Today, Explained - Why Russia sent its janky version of NATO to Kazakhstan
Episode Date: January 13, 2022The speedy arrival of CSTO troops in Kazakhstan is unprecedented in the 30-year history of the Russia-backed regional security alliance. Today’s show was produced by Victoria Chamberlin, edited by M...att Collette and Noel King, engineered by Efim Shapiro, fact-checked by Laura Bullard and hosted by Sean Rameswaram. Transcript at vox.com/todayexplained Support Today, Explained by making a financial contribution to Vox! bit.ly/givepodcasts Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
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All this week, heavy hitters from the United States and Russian governments have been meeting in Geneva to talk through their many differences on Ukraine.
We talked about Ukraine on the show a week ago with Amy McKinnon.
She's a reporter at Foreign Policy.
A key sticking point in Russia's relationship with both Europe and the United States since the collapse of the Soviet Union has been the question of NATO expansion. Ukraine wants to join NATO. Vladimir Putin
doesn't want them to. And just to underscore the point, he sent about 100,000 of his troops
to the Russia-Ukraine border. Lots of troops. Big story. Lots of people upset. Meanwhile,
a Russia-led alliance recently sent a far smaller number of troops to the oil-rich Central Asian nation of Kazakhstan.
It has spent 2022 in turmoil.
And while it's not getting nearly as much attention for people who watch the region, it is a really big deal.
Amy McKinnon from Foreign Policy is one of them.
We started with the turmoil. This whole thing began in southwest Kazakhstan as protests against a decision to lift a cap
on fuel prices. The year has gotten off to a very bad start in Kazakhstan. It began with a sudden
and steep increase in the cost of fuel, sparking deadly protests. For a long time, liquefied
petroleum gas has been subject to a cap, which kept prices low.
But on January 1st, they essentially lifted that cap.
All of a sudden, overnight making fuel prices subject to the whims of the market.
This caused prices to almost double in some parts of the country.
And so in Western Kazakhstan, people came out to the streets to protest these rises in fuel prices. But these protests quickly spiraled and were able to tap into a whole basket, a whole range of both political and socioeconomic grievances across Kazakhstan against corruption, against inequality, regional issues, the country's authoritarian rule.
This is a country which has been ruled for three decades now since the collapse of the Soviet Union with a very iron fist.
And these just all kind of converged in early January as protests spread across the country.
Thousands of Kazakhs filled the streets of the capital, Almaty, attacking government buildings and demanding an end to over three decades of oppressive one-party rule.
And who's out in the streets protesting?
It's been hard to get a good steady stream of accurate information coming out of Kazakhstan
because very quickly as these protests escalated, the government shut off the internet in huge
parts of the country. Foreign journalists were prevented from getting in. There of course were
many local, very brave Kazakh journalists working amidst all of this uh and then of course it's um
it's difficult to take what the government says on face value it's an authoritarian regime and
they have their own kind of particular agenda and spin to all of this so it does appear that
what began as a genuine protest at socio-economic grievances, was kind of hijacked, and particularly in Almaty,
which is the biggest city in Kazakhstan,
hijacked and turned violent by the intervention of criminal gangs,
some of whom have been reported to have connections
with the family of the former president, Nursultan Nazarbayev,
turning these protests violent.
And that has been seen by a lot of Kazakh analysts as an indication that behind the
scenes that some actors may, as part of an ongoing political power struggle, may have
sought to capitalize on these protests and tilt them in a more violent direction.
And how does the government respond?
The government responds actually by negotiating
with protesters in Western Kazakhstan, by agreeing to reimpose the cap on fuel prices.
But when protests turned violent in Almaty, you know, police officers were killed. There
were some horrific reports of police officers being beheaded amidst the chaos. That's when
the government really starts to respond and to crack down. The president gave
the police the authority to open fire on protesters. Terrorists continue to damage state and
private property and use weapons against civilians. I have given the order to shoot, to kill without
warning. And something like 10,000 people have now been arrested. People have been killed amidst the violence. That's huge in such a short space of time in response to protests. Making these the point how many are dead. The government in Kazakhstan
picks up the phone and calls Russia for help. Russia, in turn, sends in some troops, but they
do it through this CSTO, which is the Collective Security Treaty Organization. Think of it as
Russia's NATO for now. So it was January 5th, so only three days after these protests began.
