
That's coming up
on Today Explained.
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You're listening to Today Explains. Is it Today Explain or Today Explains?
Explain-da.
Explain-da.
Ian Millhiser, true or false, you have a piece up on Vox.com right now arguing that the Supreme Court's new term could be even more consequential than its last.
I do. This is a truth. This is a truth. How on earth could that be, Ian? Supreme Court's new term could be even more consequential than its last.
I do.
This is the truth.
This is the truth.
How on earth could that be, Ian?
What are they going to undo now, like Bush v. Gore?
I mean, these guys are just getting started.
You know, they've got lifetime appointments. I think that last term was when they were checking off a lot of the issues that they viewed as really high priority.
This term, they could potentially go after democracy. And without the right to vote, without the right to
choose your own leaders, you don't have anything. You know, you can't keep the right not to face
discrimination if you can't keep electing lawmakers who believe in anti-discrimination.
So this is potentially the ballgame. They are taking these massive democracy cases this term. And at least
in the worst case scenario for this term, I think you could wind up with a nation where it will be
very, very hard for the public to choose their own leaders. Okay, you make a compelling argument.
I'm not fully convinced yet, because unlike you, I don't know what's coming up this term
on the docket. Let's talk about it. Which
cases could threaten American democracy? So the case that keeps me up at night is a case called
Moore v. Harper. When I originally wrote up this case, I described it as the biggest threat to U.S.
democracy since the January 6th attack. It deals with something called the independent state legislature doctrine,
which is a terrible phrase that no one can remember.
The independent state legislature doctrine.
Yes, it just rolls off the tongue.
Maybe not as tip of the tongue as abortion.
Exactly.
So the Constitution says that the rules for federal elections, for congressional elections, for presidential elections shall be set by state legislatures.
And the question is, what does the word legislature mean?
The Supreme Court's answered that question.
They've answered that question many times over the course of the last more than 100 years.
And what they've said is that the legislature in this context means whoever has the legislative power, which is the power to make laws.
So in some states, you can make a law through a ballot initiative.
And if the state wants to make an election law through a ballot initiative, that's fine.
In some states, the governor can veto laws.
And if the governor vetoes an election law, that's fine.
That's how the rules have always worked. The state constitution
might say that there's a right to vote protected by the state constitution or right to be free of
gerrymandering protected by the state constitution. State Supreme Court can enforce that. That's fine.
That is how things have always worked. That's the status quo right now in America.
That is the status quo. What this case wants to do is it wants to essentially eliminate the separation of powers
in every state and concentrate all the power over elections into the House and Senate in that state.
Take a state like North Carolina. There's a big fight about gerrymandering going on in North
Carolina. You've got a Republican state legislature. You've got a Democratic Supreme Court.
So right now, the Democratic Supreme Court can prevent that Republican state legislature from
drawing egregiously gerrymandered maps. What this case wants to say is, nope, the state Supreme
Court isn't allowed to enforce the state constitution, whatever that Republican legislature wants, that's fine. So if you accept the theory in this case,
it would mean that, say, the Republican legislature in Wisconsin, in Pennsylvania,
in Michigan, in Arizona could write a law saying this state's electoral votes shall go to Donald
Trump. And there would be absolutely nothing anyone could
do about it. And if you have those four states lined up in the Republican column, it's basically
impossible for a Democrat to win the presidency. Now, we should point out that on its face,
having state legislatures control elections could sound Democratic to some because the people vote for the state legislature.
But you're saying because state legislatures are so gerrymandered at this point, it is anti-democratic.
Well, what I'm saying is that in most states, the way that the lawmaking process works is the same way it works at the federal level.
You have the state house, the state senate, they pass a bill.
The governor can veto the bill. And then if the they pass a bill, the governor can veto the bill.
And then if the governor signs the bill, it can't violate the constitution. So if the state
constitution says there's a right to vote, the state constitution says there's a right to be
free of gerrymandering, or if the state constitution for that matter says there will be an election
to determine who wins the electoral votes. The way things work now is that that state constitution wins. Like,
you know, the legislature can't pass a bill that violates the state constitution.