I mean, that is how quickly things really escalated.
President Tokayev turned to the CSTO, this collective security organization,
and asked for them to intervene.
He's claimed that there's tens of thousands of terrorists, in his words, of foreign-trained terrorists, and using that as a justification for calling in this external security organization.
I should say that whilst there's been reports of criminal gangs infiltrating the protests and kind of fueling the violence, I haven't seen any compelling evidence of foreign influence
fueling these protests. That has kind of become the regional authoritarian leaders,
kind of the dog ate my homework excuse for cracking down on dissent and civil society
as pointing to kind of shadowy foreign interference, which is fueling these protests.
Who shows up when they call in the CSTO?
The CSTO dispatched some two and a half thousand troops, mostly Russian troops,
but there was also some from other members of the alliance, so from Belarus, Kyrgyzstan,
Armenia. And they're dispatched to protect government buildings, to protect the oil
industry.
So they don't exactly hit the streets to quell these protests?
They don't hit the streets.
Amidst the violence in Almaty, government buildings were set on fire,
protesters stormed the airport.
And so the CSTO troops were mostly deployed to these kind of points of critical infrastructure.
The violent crackdown on protesters appears to have really been led by the security forces within Kazakhstan. And the CSTO
troops were really just brought in as kind of the heft on the sidelines to protect these institutions.
That being said, how often does something like this happen? How often is the CSTO called upon
to enter a nation and secure government facilities or something like that?
As far as I'm aware, this is at least the third time in the CSTO's history
that a member has called upon an intervention.
This is the first time the alliance has responded.
In the past, they've always demurred, declined these requests.
And so the CSTO was kind of seen as a little bit of a paper tiger.
And so that's why it was such a shock to everybody who follows the region that they responded.
And they responded so quickly.
I mean, they were on the ground, I think, within 24 hours of the request being made. More with Amy in a minute. Thank you. management software designed to help you save time and put money back in your pocket.
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Amy, before we get into why the CSTO was called upon here in Kazakhstan and why they actually showed up this time.
What exactly is this organization? I mean, Russia's NATO seems like the shorthand,
but is that all it is? I think Russia would like to see it as Russia's NATO. NATO definitely doesn't view it as that. They have avoided any kind of dealings with the CSTO to avoid just
giving it any legitimacy. It has its roots in a collective
security treaty which was signed in 1992 shortly after the collapse of the Soviet Union between
several countries that made up the Soviet Union as a collective security pact and then this was
in 2002 kind of reconstituted into what we now know as the Collective Security Treaty Organization.
Right now, aside from Russia, it has five other members, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Central Asia, Armenia, Belarus, and of course, Kazakhstan.
And it has been compared to NATO because like NATO, the CSTO is based on a principle of
collective defense, right?
So an attack on one is an attack on all.
NATO has Article 5,
the CSTO has Article 4, which is basically the same. And that's what the president of Kazakhstan
invoked when he claimed that there was foreign terrorists who were behind this unrest
and asked that CSTO to intervene. And this is the first time the CSTO actually has intervened.
You mentioned that there were two other cases where requests
were made. What happened then? The sparks that set off these protests in Kyrgyzstan's capital
city, Bishkek, were corruption, poverty, and rising prices, including a 200% hike in electricity bills.
So in 2010, amidst unrest in Kyrgyzstan, the country's interim president then asked the CSTO to intervene
and they declined.
And it's not clear why.
It may have been because there was an element of inter-ethnic violence going on
and not wanting to wade into that.
And just last year, Armenia asked the CSTO to intervene
amidst a border dispute with Azerbaijan,
which was coming on the heels of the renewed conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh.
Fighting between Azerbaijan and Armenia over the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh
is in its ninth day.
Both sides have accused each other of attacking civilian areas,
and the casualties are going up.
And again, the CSTO declined to intervene.
Why? Do we know?
So Armenia asked for support from the CSTO amidst
these border incursions from Azerbaijan. And they thought about it and the alliance took a few
months to respond, but ultimately they declined to get involved. And the bloc secretary general
said late last year that it was essentially a border incident and that the alliance could only
be invoked in the case of an aggression or an attack,
which makes it all the more interesting that they have now decided to intervene in Kazakhstan.