This case potentially eliminates every single voting rights protection in every state constitution
throughout the country. And like I said, in the worst case scenario, it could allow a world where,
say, Michigan's Republican legislature says, well, we think our guy could lose, so we're just going to give him our electoral votes.
What's the story behind this case?
Why is anyone lobbying for this to begin with?
The weird story here is that this comes out of Bush v. Gore.
Huh.
An important win for Vice President Al Gore.
NBC News projects that he wins the 25 electoral votes in the state of Florida.
In Bush v. Gore, there was a recount of Florida's racism.
The networks give us, the networks take it away. NBC News is now taking Florida out of Vice President Gore's column.
Bush was on top. So Bush wanted the recount to stop because when you're on top, you don't want anything to happen to change it.
Right.
Gore wanted some counties to be recounted. There was a big fight over it. There was a state Supreme Court fight.
We still do not know the outcome of yesterday's vote. And I realize that this is an extraordinary moment for our democracy. The election was close, but tonight after a count,
a recount, and yet another manual recount, Secretary Cheney and I are honored and humbled
to have won the state of Florida. And one of the arguments that Bush's legal team made,
a team I will note that included Chief Justice Roberts and Justices Brett Kavanaugh and Amy
Coney Barrett. Wow. Dream team.
Yeah, exactly.
One of the arguments that they made was that the Florida Supreme Court isn't allowed to hand down decisions that benefit Al Gore
because the Florida Supreme Court isn't the state legislature and only the state legislature is able to decide how elections are run. Justice Kennedy, the Constitution specifically vested the authority
to determine the manner of the appointment of the electors in state legislatures.
First of all, that's incoherent because sometimes, you know, laws are ambiguous or isn't clear how to
read a law or how it should apply to a particular party. And you need someone to tell you who it
applies to. That body is the state Supreme Court. That's what state
Supreme Courts are there for. But this was an argument that came out of Bush v. Gore. Several
of the current justices were part of that team. And this terrible argument they came up for this
individual moment in history now has a lot of support on the Supreme Court because it was
something that the Republican Party cared a lot about in 2000.
Four members of the court have endorsed this theory. Oddly enough, Amy Coney Barrett,
because she hasn't been on the court very long, hasn't yet endorsed it as a justice.
So basically, the hopes for democracy hang on Amy Coney Barrett,
this former member of George W. Bush's legal team.
More with Fox's Supreme Court correspondent Ian Millhiser in a minute.
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oh yeah oh yeah oh yeah I am, I am.
Take notice.
That's a deep.
Explained.
Today, explained back with Ian Millhiser, who writes about the Supreme Court here at Vox.
He admitted that an upcoming case called Moore v. Harper keeps him up at night.
But that isn't the only one this term that could reshape American democracy.
So the other it's called Merrill v. Milligan. This is a case about Alabama's congressional map in Alabama, about 27 percent of state is African-American, according to the most recent
census numbers. But the state drew a map where blacks will only be represented by 14 percent of the congressional delegation. So black Alabamans will have about half as much representation as you would expect.
Sounds like some some classic gerrymandering.
It looks pretty hinky. And a panel that included two Trump judges said, yeah,
this is a racial gerrymander. You can't do this. Now, Alabama does have some factual arguments
dealing with how close the black residents of Alabama live together. Like they do have some
plausible arguments they could make in this case that they could say, well, under existing law,
this this doesn't qualify as a
racial gerrymander. But in their brief, like, that's not the thrust of their argument. Their
thrust of the argument is, no, we should destroy the provisions of the Voting Rights Act, which
prevent racial gerrymanders. And bear in mind as well that the Supreme Court has already said in
a case called Rucho that the federal courts may do nothing about partisan gerrymandering. For these reasons and others set forth in our opinion, we conclude
that partisan gerrymandering claims present political questions beyond the reach of the
federal courts. If they'll also do nothing about racial gerrymanders, then that means that there's
just no safeguards against gerrymandering.
And the Voting Rights Act has already been somewhat neutered.
Yeah, there's been three big decisions, Shelby County, Abbott v. Perez, and Brnovich v. DNC,
all of which have taken extraordinarily deep cuts.
Shelby County deactivated what's called the preclearance regime. This is the regime where states with a history of racism had to get their voting rules basically spot checked by officials in Washington, D.C. to make sure they didn't engage in any kind of race discrimination.
That is pretty much gone after Shelby County. Any racial discrimination in voting is too much.
But our country has changed in the
past 50 years, and therefore we have no choice but to find that it violates the Constitution.
The court has weakened the safeguards against voting laws that are enacted with racist intent.
In the Abbott case, in the Brnovich case, they eliminated many of the protections
against laws which have racist effects.
I think the key conceptual point here to understand is that Arizona has not denied anyone any voting opportunity of any kind.
When an eligible voter casts a ballot and that ballot is discarded rather than counted, that voter has been denied the right to vote.
This lawsuit seeks to go after the interpretation of the Voting Rights Act,
that it prevents racial gerrymanders. And at some point,
we don't really have any safeguards against racism in our elections at all.
Ian, we've talked about the cases that could fundamentally alter our democracy, there's also some big cases on
the docket that you write about in your piece that will affect policy. In my piece, I wrote about
nine cases. And so we probably don't have time to go into all nine of them. But like,
that gives you a sense of how ambitious the court is thinking this term.
So let's do a quick lightning round.
Today, the Supreme Court heard oral arguments in a case called Sackett v. EPA. This is a case about essentially whether the federal law prohibiting water pollution applies to certain
wetlands, creeks, streams, drainage ditches, things that run into major bodies of water,
but aren't necessarily themselves major bodies of water.
And obviously, if I dump a bunch of poison into a stream that runs into a river that supplies a city's water supply, I don't think I need to explain to folks why that's bad.
There's a case called Holland v. Brackett. This is a big, big case dealing with indigenous culture and whether or not federal government is allowed to take certain steps to rectify the cultural genocide that's been directed towards native cultures in the United States in the past.
There is the latest volume in this seemingly ongoing saga about whether or not religious conservatives are exempt from walls prohibiting
discrimination against LGBT people. This case involves a website designer. It's technically
a free speech case. They are claiming that they have a right to produce wedding websites
only for straight couples and not for same sex couples. You don't need that gay crap. There is a case called United States v. Texas.
This is about whether or not the Biden administration
has effective command and control over ICE,
the Immigration Enforcement Agency.
And then there's this case that really keeps me up at night.
Every civil rights lawyer I know is freaking out about it,
called Health and Hospital Corporation of Marion County
via Tlebsky. So there's all sorts of federal welfare programs, the most important of which
is Medicaid, that essentially say, like, states, if you want to run a health care program for poor
people, the federal government will give you a ton of money to do it with. But if they take the
money, there are certain rules. You know, certain people have to be covered. There has to be a certain quality of care in facilities that take Medicaid.
This lawsuit could potentially render the law saying that nursing homes aren't allowed to drug your mother or father, along with huge swaths of other laws, unenforceable.
So it's a really big deal. Two cases, actually, I think a lot of people are paying close attention to are a case out of Harvard and a case out of the University of North Carolina that seek to eliminate affirmative action in college admissions.
I think we've maybe spoken about some of these on the show before.
Yeah, so this is students for fair admission v. Harvard and students for fair admission v. Harvard and Students for Fair Admission v. UNC. And first of all, this group, Students for
Fair Admission, is mostly a front group for a rich white guy named Ed Bloom. Like, you know,
he's the big force behind these organizations. He would tell you, my goal was through the courts to restore the original vision of the civil rights movement.
And that vision, as I grew up with it, was that your race and your ethnicity should not be a factor that is used to help you in some way or to harm you in some way.
But there's a pattern. He has funded two lawsuits going after the Voting Rights Act. This is the second lawsuit that he's funded going after affirmative action in universities. predominantly Latino immigrant communities in Texas and to increase the power of white communities
in the Congress and the state legislature. So like the pattern when you look at the sorts of
cases that he backs is pretty clear. And if I remember correctly, he's using Asian American
students here to make the case that they're being discriminated against by affirmative
action? That's right. It's especially true in the Harvard case. Based on my understanding,
I think the fact that I'm Asian American plays a pretty big factor into why I was rejected.