And yet Kazakhstan calls on the CSTO in early January for these very internal sounding issues,
you know, protests over inequality and price hikes with fuel, and they show up. Do we have any idea why?
So there's two parts, I think, to that. The first is, why did Kazakhstan call on the CSTO? That may have been because, you know, it's not clear whether, you know, amidst this power struggle,
which is kind of brewing behind the scenes, whether President Dukhaev felt that he could
trust the military to actually come to his aid. You know, Kazakhstan does have its own army,
fairly formidable security forces. They have the means domestically to crack this down. And kind
of ultimately they did. As we know from previous examples of authoritarian regimes, the moment that
elites lose control of the security services, they're ousted from power pretty quickly. So he
may have had his own questions about that. And then, you know, there's the second part of that,
which is, well, why did the CSTO respond? And it's nominally a multi-nation grouping, but it's really,
you know, it's seen as doing, as led by Russia and doing Russia's bidding. And, you know, one thing
we know about the Kremlin's
foreign policy is that they are extremely opportunistic. You know, they're very good
at recognizing where there may be an opening to kind of tip things in their favor and to just
step back and give you a kind of sense of, well, what is Kazakhstan's role? Where does it sit in
the kind of broader structure of alliances in the region? Kazakhstan, like a lot of Central Asia,
has for a long time been very skillful at being on good terms with all of the major players in
the region, right? They've maintained good relationships with Russia, but also with China,
with India, with the West, with the United States. And there's been this kind of harmonious
balance. And so Russia may have seen an opening here to make themselves, you know, once you have essentially propped up a leader and kind of come to their aid in the midst of
mass unprecedented unrest, you know, you really have made yourself dispensable to that leader.
They may have seen an opening to position themselves closer to the Kazakh president,
closer to the Kazakh leadership. And so that then raises a lot of questions. Well,
what does Russia want in return, right? They don't do this out of benevolence.
Does that mean that we might be seeing them making appearances in Central Asia more often? we see from leaders throughout the region. President Alexander Lukashenko made similar
remarks in Belarus. And so if the CSTO is willing to take that on face value and intervene,
I mean, it's not hard to see how in another country in the region, in the midst of unrest,
a leader invokes those magic words of an external terrorist threat, whether, you know,
highly likely to be imagined. It's not
hard to imagine the CSTO potentially using the Kazakhstan model and repeating a similar
intervention. So it's going to be interesting to see how this pans out. And like, what sense do
we get of Russia's long game here? This is an advantageous favor they're doing Kazakhstan.
And then of course, simultaneously, they're amassing troops at the Ukrainian border.
They're telling the West that if Ukraine joins NATO, all hell's going to break loose.
I mean, what exactly is the game that Russia is playing right now?
Is it just trying to rebuild the Soviet Union, the Soviet bloc?
I think if you were to boil it down into one word
as to what the Russian strategy is here, it's influence.
What they have demanded, and they've been pretty vocal about this,
is they want influence over their neighbors.
You know, they do see the former Soviet Union,
the former communist bloc as their sphere of influence. Whenever they see an opportunity to
just kind of put their thumbs on the scale in a regional crisis to, you know, to gain some more
influence and leverage, even if just by a couple of inches, they're certainly very good at seeing
those openings and seizing upon them very quickly. Amy McKinnon, she's a reporter with Foreign Policy.
You can read her work at foreignpolicy.com.
We spoke with Amy Wednesday morning.
On Thursday morning, we got reports that the CSTO had begun withdrawing its troops from Kazakhstan.
Our show today was produced by Victoria Chamberlain, engineered by
Afim Shapiro, fact-checked by Laura Bullard,
and edited by Matthew Collette,
and Noelle King.
Hello! As you may have heard, Noelle's
our new co-host. You'll start hearing from her on the
regular beginning February 16th,
which will also be our
thousandth episode.
Mark your calendars. The rest of the team
includes Miles Bryan,
Will Reed, Heidi Mawagdi, Halima Shah, and Amin Al-Sadi, who's our supervising producer. Liz
Kelly Nelson is Vox's Veep of audio. We use music from Breakmaster Cylinder and Noam Hassenfeld,
too. We had extra engineering help this week from Paul Mounsey. I'm Sean Ramos for him.
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