If you are the most spectacular high school student on the planet, you have a chance of
getting into Harvard. They receive so many applications that they have
to sort people somehow. And what the Supreme Court said in the Grutter case, this is a case from 2003,
is the educational benefits that flow from student body diversity are substantiated by
numerous expert studies and reports showing that such diversity promotes learning and better prepares
students for an increasingly heterogeneous workforce, for responsible citizenship,
and for the legal profession. And so at Harvard, like, no one's getting into Harvard who isn't
qualified. No one's getting in who doesn't have spectacular qualifications. But if they've got one seat left and it comes down between a white applicant and a black applicant or often comes down between an Asian applicant and a Latino applicant, if, you know, white people are more represented in the in the admitted students than black people are, or if Asian people are more represented than Latinos are, Harvard will
sometimes say, well, let's give it to the students who will add more racial diversity to this
incoming class. That's something they're allowed to do under Grutter. What these cases, the Harvard
and UNC case, ask the Supreme Court to do is essentially overrule Grutter. So if the Supreme
Court undoes affirmative action in college admissions,
does that have some standing on like affirmative action writ large in the United States?
I mean, the answer is probably, you know, this case doesn't ask the question, you know,
can an employer decide that they want to take steps for a more diverse workplace?
But the Republican Party's position, you know, the position of conservative judges for as far back as I can remember on issues of affirmative action has has been like the so-called colorblind theory.
You know, you know, the notion that a law that gives an advantage to a minority is just as bad as a law that gives an advantage to a white person.
And they all must be struck down.
So I think it's very unlikely that the Supreme Court's going to stop at university admission.
Okay, so a range of issues coming up on this docket.
Water pollution, freedom of religion, Native Americans, Medicaid, a lot of stuff.
But what occurs to me, Ian, is with the Dobbs decision,
what made it so hard to swallow for most of the country was the fact that the Supreme Court is now wildly out of step with most of the country.
Where does most of the country land on Medicaid or affirmative action, for example?
I mean, I wonder if these issues even have as much polling as we certainly do on abortion.
So the short answer is it depends a lot on, you know, on the particular issues.
I think on most of these issues, left-leaning people have an advantage in popularity.
On some of them, particularly affirmative action, I think that right people have an
advantage.
But the Supreme Court has fairly consistently shown, I mean, we saw this in the Dobbs, with
the Dobbs decision last term,
they were very explicit about this, that they don't care about public opinion. They, you know,
and if they behave the way that they did in the last term, they will hand down consistently
conservative decision after conservative decision, regardless of whether those decisions are very
unpopular. I guess this is what makes it kind of hard to determine whether
this term will be more consequential than the last, because in the last term, you had this
blatant disregard of public opinion on gun control, on abortion, of course. And here,
it almost feels like you could have this more insidious creep on democracy and this host of policies
that you just told us about. And I don't know, to me, it feels like people might not notice as much
because these aren't the big ticket items. This isn't abortion and this isn't the Second Amendment.
Yeah, no, I think that's a good point. I mean, when Roe v. Wade was struck down, like almost
the next day, people were being impacted by it in very dramatic ways.
I mean, you did have clinics the same day, which suddenly had to stop performing abortions.
If the Supreme Court abolishes democracy, like the next day, Joe Biden is still going to be president.
He's still going to get to fill out his term.
You know, no matter what happens in Morvey Harper, there will still be something that looks like an election in 2024. The question is
whether that election follows the sorts of rules where it is possible for either party to win,
whether it is a fair election or whether you have a system that, you know, is increasingly
more and more rigged so that only one party can prevail.
The court has called the right to vote preservative of all rights.
You know, if you can't choose the people who make the laws, then it doesn't matter what constitutional rights that you have.
It doesn't matter what statutory rights you have because you're going to be governed by people who don't have your best interests in mind.
The takeaway I want to leave folks with is that the potential is here
to fundamentally alter the relationship between every American and their own government.
Ian Millhiser, you can read much more from him about the court at Vox.com.
Our program today was produced by Siona Petros, edited by Amina Alsadi,
engineered by Afim Shapiro and Paul Robert Mounsey,
and fact-checked by Victoria Chamberlain and Laura Bullard.
I'm Sean Ramos-Virham. This is Today Explained.